The Project Gutenberg Etext of Plutarch's Lives, by A.H. Clough
Also known as "Parallel Lives", written in Greek ~100 A.D.
Includes 50 biographies, 23 Greek, 23 Roman, 2 others.


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Plutarch's Lives

Edited by A.H. Clough

October, 1996  [Etext #674]


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PLUTARCH'S LIVES

By A. H. Clough


CONTENTS

THESEUS

ROMULUS

COMPARISON OF ROMULUS WITH THESEUS

LYCURGUS

NUMA POMPILIUS

COMPARISON OF NUMA WITH LYCURGUS

SOLON

POPLICOLA

COMPARISON OF POPLICOLA WITH SOLON

THEMISTOCLES

CAMILLUS

PERICLES

FABIUS

COMPARISON OF PERICLES WITH FABIUS

ALCIBIADES

CORIOLANUS

COMPARISON OF ALCIBIADES WITH CORIOLANUS

TIMOLEON

AEMILIUS PAULUS

COMPARISON OF TIMOLEON WITH AEMILIUS PAULUS

PELOPIDAS

MARCELLUS

COMPARISION OF PELOPIDAS WITH MARCELLUS

ARISTIDES

MARCUS CATO

COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES WITH MARCUS CATO.

PHILOPOEMEN

FLAMININUS

COMPARISON OF PHILOPOEMEN WITH FLAMININUS

PYRRHUS

CAIUS MARIUS

LYSANDER

SYLLA

COMPARISON OF LYSANDER WITH SYLLA

CIMON

LUCULLUS

COMPARISON OF LUCULLUS WITH CIMON

NICIAS

CRASSUS

COMPARISON OF CRASSUS WITH NICIAS

SERTORIUS

EUMENES

COMPARISON OF SERTORIUS WITH EUMENES

AGESILAUS

POMPEY

COMPARISON OF POMPEY AND AGESILAUS

ALEXANDER

CAESAR

PHOCION

CATO THE YOUNGER

AGIS

CLEOMENES

TIBERIUS GRACCHUS

CAIUS GRACCHUS

COMPARISON OF TIBERIUS AND CAIUS GRACCHUS WITH AGIS AND CLEOMENES

DEMOSTHENES

CICERO

COMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO

DEMETRIUS

ANTONY

COMPARISON OF DEMETRIUS AND ANTONY

DION

MARCUS BRUTUS

COMPARISON OF DION AND BRUTUS

ARATUS

ARTAXERXES

GALBA

OTHO





THESEUS

  As geographers, Sosius, crowd into the edges of their maps parts of the
  world which they do not know about, adding notes in the margin to the
  effect, that beyond this lies nothing but sandy deserts full of wild
  beasts, unapproachable bogs, Scythian ice, or a frozen sea, so, in this
  work of mine, in which I have compared the lives of the greatest men
  with one another, after passing through those periods which probable
  reasoning can reach to and real history find a footing in, I might very
  well say of those that are farther off, Beyond this there is nothing but
  prodigies and fictions, the only inhabitants are the poets and inventors
  of fables; there is no credit, or certainty any farther.  Yet, after
  publishing an account of Lycurgus the lawgiver and Numa the king, I
  thought I might, not without reason, ascend as high as to Romulus, being
  brought by my history so near to his time.
  Considering therefore with myself

  Whom shall I set so great a man to face?
  Or whom oppose?  who's equal to the place?

  (as Aeschylus expresses it), I found none so fit as him that peopled the
  beautiful and far-famed city of Athens, to be set in opposition with the
  father of the invincible and renowned city of Rome.  Let us hope that
  Fable may, in what shall follow, so submit to the purifying processes of
  Reason as to take the character of exact history.  In any case, however,
  where it shall be found contumaciously slighting credibility, and
  refusing to be reduced to anything like probable fact, we shall beg
  that we may meet with candid readers, and such as will receive with
  indulgence the stories of antiquity.

  Theseus seemed to me to resemble Romulus in many particulars.  Both of
  them, born out of wedlock and of uncertain parentage, had the repute of
  being sprung from the gods.

  Both warriors; that by all the world's allowed.

  Both of them united with strength of body an equal vigor mind; and of
  the two most famous cities of the world the one built Rome, and the
  other made Athens be inhabited.  Both stand charged with the rape of
  women; neither of them could avoid domestic misfortunes nor jealousy at
  home; but towards the close of their lives are both of them said to have
  incurred great odium with their countrymen, if, that is, we may take the
  stories least like poetry as our guide to the truth.

  The lineage of Theseus, by his father's side, ascends as high as to
  Erechtheus and the first inhabitants of Attica.  By his mother's side he
  was descended of Pelops.  For Pelops was the most powerful of all the
  kings of Peloponnesus, not so much by the greatness of his riches as the
  multitude of his children, having married many daughters to chief men,
  and put many sons in places of command in the towns round about him.
  One of whom named Pittheus, grandfather to Theseus, was governor of the
  small city of the Troezenians, and had the repute of a man of the
  greatest knowledge and wisdom of his time; which then, it seems,
  consisted chiefly in grave maxims, such as the poet Hesiod got his great
  fame by, in his book of Works and Days.  And, indeed, among these is one
  that they ascribe to Pittheus,—

  Unto a friend suffice
  A stipulated price;

  which, also, Aristotle mentions.  And Euripides, by calling Hippolytus "
  scholar of the holy Pittheus," shows the opinion that the world had of
  him.

  Aegeus, being desirous of children, and consulting the oracle of Delphi,
  received the celebrated answer which forbade him the company of any
  woman before his return to Athens.  But the oracle being so obscure as
  not to satisfy him that he was clearly forbid this, he went to Troezen,
  and communicated to Pittheus the voice of the god,
  which was in this manner,—

  Loose not the wine-skin foot, thou chief of men,
  Until to Athens thou art come again.

  Pittheus, therefore, taking advantage from the obscurity of the oracle,
  prevailed upon him, it is uncertain whether by persuasion or deceit, to
  lie with his daughter Aethra.  Aegeus afterwards, knowing her whom he
  had lain with to be Pittheus's daughter, and suspecting her to be with
  child by him, left a sword and a pair of shoes, hiding them under a
  great stone that had a hollow in it exactly fitting them; and went away
  making her only privy to it, and commanding her, if she brought forth a
  son who, when he came to man's estate, should be able to lift up the
  stone and take away what he had left there, she should send him away to
  him with those things with all secrecy, and with injunctions to him as
  much as possible to conceal his journey from every one; for he greatly
  feared the Pallantidae, who were continually mutinying against him, and
  despised him for his want of children, they themselves being fifty
  brothers, all sons of Pallas.

  When Aethra was delivered of a son, some say that he was immediately
  named Theseus, from the tokens which his father had put  under the
  stone; others that he received his name afterwards at Athens, when
  Aegeus acknowledged him for his son.  He was brought up under his
  grandfather Pittheus, and had a tutor and attendant set over him named
  Connidas, to whom the Athenians, even to this time, the day before the
  feast that is dedicated to Theseus, sacrifice a ram, giving this honor
  to his memory upon much juster grounds than to Silanio and Parrhasius,
  for making pictures and statues of Theseus.  There being then a custom
  for the Grecian youth, upon their first coming to man's estate, to go to
  Delphi and offer first-fruits of their hair to the god, Theseus also
  went thither, and a place there to this day is yet named Thesea, as it
  is said, from him.  He clipped only the fore part of his head, as Homer
  says the Abantes did.%  And this sort of tonsure was from him named
  Theseis.  The Abantes first used it, not in imitation of the Arabians,
  as some imagine, nor of the Mysians, but because they were a warlike
  people, and used to close fighting, and above all other nations
  accustomed to engage hand to hand; as Archilochus testifies
  in these verses: —

  Slings shall not whirl, nor many arrows fly,
  When on the plain the battle joins; but swords,
  Man against man, the deadly conflict try,
  As is the practice of Euboea's lords
  Skilled with the spear.—

  Therefore that they might not give their enemies a hold by their hair,
  they cut it in this manner.  They write also that this was the reason
  why Alexander gave command to his captains that all the beards of the
  Macedonians should be shaved, as being the readiest hold for an enemy.

  Aethra for some time concealed the true parentage of Theseus, and a
  report was given out by Pittheus that he was begotten by Neptune; for
  the Troezenians pay Neptune the highest veneration.  He is their tutelar
  god, to him they offer all their first-fruits, and in his honor stamp
  their money with a trident.

  Theseus displaying not only great strength of body, but equal bravery,
  and a quickness alike and force of understanding, his mother Aethra,
  conducting him to the stone, and informing him who was his true father,
  commanded him to take from thence the tokens that Aegeus had left, and
  to sail to Athens.  He without any difficulty set himself to the stone
  and lifted it up; but refused to take his journey by sea, though it was
  much the safer way, and though his mother and grandfather begged him to
  do so.  For it was at that time very dangerous to go by land on the road
  to Athens, no part of it being free from robbers and murderers.  That
  age produced a sort of men, in force of hand, and swiftness of foot, and
  strength of body, excelling the ordinary rate, and wholly incapable of
  fatigue; making use, however, of these gifts of nature to no good or
  profitable purpose for mankind, but rejoicing and priding themselves in
  insolence, and taking the benefit of their superior strength in the
  exercise of inhumanity and cruelty, and in seizing, forcing, and
  committing all manner of outrages upon every thing that fell into their
  hands; all respect for others, all justice, they thought, all equity and
  humanity, though naturally lauded by common people, either out of want
  of courage to commit injuries or fear to receive them, yet no way
  concerned those who were strong enough to win for themselves.  Some of
  these, Hercules destroyed and cut off in his passage through these
  countries, but some, escaping his notice while he was passing by, fled
  and hid themselves, or else were spared by him in contempt of their
  abject submission; and after that Hercules fell into misfortune, and,
  having slain Iphitus, retired to Lydia, and for a long time was there
  slave to Omphale, a punishment which he had imposed upon himself for the
  murder, then, indeed, Lydia enjoyed high peace and security, but in
  Greece and the countries about it the like villanies again revived and
  broke out, there being none to repress or chastise them.  It was
  therefore a very hazardous journey to travel by land from Athens to
  Peloponnesus; and Pittheus, giving him an exact account of each of these
  robbers and villains, their strength, and the cruelty they used to all
  strangers, tried to persuade Theseus to go by sea.  But he, it seems,
  had long since been secretly fired by the glory of Hercules, held him in
  the highest estimation, and was never more satisfied than in listening
  to any that gave an account of him; especially those that had seen him,
  or had been present at any action or saying of his.  So that he was
  altogether in the same state of feeling as, in after ages, Themistocles
  was, when he said that he could not sleep for the trophy of Miltiades;
  entertaining such admiration for the virtue of Hercules, that in the
  night his dreams were all of that hero's actions.  and in the day a
  continual emulation stirred him up to perform the like.  Besides, they
  were related, being born of cousins-german.  For Aethra was daughter of
  Pittheus, and Alcmena of Lysidice; and Lysidice and Pittheus were brother
  and sister, children of Hippodamia and Pelops.  He thought it therefore a
  dishonorable thing, and not to be endured, that Hercules should go out
  everywhere, and purge both land and sea from wicked men, and he himself
  should fly from the like adventures that actually came in his way;
  disgracing his reputed father by a mean flight by sea, and not showing
  his true one as good evidence of the greatness of his birth by noble and
  worthy actions, as by the tokens that he brought with him,
  the shoes and the sword.

  With this mind and these thoughts, he set forward with a design to do
  injury to nobody, but to repel and revenge himself of all those that
  should offer any.  And first of all, in a set combat, he slew
  Periphetes, in the neighborhood of Epidaurus, who used a club for his
  arms, and from thence had the name of Corynetes, or the club-bearer; who
  seized upon him, and forbade him to go forward in his journey.  Being
  pleased with the club, he took it, and made it his weapon, continuing to
  use it as Hercules did the lion's skin, on whose shoulders that served
  to prove how huge a beast he had killed; and to the same end Theseus
  carried about him this club; overcome indeed by him,
  but now, in his hands, invincible.

  Passing on further towards the Isthmus of Peloponnesus, he slew Sinnis,
  often surnamed the Bender of Pines, after the same manner in which he
  himself had destroyed many others before.  And this he did without
  having either practiced or ever learnt the art of bending these trees,
  to show that natural strength is above all art.  This Sinnis had a
  daughter of remarkable beauty and stature, called Perigune, who, when
  her father was killed, fled, and was sought after everywhere by Theseus;
  and coming into a place overgrown with brushwood shrubs, and asparagus-
  thorn, there, in a childlike, innocent manner, prayed and begged them,
  as if they understood her, to give her shelter, with vows that if she
  escaped she would never cut them down nor burn them.  But Theseus
  calling upon her, and giving her his promise that he would use her with
  respect, and offer her no injury, she came forth, and in due time bore
  him a son, named Melanippus; but afterwards was married to Deioneus, the
  son of Eurytus, the Oechalian, Theseus himself giving her to him.
  Ioxus, the son of this Melanippus who was born to Theseus, accompanied
  Ornytus in the colony that he carried with him into Caria, whence it is
  a family usage amongst the people called Ioxids, both male and female,
  never to burn either shrubs or asparagus-thorn,
  but to respect and honor them.

  The Crommyonian sow, which they called Phaea, was a savage and
  formidable wild beast, by no means an enemy to be despised.  Theseus
  killed her, going out of his way on purpose to meet and engage her, so
  that he might not seem to perform all his great exploits out of mere
  necessity ; being also of opinion that it was the part of a brave man to
  chastise villainous and wicked men when attacked by them, but to seek
  out and overcome the more noble wild beasts.  Others relate that Phaea
  was a woman, a robber full of cruelty and lust, that lived in Crommyon,
  and had the name of Sow given her from the foulness of her life and
  manners, and afterwards was killed by Theseus.  He slew also Sciron,
  upon the borders of Megara, casting him down from the rocks, being, as
  most report, a notorious robber of all passengers, and, as others add,
  accustomed, out of insolence and wantonness, to stretch forth his feet
  to strangers, commanding them to wash them, and then while they did it,
  with a kick to send them down the rock into the sea.  The writers of
  Megara, however, in contradiction to the received report, and, as
  Simonides expresses it, "fighting with all antiquity," contend that
  Sciron was neither a robber nor doer of violence, but a punisher of all
  such, and the relative and friend of good and just men; for Aeacus, they
  say, was ever esteemed a man of the greatest sanctity of all the Greeks;
  and Cychreus, the Salaminian, was honored at Athens with divine worship;
  and the virtues of Peleus and Telamon were not unknown to any one.  Now
  Sciron was son-in-law to Cychreus, father-in-law to Aeacus, and
  grandfather to Peleus and Telamon, who were both of them sons of Endeis,
  the daughter of Sciron and Chariclo; it was not probable, therefore,
  that the best of men should make these alliances with one who was worst,
  giving and receiving mutually what was of greatest value and most dear
  to them.  Theseus, by their account, did not slay Sciron in his first
  journey to Athens, but afterwards, when he took Eleusis, a city of the
  Megarians, having circumvented Diocles, the governor.  Such are the
  contradictions in this story.  In Eleusis he killed Cercyon, the
  Arcadian, in a wrestling match.  And going on a little farther, in
  Erineus, he slew Damastes, otherwise called Procrustes, forcing his body
  to the size of his own bed, as he himself was used to do with all
  strangers; this he did in imitation of Hercules, who always returned
  upon his assailants the same sort of violence that they offered to him;
  sacrificed Busiris, killed Antaeus in wrestling, and Cycnus in single
  combat, and Termerus by breaking his skull in pieces (whence, they say,
  comes the proverb of "a Termerian mischief"), for it seems Termerus
  killed passengers that he met, by running with his head against them.
  And so also Theseus proceeded in the punishment of evil men, who
  underwent the same violence from him which they had inflicted upon
  others, justly suffering after the manner of their own injustice.

  As he went forward on his journey, and was come as far as the river
  Cephisus, some of the race of the Phytalidae met him and saluted him,
  and, upon his desire to use the purifications, then in custom, they
  performed them with all the usual ceremonies, and, having offered
  propitiatory sacrifices to the gods, invited him and entertained him at
  their house, a kindness which, in all his journey hitherto,
  he had not met.

  On the eighth day of Cronius, now called Hecatombaeon, he arrived at
  Athens, where he found the public affairs full of all confusion, and
  divided into parties and factions, Aegeus also, and his whole private
  family, laboring under the same distemper; for Medea, having fled from
  Corinth, and promised Aegeus to make him, by her art, capable of having
  children, was living with him.  She first was aware of Theseus, whom as
  yet Aegeus did not know, and he being in years, full of jealousies and
  suspicions, and fearing every thing by reason of the faction that was
  then in the city, she easily persuaded him to kill him by poison at a
  banquet, to which he was to be invited as a stranger.  He, coming to the
  entertainment, thought it not fit to discover himself at once, but,
  willing to give his father the occasion of first finding him out, the
  meat being on the table, he drew his sword as if he designed to cut with
  it; Aegeus, at once recognizing the token, threw down the cup of poison,
  and, questioning his son, embraced him, and, having gathered together
  all his citizens, owned him publicly before them, who, on their part,
  received him gladly for the fame of his greatness and bravery; and it is
  said, that when the cup fell, the poison was spilt there where now is
  the enclosed space in the Delphinium; for in that place stood Aegeus's
  house, and the figure of Mercury on the east side of the temple is
  called the Mercury of Aegeus's gate.

  The sons of Pallas, who before were quiet, upon expectation of
  recovering the kingdom after Aegeus's death, who was without issue, as
  soon as Theseus appeared and was acknowledged the successor, highly
  resenting that Aegeus first, an adopted son only of Pandion, and not at
  all related to the family of Erechtheus, should be holding the kingdom,
  and that after him, Theseus, a visitor and stranger, should be destined
  to succeed to it, broke out into open war.  And, dividing themselves
  into two companies, one part of them marched openly from Sphettus, with
  their father, against the city, the other, hiding themselves in the
  village of Gargettus, lay in ambush, with a design to set upon the enemy
  on both sides.  They had with them a crier of the township of Agnus,
  named Leos, who discovered to Theseus all the designs of the Pallantidae
  He immediately fell upon those that lay in ambuscade, and cut them all
  off; upon tidings of which Pallas and his company fled
  and were dispersed.

  From hence they say is derived the custom among the people of the
  township of Pallene to have no marriages or any alliance with the people
  of Agnus, nor to suffer the criers to pronounce in their proclamations
  the words used in all other parts of the country, Acouete Leoi (Hear ye
  people), hating the very sound of Leo, because of the treason of Leos.

  Theseus, longing to be in action, and desirous also to make himself
  popular, left Athens to fight with the bull of Marathon, which did no
  small mischief to the inhabitants of Tetrapolis.  And having overcome
  it, he brought it alive in triumph through the city, and afterwards
  sacrificed it to the Delphinian Apollo.  The story of Hecale, also, of
  her receiving and entertaining Theseus in this expedition, seems to be
  not altogether void of truth; for the townships round about, meeting
  upon a certain day, used to offer a sacrifice, which they called
  Hecalesia, to Jupiter Hecaleius, and to pay honor to Hecale, whom, by a
  diminutive name, they called Hecalene, because she, while entertaining
  Theseus, who was quite a youth, addressed him, as old people do, with
  similar endearing diminutives; and having made a vow to Jupiter for him
  as he was going to the fight, that, if he returned in safety, she would
  offer sacrifices in thanks of it, and dying before he came back, she had
  these honors given her by way of return for her hospitality, by the
  command of Theseus, as Philochorus tells us.

  Not long after arrived the third time from Crete the collectors of the
  tribute which the Athenians paid them upon the following occasion.
  Androgeus having been treacherously murdered in the confines of Attica,
  not only Minos, his father, put the Athenians to extreme distress by a
  perpetual war, but the gods also laid waste their country both famine
  and pestilence lay heavy upon them, and even their rivers were dried up.
  Being told by the oracle that, if they appeased and reconciled Minos,
  the anger of the gods would cease and they should enjoy rest from the
  miseries they labored under, they sent heralds, and with much
  supplication were at last reconciled, entering into an agreement to send
  to Crete every nine years a tribute of seven young men and as many
  virgins, as most writers agree in stating; and the most poetical story
  adds, that the Minotaur destroyed them, or that, wandering in the
  labyrinth, and finding no possible means of getting out, they miserably
  ended their lives there; and that this Minotaur was
  (as Euripides hath it)

  A mingled form, where two strange shapes combined,
  And different natures, bull and man, were joined.

  But Philochorus says that the Cretans will by no means allow the truth
  of this, but say that the labyrinth was only an ordinary prison, having
  no other bad quality but that it secured the prisoners from escaping,
  and that Minos, having instituted games in honor of Androgeus, gave, as
  a reward to the victors, these youths, who in the mean time were kept in
  the labyrinth; and that the first that overcame in those games was one
  of the greatest power and command among them, named Taurus, a man of no
  merciful or gentle disposition, who treated the Athenians that were made
  his prize in a proud and cruel manner.  Also Aristotle himself, in the
  account that he gives of the form of government of the Bottiaeans, is
  manifestly of opinion that the youths were not slain by Minos, but spent
  the remainder of their days in slavery in Crete; that the Cretans, in
  former times, to acquit themselves of an ancient vow which they had
  made, were used to send an offering of the first-fruits of their men to
  Delphi, and that some descendants of these Athenian slaves were mingled
  with them and sent amongst them, and, unable to get their living there,
  removed from thence, first into Italy, and settled about Japygia; from
  thence again, that they removed to Thrace, and were named Bottiaeans
  and that this is the reason why, in a certain sacrifice, the Bottiaean
  girls sing a hymn beginning Let us go to Athens.  This may show us how
  dangerous a thing it is to incur the hostility of a city that is
  mistress of eloquence and song.  For Minos was always ill spoken of, and
  represented ever as a very wicked man, in the Athenian theaters; neither
  did Hesiod avail him by calling him "the most royal Minos," nor Homer,
  who styles him "Jupiter's familiar friend;" the tragedians got the
  better, and from the vantage ground of the stage showered down obloquy
  upon him, as a man of cruelty and violence; whereas, in fact, he appears
  to have been a king and a lawgiver, and Rhadamanthus a judge under him,
  administering the statutes that he ordained.

  Now when the time of the third tribute was come, and the fathers who had
  any young men for their sons were to proceed by lot to the choice of
  those that were to be sent, there arose fresh discontents and
  accusations against Aegeus among the people, who were full of grief and
  indignation that he, who was the cause of all their miseries, was the
  only person exempt from the punishment; adopting and settling his
  kingdom upon a bastard and foreign son, he took no thought, they said,
  of their destitution and loss, not of bastards, but lawful children.
  These things sensibly affected Theseus, who, thinking it but just not to
  disregard, but rather partake of, the sufferings of his fellow citizens,
  offered himself for one without any lot.  All else were struck with
  admiration for the nobleness and with love for the goodness of the act;
  and Aegeus, after prayers and entreaties, finding him inflexible and not
  to be persuaded, proceeded to the choosing of the rest by lot.
  Hellanicus, however, tells us that the Athenians did not send the young
  men and virgins by lot, but that Minos himself used to come and make his
  own choice, and pitched upon Theseus before all others; according to the
  conditions agreed upon between them, namely, that the Athenians should
  furnish them with a ship, and that the young men that were to sail with
  him should carry no weapon of war; but that if the Minotaur was
  destroyed, the tribute should cease.

  On the two former occasions of the payment of the tribute, entertaining
  no hopes of safety or return, they sent out the ship with a black sail,
  as to unavoidable destruction; but now, Theseus encouraging his father
  and speaking greatly of himself, as confident that he should kill the
  Minotaur, he gave the pilot another sail, which was white, commanding
  him, as he returned, if Theseus were safe, to make use of that; but if
  not, to sail with the black one, and to hang out that sign of his
  misfortune.  Simonides says that the sail which Aegeus delivered to the
  pilot was not white, but

  Scarlet, in the juicy bloom
  Of the living oak-tree steeped,

  and that this was to be the sign of their escape.  Phereclus, son of
  Amarsyas, according to Simonides, was pilot of the ship.  But
  Philochorus says Theseus had sent him by Scirus, from Salamis,
  Nausithous to be his steersman, and Phaeax his look-out-man in the prow,
  the Athenians having as yet not applied themselves to navigation; and
  that Scirus did this because one of the young men, Menesthes, was his
  daughter's son; and this the chapels of Nausithous and Phaeax, built by
  Theseus near the temple of Scirus, confirm.  He adds, also, that the
  feast named Cybernesia was in honor of them.  The lot
  being cast, and Theseus having received out of the Prytaneum those upon
  whom it fell, he went to the Delphinium, and made an offering for them
  to Apollo of his suppliant's badge, which was a bough of a consecrated
  olive tree, with white wool tied about it.

  Having thus performed his devotion, he went to sea, the sixth day of
  Munychion, on which day even to this time the Athenians send their
  virgins to the same temple to make supplication to the gods.  It is
  farther reported that he was commanded by the oracle at Delphi to make
  Venus his guide, and to invoke her as the companion and conductress of
  his voyage, and that, as he was sacrificing a she goat to her by the
  seaside, it was suddenly changed into a he, and for this cause that
  goddess had the name of Epitrapia.

  When he arrived at Crete, as most of the ancient historians as well as
  poets tell us, having a clue of thread given him by Ariadne, who had
  fallen in love with him, and being instructed by her how to use it so as
  to conduct him through the windings of the labyrinth, he escaped out of
  it and slew the Minotaur, and sailed back, taking along with him Ariadne
  and the young Athenian captives.  Pherecydes adds that he bored holes in
  the bottoms of the Cretan ships to hinder their pursuit.  Demon writes
  that Taurus, the chief captain of Minos, was slain by Theseus at the
  mouth of the port, in a naval combat, as he was sailing out for Athens.
  But Philochorus gives us the story thus:  That at the setting forth of
  the yearly games by king Minos, Taurus was expected to carry away the
  prize, as he had done before; and was much grudged the honor.  His
  character and manners made his power hateful, and he was accused
  moreover of too near familiarity with Pasiphae, for which reason, when
  Theseus desired the combat, Minos readily complied.  And as it was a
  custom in Crete that the women also should be admitted to the sight of
  these games, Ariadne, being present, was struck with admiration of the
  manly beauty of Theseus, and the vigor and address which he showed in
  the combat, overcoming all that encountered with him.  Minos, too, being
  extremely pleased with him, especially because he had overthrown and
  disgraced Taurus, voluntarily gave up the young captives to Theseus, and
  remitted the tribute to the Athenians.  Clidemus gives an account
  peculiar to himself, very ambitiously, and beginning a great way back:
  That it was a decree consented to by all Greece, that no vessel from any
  place, containing above five persons, should be permitted to sail, Jason
  only excepted, who was made captain of the great ship Argo, to sail
  about and scour the sea of pirates.  But Daedalus having escaped from
  Crete, and flying by sea to Athens, Minos, contrary to this decree,
  pursued him with his ships of war, was forced by a storm upon Sicily,
  and there ended his life.  After his decease, Deucalion, his son,
  desiring a quarrel with the Athenians, sent to them, demanding that they
  should deliver up Daedalus to him, threatening, upon their refusal, to
  put to death all the young Athenians whom his father had received as
  hostages from the city.  To this angry message Theseus returned a very
  gentle answer, excusing himself that he could not deliver up Daedalus,
  who was nearly related to him, being his cousin-german, his mother being
  Merope, the daughter of Erechtheus.  In the meanwhile he secretly
  prepared a navy, part of it at home near the village of the Thymoetadae,
  a place of no resort, and far from any common roads, the other part by
  his grandfather Pittheus's means at Troezen, that so his design might be
  carried on with the greatest secrecy.  As soon as ever his fleet was in
  readiness, he set sail, having with him Daedalus and other exiles from
  Crete for his guides; and none of the Cretans having any knowledge of
  his coming, but imagining, when they saw his fleet, that they were
  friends and vessels of their own, he soon made himself master of the
  port, and, immediately making a descent, reached Gnossus before any
  notice of his coming, and, in a battle before the gates of the
  labyrinth, put Deucalion and all his guards to the sword.  The
  government by this means falling to Ariadne, he made a league with her,
  and received the captives of her, and ratified a perpetual friendship
  between the Athenians and the Cretans, whom he engaged under an oath
  never again to commence any war with Athens.

  There are yet many other traditions about these things, and as many
  concerning Ariadne, all inconsistent with each other.  Some relate that
  she hung herself, being deserted by Theseus.  Others that she was
  carried away by his sailors to the isle of Naxos, and married to
  Oenarus, priest of Bacchus; and that Theseus left her
  because he fell in love with another,

  For Aegle's love was burning in his breast;

  a verse which Hereas, the Megarian, says, was formerly in the poet
  Hesiod's works, but put out by Pisistratus, in like manner as he added
  in Homer's Raising of the Dead, to gratify the Athenians, the line

  Theseus, Pirithous, mighty sons of gods.

  Others say Ariadne had sons also by Theseus, Oenopion and Staphylus; and
  among these is the poet Ion of Chios, who writes of his own native city

  Which once Oenopion, son of Theseus, built.

  But the more famous of the legendary stories everybody (as I may say)
  has in his mouth.  In Paeon, however, the Amathusian, there is a story
  given, differing from the rest.  For he writes that Theseus, being
  driven by a storm upon the isle of Cyprus, and having aboard with him
  Ariadne, big with child, and extremely discomposed with the rolling of
  the sea, set her on shore, and left her there alone, to return himself
  and help the ship, when, on a sudden, a violent wind carried him again
  out to sea.  That the women of the island received Ariadne very kindly,
  and did all they could to console and alleviate her distress at being
  left behind.  That they counterfeited kind letters, and delivered them
  to her, as sent from Theseus, and, when she fell in labor, were diligent
  in performing to her every needful service; but that she died before she
  could be delivered, and was honorably interred.  That soon after Theseus
  returned, and was greatly afflicted for her loss, and at his departure
  left a sum of money among the people of the island, ordering them to do
  sacrifice to Ariadne; and caused two little images to be made and
  dedicated to her, one of silver and the other of brass.  Moreover, that
  on the second day of Gorpiaeus,  which is sacred to
  Ariadne, they have this ceremony among their sacrifices, to have a youth
  lie down and with his voice and gesture represent the pains of a woman
  in travail; and that the Amathusians call the grove in which they show
  her tomb, the grove of Venus Ariadne.

  Differing yet from this account, some of the Naxians write that there
  were two Minoses and two Ariadnes, one of whom, they say, was married to
  Bacchus, in the isle of Naxos, and bore the children Staphylus and his
  brother; but that the other, of a later age, was carried off by Theseus,
  and, being afterwards deserted by him, retired to Naxos with her nurse
  Corcyna, whose grave they yet show.  That this Ariadne also died there,
  and was worshiped by the island, but in a different manner from the
  former; for her day is celebrated with general joy and revelling, but
  all the sacrifices performed to the latter are attended
  with mourning and gloom.

  Now Theseus, in his return from Crete, put in at Delos, and, having
  sacrificed to the god of the island, dedicated to the temple the image
  of Venus which Ariadne had given him, and danced with the young
  Athenians a dance that, in memory of him, they say is still preserved
  among the inhabitants of Delos, consisting in certain measured turnings
  and returnings, imitative of the windings and twistings of the
  labyrinth.  And this dance, as Dicaearchus writes, is called among the
  Delians, the Crane.  This he danced round the Ceratonian Altar,  so
  called from its consisting of horns taken from the left side of the
  head.  They say also that he instituted games in Delos where he was the
  first that began the custom of giving a palm to the victors.

  When they were come near the coast of Attica, so great was the joy for
  the happy success of their voyage, that neither Theseus himself nor the
  pilot remembered to hang out the sail which should have been the token
  of their safety to Aegeus, who, in despair at the sight, threw himself
  headlong from a rock, and perished in the sea.  But Theseus, being
  arrived at the port of Phalerum, paid there the sacrifices which he had
  vowed to the gods at his setting out to sea, and sent a herald to the
  city to carry the news of his safe return.  At his entrance, the herald
  found the people for the most part full of grief for the loss of their
  king, others, as may well be believed, as full of joy for the tidings
  that he brought, and eager to welcome him and crown him with garlands for
  his good news, which he indeed accepted of, but hung them upon his
  herald's staff; and thus returning to the seaside before Theseus had
  finished his libation to the gods, he stayed apart for fear of disturbing
  the holy rites, but, as soon as the libation was ended, went up and
  related the king's death, upon the hearing of which, with great
  lamentations and a confused tumult of grief, they ran with all haste to
  the city.  And from hence, they say, it comes that at this day, in the
  feast of Oschophoria, the herald is not crowned, but his staff, and all
  who are present at the libation cry out eleleu iou iou, the first of
  which confused sounds is commonly used by men in haste, or at a triumph,
  the other is proper to people in consternation or disorder of mind.

  Theseus, after the funeral of his father, paid his vows to Apollo the
  seventh day of Pyanepsion; for on that day the youth that returned with
  him safe from Crete made their entry into the city.  They say, also,
  that the custom of boiling pulse at this feast is derived from hence;
  because the young men that escaped put all that was left of their
  provision together, and, boiling it in one common pot, feasted
  themselves with it, and ate it all up together.  Hence, also, they carry
  in procession an olive branch bound about with wool (such as they then
  made use of in their supplications), which they call Eiresione, crowned
  with all sorts of fruits, to signify that scarcity and barrenness was
  ceased, singing in their procession this song:

  Eiresione bring figs, and Eiresione bring loaves;
  Bring us honey in pints, and oil to rub on our bodies,
  And a strong flagon of wine, for all to go mellow to bed on.

  Although some hold opinion that this ceremony is retained in memory of
  the Heraclidae, who were thus entertained and brought up by the
  Athenians.  But most are of the opinion which we have given above.

  The ship wherein Theseus and the youth of Athens returned had thirty
  oars, and was preserved by the Athenians down even to the time of
  Demetrius Phalereus, for they took away the old planks as they decayed,
  putting in new and stronger timber in their place, insomuch that this
  ship became a standing example among the philosophers, for the logical
  question as to things that grow; one side holding that the ship
  remained the same, and the other contending that it was not the same.

  The feast called Oschophoria, or the feast of boughs, which to this day
  the Athenians celebrate, was then first instituted by Theseus.  For he
  took not with him the full number of virgins which by lot were to be
  carried away, but selected two youths of his acquaintance, of fair and
  womanish faces, but of a manly and forward spirit, and having, by
  frequent baths, and avoiding the heat and scorching of the sun, with a
  constant use of all the ointments and washes and dresses that serve to
  the adorning of the head or smoothing the skin or improving the
  complexion, in a manner changed them from what they were before, and
  having taught them farther to counterfeit the very voice and carriage
  and gait of virgins, so that there could not be the least difference
  perceived; he, undiscovered by any, put them into the number of the
  Athenian maids designed for Crete.  At his return, he and these two
  youths led up a solemn procession, in the same habit that is now worn by
  those who carry the vine-branches.  These branches they carry in honor
  of Bacchus and Ariadne, for the sake of their story before related; or
  rather because they happened to return in autumn, the time of gathering
  the grapes.  The women whom they call Deipnopherae, or supper-carriers,
  are taken into these ceremonies, and assist at the sacrifice, in
  remembrance and imitation of the mothers of the young men and virgins
  upon whom the lot fell, for thus they ran about bringing bread and meat
  to their children; and because the women then told their sons and
  daughters many tales and stories, to comfort and encourage them under
  the danger they were going upon, it has still continued a custom that at
  this feast old fables and tales should be told.  For these
  particularities we are indebted to the history of Demon.  There was then
  a place chosen out, and a temple erected in it to Theseus, and those
  families out of whom the tribute of the youth was gathered were
  appointed to pay a tax to the temple for sacrifices to him.  And the
  house of the Phytalidae had the overseeing of these sacrifices, Theseus
  doing them that honor in recompense of their former hospitality.

  Now, after the death of his father Aegeus, forming in his mind a great
  and wonderful design, he gathered together all the inhabitants of Attica
  into one town, and made them one people of one city, whereas before they
  lived dispersed, and were not easy to assemble upon any affair for the
  common interest.  Nay, differences and even wars often occurred between
  them, which he by his persuasions appeased, going from township to
  township, and from tribe to tribe.  And those of a more private and mean
  condition readily embracing such good advice, to those of greater power
  he promised a commonwealth without monarchy, a democracy, or people's
  government in which he should only be continued as their commander in
  war and the protector of their laws, all things else being equally
  distributed among them; and by this means brought a part of them over to
  his proposal.  The rest, fearing his power, which was already grown very
  formidable, and knowing his courage and resolution, chose rather to be
  persuaded than forced into a compliance.  He then dissolved all the
  distinct state-houses, council halls, and magistracies, and built one
  common state-house and council hall on the site of the
  present upper town, and gave the name of Athens to the whole state,
  ordaining a common feast and sacrifice, which he called Panathenaea, or
  the sacrifice of all the united Athenians.  He instituted also another
  sacrifice, called Metoecia, or Feast of Migration, which is yet
  celebrated on the sixteenth day of Hecatombaeon.  Then, as he had
  promised, he laid down his regal power and proceeded to order a
  commonwealth, entering upon this great work not without advice from the
  gods.  For having sent to consult the oracle of Delphi concerning the
  fortune of his new government and city, he received this answer:

  Son of the Pitthean maid,
  To your town the terms and fates,
  My father gives of many states.
  Be not anxious nor afraid;
  The bladder will not fail so swim
  On the waves that compass him.

  Which oracle, they say, one of the sibyls long after did in a manner
  repeat to the Athenians, in this verse,

  The bladder may be dipt, but not be drowned.

  Farther yet designing to enlarge his city, he invited all strangers to
  come and enjoy equal privileges with the natives, and it is said that
  the common form, Come hither all ye people, was the words that Theseus
  proclaimed when he thus set up a commonwealth, in a manner, for all
  nations.  Yet he did not suffer his state, by the promiscuous multitude
  that flowed in, to be turned into confusion and be left without any
  order or degree, but was the first that divided the Commonwealth into
  three distinct ranks, the noblemen, the husbandmen, and artificers.%
  To the nobility he committed the care of
  religion, the choice of magistrates, the teaching and dispensing of the
  laws, and interpretation and direction in all sacred matters; the whole
  city being, as it were, reduced to an exact equality, the nobles
  excelling the rest in honor, the husbandmen in profit, and the
  artificers in number.  And that Theseus was the first, who, as Aristotle
  says, out of an inclination to popular government, parted with the regal
  power, Homer also seems to testify, in his catalogue of the ships, where
  he gives the name of People to the Athenians only.

  He also coined money, and stamped it with the image of an ox, either in
  memory of the Marathonian bull, or of Taurus, whom he vanquished, or
  else to put his people in mind to follow husbandry; and from this coin
  came the expression so frequent among the Greeks, of a thing being worth
  ten or a hundred oxen.  After this he joined Megara to Attica, and
  erected that famous pillar on the Isthmus, which bears an inscription of
  two lines, showing the bounds of the two countries that meet there.  On
  the east side the inscription is,—

  Peloponnesus there, Ionia here,

  and on the west side,—

  Peloponnesus here, Ionia there.

  He also instituted the games, in emulation of Hercules, being ambitious
  that as the Greeks, by that hero's appointment, celebrated the Olympian
  games to the honor of Jupiter, so, by his institution, they should
  celebrate the Isthmian to the honor of Neptune.  For those that were
  there before observed, dedicated to Melicerta, were performed privately
  in the night, and had the form rather of a religious rite than of an
  open spectacle or public feast.  There are some who say that the
  Isthmian games were first instituted in memory of Sciron, Theseus thus
  making expiation for his death, upon account of the nearness of kindred
  between them, Sciron being the son of Canethus and Heniocha, the
  daughter of Pittheus; though others write that Sinnis, not Sciron, was
  their son, and that to his honor, and not to the other's, these games
  were ordained by Theseus.  At the same time he made an agreement with
  the Corinthians, that they should allow those that came from Athens to
  the celebration of the Isthmian games as much space of honor before the
  rest to behold the spectacle in, as the sail of the ship that brought
  them thither, stretched to its full extent, could cover; so Hellanicus
  and Andro of Halicarnassus have established.

  Concerning his voyage into the Euxine Sea, Philochorus and some others
  write that he made it with Hercules, offering him his service in the war
  against the Amazons, and had Antiope given him for the reward of his
  valor; but the greater number, of whom are Pherecydes, Hellanicus, and
  Herodorus, write that he made this voyage many years after Hercules,
  with a navy under his own command, and took the Amazon prisoner, the
  more probable story, for we do not read that any other, of all those
  that accompanied him in this action, took any Amazon prisoner.  Bion
  adds, that, to take her, he had to use deceit and fly away; for the
  Amazons, he says, being naturally lovers of men, were so far from
  avoiding Theseus when he touched upon their coasts, that they sent him
  presents to his ship; but he, having invited Antiope, who brought them,
  to come aboard, immediately set sail and carried her away.  An author
  named Menecrates, that wrote the History of Nicaea in Bithynia, adds,
  that Theseus, having Antiope aboard his vessel, cruised for some time
  about those coasts, and that there were in the same ship three young men
  of Athens, that accompanied him in this voyage, all brothers, whose
  names were Euneos, Thoas, and Soloon.  The last of these fell
  desperately in love with Antiope; and, escaping the notice of the rest,
  revealed the secret only to one of his most intimate acquaintance, and
  employed him to disclose his passion to Antiope, she rejected his
  pretenses with a very positive denial, yet treated the matter with much
  gentleness and discretion, and made no complaint to Theseus of any thing
  that had happened; but Soloon, the thing being desperate, leaped into a
  river near the seaside and drowned himself.  As soon as Theseus was
  acquainted with his death, and his unhappy love that was the cause of
  it, he was extremely distressed, and, in the height of his grief, an
  oracle which he had formerly received at Delphi came into his mind, for
  he had been commanded by the priestess of Apollo Pythius, that, wherever
  in a strange land he was most sorrowful and under the greatest
  affliction, he should build a city there, and leave some of his
  followers to be governors of the place.  For this cause he there founded
  a city, which he called, from the name of Apollo, Pythopolis, and, in
  honor of the unfortunate youth, he named the river that runs by it
  Soloon, and left the two surviving brothers entrusted with the care of
  the government and laws, joining with them Hermus, one of the nobility
  of Athens, from whom a place in the city is called the House of Hermus;
  though by an error in the accent  it has been taken for the House of
  Hermes, or Mercury, and the honor that was designed to the hero
  transferred to the god.

  This was the origin and cause of the Amazonian invasion of Attica, which
  would seem to have been no slight or womanish enterprise.  For it is
  impossible that they should have placed their camp in the very city, and
  joined battle close by the Pnyx and the hill called Museum, unless,
  having first conquered the country round about, they had thus with
  impunity advanced to the city.  That they made so long a journey by
  land, and passed the Cimmerian Bosphorus when frozen, as Hellanicus
  writes, is difficult to be believed.  That they encamped all but in the
  city is certain, and may be sufficiently confirmed by the names that the
  places thereabout yet retain, and the graves and monuments of those that
  fell in the battle.  Both armies being in sight, there was a long pause
  and doubt on each side which should give the first onset; at last
  Theseus, having sacrificed to Fear, in obedience to the command of an
  oracle he had received, gave them battle; and this happened in the month
  of Boedromion, in which to this very day the Athenians celebrate the
  Feast Boedromia.  Clidemus, desirous to be very circumstantial,writes
  that the left wing of the Amazons moved towards the place which is yet
  called Amazonium and the right towards the Pnyx, near Chrysa,  that
  with this wing the Athenians, issuing from behind the Museum, engaged,
  and that the graves of those that were slain are to be seen in the
  street that leads to the gate called the Piraic, by the chapel of the
  hero Chalcodon; and that here the Athenians were routed, and gave way
  before the women, as far as to the temple of the Furies, but, fresh
  supplies coming in from the Palladium, Ardettus, and the Lyceum, they
  charged their right wing, and beat them back into their tents, in which
  action a great number of the Amazons were slain.  At length, after four
  months, a peace was concluded between them by the mediation of Hippolyta
  (for so this historian calls the Amazon whom Theseus married, and not
  Antiope), though others write that she was slain with a dart by
  Molpadia, while fighting by Theseus's side, and that the pillar which
  stands by the temple of Olympian Earth was erected to her honor.  Nor is
  it to be wondered at, that in events of such antiquity, history should
  be in disorder.  For indeed we are also told that those of the Amazons
  that were wounded were privately sent away by Antiope to Chalcis, where
  many by her care recovered, but some that died were buried there in the
  place that is to this time called Amazonium.  That this war, however,
  was ended by a treaty is evident, both from the name of the place
  adjoining to the temple of Theseus, called, from the solemn oath there
  taken, Horcomosium;  and also from the ancient sacrifice which used to
  be celebrated to the Amazons the day before the Feast of Theseus.  The
  Megarians also show a spot in their city where some Amazons were buried,
  on the way from the market to a place called Rhus, where the building in
  the shape of a lozenge stands.  It is said, likewise, that others of
  them were slain near Chaeronea, and buried near the little rivulet,
  formerly called Thermodon, but now Haemon, of which an account is given
  in the life of Demosthenes.  It appears further that the passage of the
  Amazons through Thessaly was not without opposition, for there are yet
  shown many tombs of them near Scotussa and Cynoscephalae.

  This is as much as is worth telling concerning the Amazons.  For the
  account which the author of the poem called the Theseid gives of this
  rising of the Amazons, how Antiope, to revenge herself upon Theseus for
  refusing her and marrying Phaedra, came down upon the city with her
  train of Amazons, whom Hercules slew, is manifestly nothing else but
  fable and invention.  It is true, indeed, that Theseus married Phaedra,
  but that was after the death of Antiope, by whom he had a son called
  Hippolytus, or, as Pindar writes, Demophon.  The calamities which befell
  Phaedra and this son, since none of the historians have contradicted the
  tragic poets that have written of them, we must suppose happened as
  represented uniformly by them.

  There are also other traditions of the marriages of Theseus, neither
  honorable in their occasions nor fortunate in their events, which yet
  were never represented in the Greek plays.  For he is said to have
  carried off Anaxo, a Troezenian, and, having slain Sinnis and Cercyon,
  to have ravished their daughters; to have married Periboea, the mother
  of Ajax, and then Phereboea, and then Iope, the daughter of Iphicles.
  And further, he is accused of deserting Ariadne (as is before related),
  being in love with Aegle the daughter of Panopeus, neither justly nor
  honorably; and lastly, of the rape of Helen, which filled all Attica
  with war and blood, and was in the end the occasion of his banishment
  and death, as will presently be related.

  Herodorus is of opinion, that though there were many famous expeditions
  undertaken by the bravest men of his time, yet Theseus never joined in
  any of them, once only excepted, with the Lapithae, in their war against
  the Centaurs; but others say that he accompanied Jason to Colchis and
  Meleager to the slaying of the Calydonian boar, and that hence it came
  to be a proverb, Not without Theseus; that he himself, however, without
  aid of any one, performed many glorious exploits, and that from him
  began the saying, He is a second Hercules.  He also joined Adrastus in
  recovering the bodies of those that were slain before Thebes, but not as
  Euripides in his tragedy says, by force of arms, but by persuasion and
  mutual agreement and composition, for so the greater part of the
  historians write; Philochorus adds further that this was the first
  treaty that ever was made for the recovering the bodies of the dead, but
  in the history of Hercules it is shown that it was he who first gave
  leave to his enemies to carry off their slain.  The burying-places of
  the most part are yet to be seen in the village called Eleutherae; those
  of the commanders, at Eleusis, where Theseus allotted them a place, to
  oblige Adrastus.  The story of Euripides in his Suppliants is disproved
  by Aeschylus in his Eleusinians, where Theseus himself relates the facts
  as here told.

  The celebrated friendship between Theseus and Pirithous is said to have
  been thus begun:  the fame of the strength and valor of Theseus being
  spread through Greece, Pirithous was desirous to make a trial and proof.
  of it himself, and to this end seized a herd of oxen which belonged to
  Theseus, and was driving them away from Marathon, and, when news was
  brought that Theseus pursued him in arms, he did not fly, but turned
  back and went to meet him.  But as soon as they had viewed one another,
  each so admired the gracefulness and beauty, and was seized with such a
  respect for the courage, of the other, that they forgot all thoughts of
  fighting; and Pirithous, first stretching out his hand to Theseus, bade
  him be judge in this case himself, and promised to submit willingly to
  any penalty he should impose.  But Theseus not only forgave him all, but
  entreated him to be his friend and brother in arms; and they ratified
  their friendship by oaths.  After this Pirithous married Deidamia, and
  invited Theseus to the wedding, entreating him to come and see his
  country, and make acquaintance with the Lapithae; he had at the same
  time invited the Centaurs to the feast, who growing hot with wine and
  beginning to be insolent and wild, and offering violence to the women,
  the Lapithae took immediate revenge upon them, slaying many of them upon
  the place, and afterwards, having overcome them in battle, drove the
  whole race of them out of their country, Theseus all along taking their
  part and fighting on their side.  But Herodorus gives a different
  relation of these things:  that Theseus came not to the assistance of the
  Lapithae till the war was already begun; and that it was in this journey
  that he had the first sight of Hercules, having made it his business to
  find him out at Trachis, where he had chosen to rest himself after all
  his wanderings and his labors; and that this interview was honorably
  performed on each part, with extreme respect, good-will, and admiration
  of each other.  Yet it is more credible, as others write, that there
  were, before, frequent interviews between them, and that it was by the
  means of Theseus that Hercules was initiated at Eleusis, and purified
  before initiation, upon account of several rash actions
  of his former life.

  Theseus was now fifty years old, as Hellanicus states, when he carried
  off Helen, who was yet too young to be married.  Some writers, to take
  away this accusation of one of the greatest crimes laid to his charge,
  say, that he did not steal away Helen himself, but that Idas and Lynceus
  were the ravishers, who brought her to him, and committed her to his
  charge, and that, therefore, he refused to restore her at the demand of
  Castor and Pollux; or, indeed, they say her own father, Tyndarus, had
  sent her to be kept by him, for fear of Enarophorus, the son of
  Hippocoon, who would have carried her away by force when she was yet a
  child.  But the most probable account, and that which has most witnesses
  on its side, is this:  Theseus and Pirithous went both together to
  Sparta, and, having seized the young lady as she was dancing in the
  temple of Diana Orthia, fled away with her.  There were presently men in
  arms sent to pursue, but they followed no further than to Tegea; and
  Theseus and Pirithous, being now out of danger, having passed through
  Peloponnesus, made an agreement between themselves, that he to whom the
  lot should fall should have Helen to his wife, but should be obliged to
  assist in procuring another for his friend.  The lot fell upon Theseus,
  who conveyed her to Aphidnae, not being yet marriageable, and delivered
  her to one of his allies, called Aphidnus, and, having sent his mother
  Aethra after to take care of her, desired him to keep them so secretly,
  that none might know where they were; which done, to return the same
  service to his friend Pirithous, he accompanied him in his journey to
  Epirus, in order to steal away the king of the Molossians' daughter.
  The king, his own name being Aidoneus, or Pluto, called his wife
  Proserpina, and his daughter Cora, and a great dog which he kept
  Cerberus, with whom he ordered all that came as suitors to his daughter
  to fight, and promised her to him that should overcome the beast.  But
  having been informed that the design of Pirithous and his companion was
  not to court his daughter, but to force her away, he caused them both to
  be seized, and threw Pirithous to be torn in pieces by his dog, and put
  Theseus into prison, and kept him.

  About this time, Menestheus, the son of Peteus, grandson of Orneus, and
  great-grandson to Erechtheus, the first man that is recorded to have
  affected popularity and ingratiated himself with the multitude, stirred
  up and exasperated the most eminent men of the city, who had long borne
  a secret grudge to Theseus, conceiving that he had robbed them of their
  several little kingdoms and lordships, and, having pent them all up in
  one city, was using them as his subjects and slaves.  He put also the
  meaner people into commotion, telling them, that, deluded with a mere
  dream of liberty, though indeed they were deprived both of that and of
  their proper homes and religious usages, instead of many good and
  gracious kings of their own, they had given themselves up to be lorded
  over by a new-comer and a stranger.  Whilst he was thus busied in
  infecting the minds of the citizens, the war that Castor and Pollux
  brought against Athens came very opportunely to further the sedition he
  had been promoting, and some say that he by his persuasions was wholly
  the cause of their invading the city.  At their first approach, they
  committed no acts of hostility, but peaceably demanded their sister
  Helen; but the Athenians returning answer that they neither had her
  there nor knew where she was disposed of, they prepared to assault the
  city, when Academus, having, by whatever means, found it out, disclosed
  to them that she was secretly kept at Aphidnae.  For which reason he was
  both highly honored during his life by Castor and Pollux, and the
  Lacedaemonians, when often in aftertimes they made incursions into
  Attica, and destroyed all the country round about, spared the Academy
  for the sake of Academus.  But Dicaearchus writes that there were two
  Arcadians in the army of Castor and Pollux, the one called Echedemus and
  the other Marathus; from the first that which is now called Academia was
  then named Echedemia, and the village Marathon had its name from the
  other, who, to fulfill some oracle, voluntarily offered himself to be
  made a sacrifice before battle.  As soon as they were arrived at
  Aphidnae, they overcame their enemies in a set battle, and then
  assaulted and took the town.  And here, they say, Alycus, the son of
  Sciron, was slain, of the party of the Dioscuri (Castor and Pollux),
  from whom a place in Megara, where he was buried, is called Alycus to
  this day.  And Hereas writes that it was Theseus himself that killed
  him, in witness of which he cites these verses concerning Alycus

  And Alycus, upon Aphidna's plain
  By Theseus in the cause of Helen slain.

  Though it is not at all probable that Theseus himself was there when
  both the city and his mother were taken.

  Aphidnae being won by Castor and Pollux, and the city of Athens being in
  consternation, Menestheus persuaded the people to open their gates, and
  receive them with all manner of friendship, for they were, he told them,
  at enmity with none but Theseus, who had first injured them, and were
  benefactors and saviors to all mankind beside.  And their behavior gave
  credit to those promises; for, having made themselves absolute masters
  of the place, they demanded no more than to be initiated, since they
  were as nearly related to the city as Hercules was, who had received the
  same honor.  This their desire they easily obtained, and were adopted by
  Aphidnus, as Hercules had been by Pylius.  They were honored also like
  gods, and were called by a new name, Anaces, either from the cessation
  (Anokhe) of the war, or from the care they took that none should suffer
  any injury, though there was so great an army within the walls; for the
  phrase anakos ekhein is used of those who look to or care for any thing;
  kings for this reason, perhaps, are called anactes.  Others say, that
  from the appearance of their star in the heavens, they were thus called,
  for in the Attic dialect this name comes very near the words
  that signify above.

  Some say that Aethra, Theseus's mother, was here taken prisoner, and
  carried to Lacedaemon, and from thence went away with Helen to Troy,
  alleging this verse of Homer, to prove that she waited upon Helen,

  Aethra of Pittheus born, and large-eyed Clymene.

  Others reject this verse as none of Homer's, as they do likewise the
  whole fable of Munychus, who, the story says, was the son of Demophon
  and Laodice, born secretly, and brought up by Aethra at Troy.  But
  Ister, in the thirteenth book of his Attic History, gives us an account
  of Aethra, different yet from all the rest:  that Achilles and Patroclus
  overcame Paris in Thessaly, near the river Sperchius, but that Hector
  took and plundered the city of the Troezenians, and made Aethra prisoner
  there.  But this seems a groundless tale.

  Now Hercules, passing by the Molossians, was entertained in his way by
  Aidoneus the king, who, in conversation, accidentally spoke of the
  journey of Theseus and Pirithous into his country, of what they had
  designed to do, and what they were forced to suffer.  Hercules was much
  grieved for the inglorious death of the one and the miserable condition
  of the other.  As for Pirithous, he thought it useless to complain; but
  begged to have Theseus released for his sake, and obtained that favor
  from the king.  Theseus, being thus set at liberty, returned to Athens,
  where his friends were not yet wholly suppressed, and dedicated to
  Hercules all the sacred places which the city had set apart for himself,
  changing their names from Thesea to Heraclea, four only excepted, as
  Philochorus writes.  And wishing immediately to resume the first place
  in the commonwealth, and manage the state as before, he soon found
  himself involved in factions and troubles; those who long had hated him
  had now added to their hatred contempt; and the minds of the people were
  so generally corrupted, that, instead of obeying commands with silence,
  they expected to be flattered into their duty.  He had some thoughts to
  have reduced them by force, but was overpowered by demagogues and
  factions.  And at last, despairing of any good success of his affairs in
  Athens, he sent away his children privately to Euboea, commending them
  to the care of Elephenor, the son of Chalcodon; and he himself, having
  solemnly cursed the people of Athens in the village of Gargettus, in
  which there yet remains the place called Araterion, or the place of
  cursing, sailed to Scyros, where he had lands left him by his father,
  and friendship, as he thought, with those of the island.  Lycomedes was
  then king of Scyros.  Theseus, therefore, addressed himself to him, and
  desired to have his lands put into his possession, as designing to
  settle and to dwell there, though others say that he came to beg his
  assistance against the Athenians.  But Lycomedes, either jealous of the
  glory of so great a man, or to gratify Menestheus, having led him up to
  the highest cliff of the island, on pretense of showing him from thence
  the lands that he desired, threw him headlong down from the rock, and
  killed him.  Others say he fell down of himself by a slip of his foot,
  as he was walking there, according to his custom, after supper.  At that
  time there was no notice taken, nor were any concerned for his death,
  but Menestheus quietly possessed the kingdom of Athens.  His sons were
  brought up in a private condition, and accompanied Elephenor to the
  Trojan war, but, after the decease of Menestheus in that expedition,
  returned to Athens, and recovered the government.  But in succeeding
  ages, beside several other circumstances that moved the Athenians to
  honor Theseus as a demigod, in the battle which was fought at Marathon
  against the Medes, many of the soldiers believed they saw an apparition
  of Theseus in arms, rushing on at the head of them against the
  barbarians.  And after the Median war, Phaedo being archon of Athens,
  the Athenians, consulting the oracle at Delphi, were commanded to gather
  together the bones of Theseus, and, laying them in some honorable place,
  keep them as sacred in the city.  But it was very difficult to recover
  these relics, or so much as to find out the place where they lay, on
  account of the inhospitable and savage temper of the barbarous people
  that inhabited the island.  Nevertheless, afterwards, when Cimon took
  the island (as is related in his life), and had a great ambition to find
  out the place where Theseus was buried, he, by chance, spied an eagle
  upon a rising ground pecking with her beak and tearing up the earth with
  her talons, when on the sudden it came into his mind, as it were by some
  divine inspiration, to dig there, and search for the bones of Theseus.
  There were found in that place a coffin of a man of more than ordinary
  size, and a brazen spear-head, and a sword lying by it, all which he
  took aboard his galley and brought with him to Athens.  Upon which the
  Athenians, greatly delighted, went out to meet and receive the relics
  with splendid processions and with sacrifices, as if it were Theseus
  himself returning alive to the city.  He lies interred in the middle of
  the city, near the present gymnasium.  His tomb is a sanctuary and
  refuge for slaves, and all those of mean condition that fly from the
  persecution of men in power, in memory that Theseus while he lived was
  an assister and protector of the distressed, and never refused the
  petitions of the afflicted that fled to him.  The chief and most solemn
  sacrifice which they celebrate to him is kept on the eighth day of
  Pyanepsion, on which he returned with the Athenian young men from Crete.
  Besides which, they sacrifice to him on the eighth day of every month,
  either because he returned from Troezen the eighth day of Hecatombaeon,
  as Diodorus the geographer writes, or else thinking that number to be
  proper to him, because he was reputed to be born of Neptune, because
  they sacrifice to Neptune on the eighth day of every month.  The number
  eight being the first cube of an even number, and the double of the
  first square, seemed to be an emblem of the steadfast and immovable
  power of this god, who from thence has the names of Asphalius and
  Gaeiochus, that is, the establisher and stayer of the earth.





ROMULUS

  From whom, and for what reason, the city of Rome, a name so great in
  glory, and famous in the mouths of all men, was so first called, authors
  do not agree.  Some are of opinion that the Pelasgians, wandering over
  the greater part of the habitable world, and subduing numerous nations,
  fixed themselves here, and, from their own great strength  in war,
  called the city Rome.  Others, that at the taking of Troy, some few that
  escaped and met with shipping, put to sea, and, driven by winds, were
  carried upon the coasts of Tuscany, and came to anchor off the mouth of
  the river Tiber, where their women, out of heart and weary with the sea,
  on its being proposed by one of the highest birth and best understanding
  amongst them, whose name was Roma, burnt the ships.  With which act the
  men at first were angry, but afterwards, of necessity, seating
  themselves near Palatium, where things in a short while succeeded far
  better than they could hope, in that they found the country very good,
  and the people courteous, they not only did the lady Roma other honors,
  but added also this, of calling after her name the city which she had
  been the occasion of their founding.  From this, they say, has come down
  that custom at Rome for women to salute their kinsmen and husbands with
  kisses; because these women, after they had burnt the ships, made use of
  such endearments when entreating and pacifying their husbands.

  Some again say that Roma, from whom this city was so called, was
  daughter of Italus and Leucaria; or, by another account, of Telephus,
  Hercules's son, and that she was married to Aeneas, or, according to
  others again, to Ascanius, Aeneas's son.  Some tell us that Romanus, the
  son of Ulysses and Circe, built it; some, Romus the son of Emathion,
  Diomede having sent him from Troy; and others, Romus, king of the
  Latins, after driving out the Tyrrhenians, who had come from Thessaly
  into Lydia, and from thence into Italy.  Those very authors, too, who,
  in accordance with the safest account, make Romulus give the name to the
  city, yet differ concerning his birth and family.  For some say, he was
  son to Aeneas and Dexithea, daughter of Phorbas, and was, with his
  brother Remus, in their infancy, carried into Italy, and being on the
  river when the waters came down in a flood, all the vessels were cast
  away except only that where the young children were, which being gently
  landed on a level bank of the river, they were both unexpectedly saved,
  and from them the place was called Rome.  Some say, Roma, daughter of
  the Trojan lady above mentioned, was married to Latinus, Telemachus's
  son, and became mother to Romulus; others, that Aemilia, daughter of
  Aeneas and Lavinia, had him by the god Mars; and others give you mere
  fables of his origin.  For to Tarchetius, they say, king of Alba, who
  was a most wicked and cruel man, there appeared in his own house a
  strange vision, a male figure that rose out of a hearth, and stayed
  there for many days.  There was an oracle of Tethys in Tuscany which
  Tarchetius consulted, and received an answer that a virgin should give
  herself to the apparition, and that a son should be born of her, highly
  renowned, eminent for valor, good fortune, and strength of body.
  Tarchetius told the prophecy to one of his own daughters, and commanded
  her to do this thing; which she avoiding as an indignity, sent her
  handmaid.  Tarchetius, hearing this, in great anger imprisoned them
  both, purposing to put them to death; but being deterred from murder by
  the goddess Vesta in a dream, enjoined them for their punishment the
  working a web of cloth, in their chains as they were, which when they
  finished, they should be suffered to marry; but whatever they worked by
  day, Tarchetius commanded others to unravel in the night.  In the
  meantime, the waiting-woman was delivered of two boys, whom Tarchetius
  gave into the hands of one Teratius, with command to destroy them; he,
  however, carried and laid them by the river side, where a wolf came and
  continued to suckle them, while birds of various sorts brought little
  morsels of food, which they put into their mouths; till a cow-herd,
  spying them, was first strangely surprised, but, venturing to draw
  nearer, took the children up in his arms.  Thus they were saved, and,
  when they grew up, set upon Tarchetius and overcame him.  This one
  Promathion says, who compiled a history of Italy.

  But the story which is most believed and has the greatest number of
  vouchers was first published, in its chief particulars, amongst the
  Greeks by Diocles of Peparethus, whom Fabius Pictor also follows in most
  points.  Here again there are variations, but in general outline it runs
  thus: the kings of Alba reigned in lineal descent from Aeneas and the
  succession devolved at length upon two brothers, Numitor and Amulius.
  Amulius proposed to divide things into two equal shares, and set as
  equivalent to the kingdom the treasure and gold that were brought from
  Troy.  Numitor chose the kingdom; but Amulius, having the money, and
  being able to do more with that than Numitor, took his kingdom from him
  with great ease, and, fearing lest his daughter might have children,
  made her a Vestal, bound in that condition forever to live a single and
  maiden life.  This lady some call Ilia, others Rhea, and others Silvia;
  however, not long after, she was, contrary to the established laws of
  the Vestals, discovered to be with child, and should have suffered the
  most cruel punishment, had not Antho, the king's daughter, mediated with
  her father for her; nevertheless, she was confined, and debarred all
  company, that she might not be delivered without the king's knowledge.
  In time she brought forth two boys, of more than human size and beauty,
  whom Amulius, becoming yet more alarmed, commanded a servant to take and
  cast away; this man some call Faustulus, others say Faustulus was the
  man who brought them up.  He put the children, however, in a small
  trough, and went towards the river with a design to cast them in; but,
  seeing the waters much swollen and coming violently down, was afraid to
  go nearer, and, dropping the children near the bank, went away.  The
  river overflowing, the flood at last bore up the trough, and, gently
  wafting it, landed them on a smooth piece of ground, which they now call
  Cermanes, formerly Germanus, perhaps from Germani,
  which signifies brothers.

  Near this place grew a wild fig-tree, which they called Ruminalis,
  either from Romulus (as it is vulgarly thought), or from ruminating,
  because cattle did usually in the heat of the day seek cover under it,
  and there chew the cud; or, better, from the suckling of these children
  there, for the ancients called the dug or teat of any creature ruma, and
  there is a tutelar goddess of the rearing of children whom they still
  call Rumilia, in sacrificing to whom they use no wine, but make
  libations of milk.  While the infants lay here, history tells us, a she-
  wolf nursed them, and a woodpecker constantly fed and watched them;
  these creatures are esteemed holy to the god Mars, the woodpecker the
  Latins still especially worship and honor.  Which things, as much as
  any, gave credit to what the mother of the children said, that their
  father was the god Mars: though some say that it was a mistake put upon
  her by Amulius, who himself had come to her dressed up in armor.

  Others think that the first rise of this fable came from the children's
  nurse, through the ambiguity of her name; for the Latins not only called
  wolves lupae, but also women of loose life; and such an one was the wife
  of Faustulus, who nurtured these children, Acca Larentia by name.  To
  her the Romans offer sacrifices, and in the month of April the priest of
  Mars makes libations there; it is called the Larentian Feast.  They
  honor also another Larentia, for the following reason: the keeper of
  Hercules's temple having, it seems, little else to do, proposed to his
  deity a game at dice, laying down that, if he himself won, he would have
  something valuable of the god; but if he were beaten, he would spread
  him a noble table, and procure him a fair lady's company.  Upon these
  terms, throwing first for the god and then for himself, he found himself
  beaten.  Wishing to pay his stakes honorably, and holding himself bound
  by what he had said, he both provided the deity a good supper, and,
  giving money to Larentia, then in her beauty, though not publicly known,
  gave her a feast in the temple, where he had also laid a bed, and after
  supper locked her in, as if the god were really to come to her.  And
  indeed, it is said, the deity did truly visit her, and commanded her in
  the morning to walk to the market-place, and, whatever man see met
  first, to salute him, and make him her friend.  She met one named
  Tarrutius, who was a man advanced in years, fairly rich without
  children, and had always lived a single life.  He received Larentia, and
  loved her well, and at his death left her sole heir of all his large and
  fair possessions, most of which she, in her last will and testament,
  bequeathed to the people.  It was reported of her, being now celebrated
  and esteemed the mistress of a god, that she suddenly disappeared near
  the place where the first Larentia lay buried; the spot is at this day
  called Velabrum, because, the river frequently overflowing, they went
  over in ferry-boats somewhere hereabouts to the forum, the Latin word
  for ferrying being velatura.  Others derive the name from velum, a sail;
  because the exhibitors of public shows used to hang the road that leads
  from the forum to the Circus Maximus with sails, beginning at this spot.
  Upon these accounts the second Larentia is honored at Rome.

  Meantime Faustulus, Amulius's swineherd, brought up the children without
  any man's knowledge; or, as those say who wish to keep closer to
  probabilities, with the knowledge and secret assistance of Numitor; for
  it is said, they went to school at Gabii, and were well instructed in
  letters, and other accomplishments befitting their birth.  And they were
  called Romulus and Remus, (from ruma, the dug,) as we had before,
  because they were found sucking the wolf.  In their very infancy, the size
  and beauty of their bodies intimated their natural superiority; and when
  they grew up, they both proved brave and manly, attempting all
  enterprises that seemed hazardous, and showing in them a courage
  altogether undaunted.  But Romulus seemed rather to act by counsel, and
  to show the sagacity of a statesman, and in all his dealings with their
  neighbors, whether relating to feeding of flocks or to hunting, gave the
  idea of being born rather to rule than to obey.  To their comrades and
  inferiors they were therefore dear; but the king's servants, his
  bailiffs and overseers, as being in nothing better men than themselves,
  they despised and slighted, nor were the least concerned at their
  commands and menaces.  They used honest pastimes and liberal studies,
  not esteeming sloth and idleness honest and liberal, but rather such
  exercises as hunting and running, repelling robbers, taking of thieves,
  and delivering the wronged and oppressed from injury.  For doing such
  things they became famous.

  A quarrel occurring between Numitor's and Amulius's cowherds, the
  latter, not enduring the driving away of their cattle by the others,
  fell upon them and put them to flight, and rescued the greatest part of
  the prey.  At which Numitor being highly incensed, they little regarded
  it, but collected and took into their company a number of needy men and
  runaway slaves,—acts which looked like the first stages of rebellion.
  It so happened, that when Romulus was attending a sacrifice, being fond
  of sacred rites and divination, Numitor's herdsmen, meeting with Remus
  on a journey with few companions, fell upon him, and, after some
  fighting, took him prisoner, carried him before Numitor, and there
  accused him.  Numitor would not punish him himself, fearing his
  brother's anger, but went to Amulius, and desired justice, as he was
  Amulius's brother and was affronted by Amulius's servants.  The men of
  Alba likewise resenting the thing, and thinking he had been dishonorably
  used, Amulius was induced to deliver Remus up into Numitor's hands, to
  use him as he thought fit.  He therefore took and carried him home, and,
  being struck with admiration of the youth's person, in stature and
  strength of body exceeding all men, and perceiving in his very
  countenance the courage and force of his mind, which stood unsubdued and
  unmoved by his present circumstances, and hearing further that all the
  enterprises and actions of his life were answerable to what he saw of
  him, but chiefly, as it seemed, a divine influence aiding and directing
  the first steps that were to lead to great results, out of the mere
  thought of his mind, and casually, as it were, he put his hand upon the
  fact, and, in gentle terms and with a kind aspect, to inspire him with
  confidence and hope, asked him who he was, and whence he was derived.
  He, taking heart, spoke thus: " I will hide nothing from you, for you
  seem to be of a more princely temper than Amulius, in that you give a
  hearing and examine before you punish, while he condemns before the
  cause is heard.  Formerly, then, we (for we are twins) thought ourselves
  the sons of Faustulus and Larentia, the king's servants; but since we
  have been accused and aspersed with calumnies, and brought in peril of
  our lives here before you, we hear great things of ourselves, the truth
  of which my present danger is likely to bring to the test.  Our birth is
  said to have been secret, our fostering and nurture in our infancy still
  more strange; by birds and beasts, to whom we were cast out, we were
  fed, by the milk of a wolf, and the morsels of a woodpecker, as we lay
  in a little trough by the side of the river.  The trough is still in
  being, and is preserved, with brass plates round it, and an inscription
  in letters almost effaced; which may prove hereafter unavailing tokens
  to our parents when we are dead and gone." Numitor, upon these words,
  and computing the dates by the young man's looks, slighted not the hope
  that flattered him, but considered how to come at his daughter privately
  (for she was still kept under restraint), to talk with her concerning
  these matters.

  Faustulus, hearing Remus was taken and delivered up, called on Romulus
  to assist in his rescue, informing him then plainly of the particulars
  of his birth, not but he had before given hints of it, and told as much
  as an attentive man might make no small conclusions from; he himself,
  full of concern and fear of not coming in time, took the trough, and ran
  instantly to Numitor; but giving a suspicion to some of the king's
  sentry at his gate, and being gazed upon by them and perplexed with
  their questions, he let it be seen that he was hiding the trough under
  his cloak.  By chance there was one among them who was at the exposing
  of the children, and was one employed in the office; he, seeing the
  trough and knowing it by its make and inscription, guessed at the
  business, and, without further delay, telling the king of it, brought in
  the man to be examined.  Faustulus, hard beset, did not show himself
  altogether proof against terror; nor yet was he wholly forced out of
  all; confessed indeed the children were alive, but lived, he said, as
  shepherds, a great way from Alba; he himself was going to carry the
  trough to Ilia, who had often greatly desired to see and handle it, for
  a confirmation of her hopes of her children.  As men generally do who
  are troubled in mind and act either in fear or passion, it so fell out
  Amulius now did; for he sent in haste as a messenger, a man, otherwise
  honest, and friendly to Numitor, with commands to learn from Numitor
  whether any tidings were come to him of the children's being alive.  He,
  coming and seeing how little Remus wanted of being received into the
  arms and embraces of Numitor, both gave him surer confidence in his
  hope, and advised them, with all expedition, to proceed to action;
  himself too joining and assisting them, and indeed, had they wished it,
  the time would not have let them demur.  For Romulus was now come very
  near, and many of the citizens, out of fear and hatred of Amulius, were
  running out to join him; besides, he brought great forces with him,
  divided into companies, each of an hundred men, every captain carrying a
  small bundle of grass and shrubs tied to a pole.  The Latins call such
  bundles manipuli and from hence it is that in their armies still they
  call their captains manipulares.  Remus rousing the citizens within to
  revolt, and Romulus making attacks from without, the tyrant, not knowing
  either what to do, or what expedient to think of for his security, in
  this perplexity and confusion was taken and put to death.  This
  narrative, for the most part given by Fabius and Diocles of Peparethus,
  who seem to be the earliest historians of the foundation of Rome, is
  suspected by some, because of its dramatic and fictitious appearance;
  but it would not wholly be disbelieved, if men would remember what a
  poet fortune sometimes shows herself, and consider that the Roman power
  would hardly have reached so high a pitch without a divinely ordered
  origin, attended with great and extraordinary circumstances.

  Amulius now being dead and matters quietly disposed, the two brothers
  would neither dwell in Alba without governing there, nor take the
  government into their own hands during the life of their grandfather.
  Having therefore delivered the dominion up into his hands, and paid
  their mother befitting honor, they resolved to live by themselves, and
  build a city in the same place where they were in their infancy brought
  up.  This seems the most honorable reason for their departure; though
  perhaps it was necessary, having such a body of slaves and fugitives
  collected about them, either to come to nothing by dispersing them, or
  if not so, then to live with them elsewhere.  For that the inhabitants
  of Alba did not think fugitives worthy of being received and
  incorporated as citizens among them plainly appears from the matter of
  the women, an attempt made not wantonly but of necessity, because they
  could not get wives by good-will.  For they certainly paid unusual
  respect and honor to those whom they thus forcibly seized.

  Not long after the first foundation of the city, they opened a sanctuary
  of refuge for all fugitives, which they called the temple of the god
  Asylaeus, where they received and protected all, delivering none back,
  neither the servant to his master, the debtor to his creditor, nor the
  murderer into the hands of the magistrate, saying it was a privileged
  place, and they could so maintain it by an order of the holy oracle;
  insomuch that the city grew presently very populous, for, they say, it
  consisted at first of no more than a thousand houses.
  But of that hereafter.

  Their minds being fully bent upon building, there arose presently a
  difference about the place where.  Romulus chose what was called Roma
  Quadrata, or the Square Rome, and would have the city there.  Remus laid
  out a piece of ground on the Aventine Mount, well fortified by nature,
  which was from him called Remonium, but now Rignarium.  Concluding at
  last to decide the contest by a divination from a flight of birds, and
  placing themselves apart at some distance, Remus, they say, saw six
  vultures, and Romulus double the number; others say Remus did truly see
  his number, and that Romulus feigned his, but, when Remus came to him,
  that then he did, indeed, see twelve.  Hence it is that the Romans, in
  their divinations from birds, chiefly regard the vulture, though
  Herodorus Ponticus relates that Hercules was always very joyful when a
  vulture appeared to him upon any action.  For it is a creature the least
  hurtful of any, pernicious neither to corn, fruit-tree, nor cattle; it
  preys only upon carrion, and never kills or hurts any living thing; and
  as for birds, it touches not them, though they are dead, as being of its
  own species, whereas eagles, owls, and hawks mangle and kill their own
  fellow-creatures; yet, as Aeschylus says,—

  What bird is clean that preys on fellow bird ?

  Besides all other birds are, so to say, never out of our eyes; they let
  themselves be seen of us continually; but a vulture is a very rare
  sight, and you can seldom meet with a man that has seen their young;
  their rarity and infrequency has raised a strange opinion in some, that
  they come to us from some other world; as soothsayers ascribe a divine
  origination to all things not produced either of nature
  or of themselves.

  When Remus knew the cheat, he was much displeased; and as Romulus was
  casting up a ditch, where he designed the foundation of the citywall, he
  turned some pieces of the work to ridicule, and obstructed others: at
  last, as he was in contempt leaping over it, some say Romulus himself
  struck him, others Celer, one of his companions; he fell, however, and
  in the scuffle Faustulus also was slain, and Plistinus, who, being
  Faustulus's brother, story tells us, helped to bring up Romulus.  Celer
  upon this fled instantly into Tuscany, and from him the Romans call all
  men that are swift of foot Celeres; and because Quintus Metellus, at his
  father's funeral, in a few days' time gave the people a show of
  gladiators, admiring his expedition in getting it ready, they gave him
  the name of Celer.

  Romulus, having buried his brother Remus, together with his two foster-
  fathers, on the mount Remonia, set to building his city; and sent for
  men out of Tuscany, who directed him by sacred usages and written rules
  in all the ceremonies to be observed, as in a religious rite.  First,
  they dug a round trench about that which is now the Comitium, or Court
  of Assembly, and into it solemnly threw the first-fruits of all things
  either good by custom or necessary by nature; lastly, every man taking a
  small piece of earth of the country from whence he came, they all threw
  them in promiscuously together.  This trench they call, as they do the
  heavens, Mundus; making which their center, they described the city in a
  circle round it.  Then the founder fitted to a plow a brazen plowshare,
  and, yoking together a bull and a cow, drove himself a deep line or
  furrow round the bounds; while the business of those that followed after
  was to see that whatever earth was thrown up should be turned all
  inwards towards the city, and not to let any clod lie outside.  With
  this line they described the wall, and called it, by a contraction,
  Pomoerium, that is, post murum, after or beside the wall; and where they
  designed to make a gate, there they took out the share, carried the plow
  over, and left a space; for which reason they consider the whole wall as
  holy, except where the gates are; for had they adjudged them also
  sacred, they could not, without offense to religion, have given free
  ingress and egress for the necessaries of human life, some of which are
  in themselves unclean.

  As for the day they began to build the city, it is universally agreed to
  have been the twenty-first of April, and that day the Romans annually
  keep holy, calling it their country's birthday.  At first, they say,
  they sacrificed no living creature on this day, thinking it fit to
  preserve the feast of their country's birthday pure and without stain
  of blood.  Yet before ever the city was built, there was a feast of
  herdsmen and shepherds kept on this day, which went by the name of
  Palilia.  The Roman and Greek months have now little or no agreement;
  they say, however, the day on which Romulus began to build was quite
  certainly the thirtieth of the month, at which time there was an eclipse
  of the sun which they conceive to be that seen by Antimachus, the Teian
  poet, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad.  In the times of Varro
  the philosopher, a man deeply read in Roman history, lived one
  Tarrutius, his familiar acquaintance, a good philosopher and
  mathematician, and one, too, that out of curiosity had studied the way
  of drawing schemes and tables, and was thought to be a proficient in the
  art; to him Varro propounded to cast Romulus's nativity, even to the
  first day and hour, making his deductions from the several events of the
  man's life which he should be informed of, exactly as in working back a
  geometrical problem; for it belonged, he said, to the same science both
  to foretell a man's life by knowing the time of his birth, and also to
  find out his birth by the knowledge of his life.  This task Tarrutius
  undertook, and first looking into the actions and casualties of the man,
  together with the time of his life and manner of his death, and then
  comparing all these remarks together, he very confidently and positively
  pronounced that Romulus was conceived in his mother's womb the first
  year of the second Olympiad, the twenty-third day of the month the
  Egyptians call Choeac, and the third hour after sunset, at which time
  there was a total eclipse of the sun; that he was born the twenty-first
  day of the month Thoth, about sun-rising; and that the first stone of
  Rome was laid by him the ninth day of the month Pharmuthi, between the
  second and third hour.  For the fortunes of cities as well as of men,
  they think, have their certain periods of time prefixed, which may be
  collected and foreknown from the position of the stars at their first
  foundation.  But these and the like relations may perhaps not so much
  take and delight the reader with their novelty and curiosity, as offend
  him by their extravagance.

  The city now being built, Romulus enlisted all that were of age to bear
  arms into military companies, each company consisting of three thousand
  footmen and three hundred horse.  These companies were called legions,
  because they were the choicest and most select of the people for
  fighting men.  The rest of the multitude he called the people; one
  hundred of the most eminent he chose for counselors; these he styled
  patricians, and their assembly the senate, which signifies a council of
  elders.  The patricians, some say, were so called because they were the
  fathers of lawful children; others, because they could give a good
  account who their own fathers were, which not every one of the rabble
  that poured into the city at first could do; others, from patronage,
  their word for protection of inferiors, the origin of which they
  attribute to Patron, one of those that came over with Evander, who was a
  great protector and defender of the weak and needy.  But perhaps the
  most probable judgment might be, that Romulus, esteeming it the duty of
  the chiefest and wealthiest men, with a fatherly care and concern to
  look after the meaner, and also encouraging the commonalty not to dread
  or be aggrieved at the honors of their superiors, but to love and
  respect them, and to think and call them their fathers, might from hence
  give them the name of patricians.  For at this very time all foreigners
  give senators the style of lords; but the Romans, making use of a more
  honorable and less invidious name, call them Patres Conscripti; at first
  indeed simply Patres, but afterwards, more being added, Patres
  Conscripti.  By this more imposing title he distinguished the senate
  from the populace; and in other ways also separated the nobles and the
  commons,—calling them patrons, and these their clients,—by which means
  he created wonderful love and amity between them, productive of great
  justice in their dealings.  For they were always their clients'
  counselors in law cases, their advocates in courts of justice, in fine
  their advisers and supporters in all affairs whatever.  These again
  faithfully served their patrons, not only paying them all respect and
  deference, but also, in case of poverty, helping them to portion their
  daughters and pay off their debts; and for a patron to witness against
  his client, or a client against his patron, was what no law nor
  magistrate could enforce.  In after times all other duties subsisting
  still between them, it was thought mean and dishonorable for the better
  sort to take money from their inferiors.  And so much of these matters.

  In the fourth month, after the city was built, as Fabius writes, the
  adventure of stealing the women was attempted; and some say Romulus
  himself, being naturally a martial man, and predisposed too, perhaps, by
  certain oracles, to believe the fates had ordained the future growth and
  greatness of Rome should depend upon the benefit of war, upon these
  accounts first offered violence to the Sabines, since he took away only
  thirty virgins, more to give an occasion of war than out of any want of
  women.  But this is not very probable; it would seem rather that,
  observing his city to be filled by a confluence of foreigners, few of
  whom had wives, and that the multitude in general, consisting of a
  mixture of mean and obscure men, fell under contempt, and seemed to be
  of no long continuance together, and hoping farther, after the women
  were appeased, to make this injury in some measure an occasion of
  confederacy and mutual commerce with the Sabines, he took in hand this
  exploit after this manner.  First, he gave it out as if he had found an
  altar of a certain god hid under ground; the god they called Consus,
  either the god of counsel (for they still call a consultation consilium
  and their chief magistrates consules, namely, counselors), or else the
  equestrian Neptune, for the altar is kept covered in the circus maximus
  at all other times, and only at horse-races is exposed to public view;
  others merely say that this god had his altar hid under ground because
  counsel ought to be secret and concealed.  Upon discovery of this altar,
  Romulus, by proclamation, appointed a day for a splendid sacrifice, and
  for public games and shows, to entertain all sorts of people; many
  flocked thither, and he himself sat in front, amidst his nobles, clad
  in purple.  Now the signal for their falling on was to be whenever he
  rose and gathered up his robe and threw it over his body; his men stood
  all ready armed, with their eyes intent upon him, and when the sign was
  given, drawing their swords and falling on with a great shout, they
  ravished away the daughters of the Sabines, they themselves flying
  without any let or hindrance.  They say there were but thirty taken, and
  from them the Curiae or Fraternities were named; but Valerius Antias
  says five hundred and twenty-seven, Juba, six hundred and eighty-three
  virgins; which was indeed the greatest excuse Romulus could allege,
  namely, that they had taken no married woman, save one only, Hersilia by
  name, and her too unknowingly; which showed they did not commit this
  rape wantonly, but with a design purely of forming alliance with their
  neighbors by the greatest and surest bonds.  This Hersilia some say
  Hostilius married, a most eminent man among the Romans; others, Romulus
  himself, and that she bore two children to him, a daughter, by reason of
  primogeniture called Prima, and one only son, whom, from the great
  concourse of citizens to him at that time, he called Aollius, but after
  ages Abillius.  But Zenodotus the Troezenian, in giving this account, is
  contradicted by many.

  Among those who committed this rape upon the virgins, there were, they
  say, as it so then happened, some of the meaner sort of men, who were
  carrying off a damsel, excelling all in beauty and comeliness of
  stature, whom when some of superior rank that met them attempted to take
  away, they cried out they were carrying her to Talasius, a young man,
  indeed, but brave and worthy; hearing that, they commended and applauded
  them loudly, and also some, turning back, accompanied them with good-
  will and pleasure, shouting out the name of Talasius.  Hence the Romans
  to this very time, at their weddings, sing Talasius for their nuptial
  word, as the Greeks do Hymenaeus, because, they say, Talasius was very
  happy in his marriage.  But Sextius Sylla the Carthaginian, a man
  wanting neither learning nor ingenuity, told me Romulus gave this word
  as a sign when to begin the onset; everybody, therefore, who made prize
  of a maiden, cried out, Talasius; and for that reason the custom
  continues so now at marriages.  But most are of opinion (of whom Juba
  particularly is one) that this word was used to new-married women by way
  of incitement to good housewifery and talasia (spinning), as we say in
  Greek, Greek words at that time not being as yet overpowered by Italian.
  But if this be the case, and if the Romans did at that time use the word
  talasia as we do, a man might fancy a more probable reason of the
  custom.  For when the Sabines, after the war against the Romans, were
  reconciled, conditions were made concerning their women, that they
  should be obliged to do no other servile offices to their husbands but
  what concerned spinning; it was customary, therefore, ever after, at
  weddings, for those that gave the bride or escorted her or otherwise
  were present, sportingly to say Talasius, intimating that she was
  henceforth to serve in spinning and no more.  It continues also a custom
  at this very day for the bride not of herself to pass her husband's
  threshold, but to be lifted over, in memory that the Sabine virgins were
  carried in by violence, and did not go in of their own will.  Some say,
  too, the custom of parting the bride's hair with the head of a spear was
  in token their marriages began at first by war and acts of hostility, of
  which I have spoken more fully in my book of Questions.

  This rape was committed on the eighteenth day of the month Sextilis, now
  called August, on which the solemnities of the Consualia are kept.

  The Sabines were a numerous and martial people, but lived in small,
  unfortified villages, as it befitted, they thought, a colony of the
  Lacedaemonians to be bold and fearless; nevertheless, seeing themselves
  bound by such hostages to their good behavior, and being solicitous for
  their daughters, they sent ambassadors to Romulus with fair and
  equitable requests, that he would return their young women and recall
  that act of violence, and afterwards, by persuasion and lawful means,
  seek friendly correspondence between both nations.  Romulus would not
  part with the young women, yet proposed to the Sabines to enter into an
  alliance with them; upon which point some consulted and demurred long,
  but Acron, king of the Ceninenses, a man of high spirit and a good
  warrior, who had all along a jealousy of Romulus's bold attempts, and
  considering particularly from this exploit upon the women that he was
  growing formidable to all people, and indeed insufferable, were he not
  chastised, first rose up in arms, and with a powerful army advanced
  against him.  Romulus likewise prepared to receive him; but when they
  came within sight and viewed each other, they made a challenge to fight
  a single duel, the armies standing by under arms, without participation.
  And Romulus, making a vow to Jupiter, if he should conquer, to carry,
  himself, and dedicate his adversary's armor to his honor, overcame him
  in combat, and, a battle ensuing, routed his army also, and then took
  his city; but did those he found in it no injury, only commanded them to
  demolish the place and attend him to Rome, there to be admitted to all
  the privileges of citizens.  And indeed there was nothing did more
  advance the greatness of Rome, than that she did always unite and
  incorporate those whom she conquered into herself.  Romulus, that he
  might perform his vow in the most acceptable manner to Jupiter, and
  withal make the pomp of it delightful to the eye of the city, cut down a
  tall oak which he saw growing in the camp, which he trimmed to the shape
  of a trophy, and fastened on it Acron's whole suit of armor disposed in
  proper form; then he himself, girding his clothes about him, and
  crowning his head with a laurel-garland, his hair gracefully flowing,
  carried the trophy resting erect upon his right shoulder, and so marched
  on, singing songs of triumph, and his whole army following after, the
  citizens all receiving him with acclamations of joy and wonder.  The
  procession of this day was the origin and model of all after triumphs.
  This trophy was styled an offering to Jupiter Feretrius, from ferire,
  which in Latin is to smite; for Romulus prayed he might smite and
  overthrow his enemy; and the spoils were called opima, or royal spoils,
  says Varro, from their richness, which the word opes signifies; though
  one would more probably conjecture from opus, an act; for it is only to
  the general of an army who with his own hand kills his enemies' general
  that this honor is granted of offering the opima spolia.  And three only
  of the Roman captains have had it conferred on them: first, Romulus,
  upon killing Acron the Ceninensian; next, Cornelius Cossus, for slaying
  Tolumnius the Tuscan; and lastly, Claudius Marcellus, upon his
  conquering Viridomarus, king of the Gauls.  The two latter, Cossus and
  Marcellus, made their entries in triumphant chariots, bearing their
  trophies themselves; but that Romulus made use of a chariot, Dionysius
  is wrong in asserting.  History says, Tarquinius, Damaratus's son, was
  the first that brought triumphs to this great pomp and grandeur; others,
  that Publicola was the first that rode in triumph.  The statues of
  Romulus in triumph are, as may be seen in Rome, all on foot.

  After the overthrow of the Ceninensians, the other Sabines still
  protracting the time in preparations, the people of Fidenae,
  Crustumerium, and Antemna, joined their forces against the Romans; they
  in like manner were defeated in battle, and surrendered up to Romulus
  their cities to be seized, their lands and territories to be divided,
  and themselves to be transplanted to Rome.  All the lands which Romulus
  acquired, he distributed among the citizens, except only what the
  parents of the stolen virgins had; these he suffered to possess their
  own.  The rest of the Sabines, enraged hereat, choosing Tatius their
  captain, marched straight against Rome.  The city was almost
  inaccessible, having for its fortress that which is now the Capitol,
  where a strong guard was placed, and Tarpeius their captain; not Tarpeia
  the virgin, as some say who would make Romulus a fool.  But Tarpeia,
  daughter to the captain, coveting the golden bracelets she saw them
  wear, betrayed the fort into the Sabines' hands, and asked, in reward of
  her treachery, the things they wore on their left arms.  Tatius
  conditioning thus with her, in the night she opened one of the gates,
  and received the Sabines in.  And truly Antigonus, it would seem, was
  not solitary in saying, he loved betrayers, but hated those who had
  betrayed; nor Caesar, who told Rhymitalces the Thracian, that he loved
  the treason, but hated the traitor; but it is the general feeling of all
  who have occasion for wicked men's service, as people have for the
  poison of venomous beasts; they are glad of them while they are of use,
  and abhor their baseness when it is over.  And so then did Tatius behave
  towards Tarpeia, for he commanded the Sabines, in regard to their
  contract, not to refuse her the least part of what they wore on their
  left arms; and he himself first took his bracelet of his arm, and threw
  that, together with his buckler, at her; and all the rest following,
  she, being borne down and quite buried with the multitude of gold and
  their shields, died under the weight and pressure of them; Tarpeius also
  himself, being prosecuted by Romulus, was found guilty of treason, as
  Juba says Sulpicius Galba relates.  Those who write otherwise concerning
  Tarpeia, as that she was the daughter of Tatius, the Sabine captain,
  and, being forcibly detained by Romulus, acted and suffered thus by her
  father's contrivance, speak very absurdly, of whom Antigonus is one.
  And Simylus, the poet, who thinks Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol, not to
  the Sabines, but the Gauls, having fallen in love with their king, talks
  mere folly, saying thus:—

  Tarpeia 'twas, who, dwelling close thereby,
  Laid open Rome unto the enemy.
  She, for the love of the besieging Gaul,
  Betrayed the city's strength, the Capitol.

  And a little after, speaking of her death:—

  The numerous nations of the Celtic foe
  Bore her not living to the banks of Po;
  Their heavy shields upon the maid they threw,
  And with their splendid gifts entombed at once and slew.

  Tarpeia afterwards was buried there, and the hill from her was called
  Tarpeius, until the reign of king Tarquin, who dedicated the place to
  Jupiter, at which time her bones were removed, and so it lost her name,
  except only that part of the Capitol which they still call the Tarpeian
  Rock, from which they used to cast down malefactors.

  The Sabines being possessed of the hill, Romulus, in great fury, bade
  them battle, and Tatius was confident to accept it, perceiving, if they
  were overpowered, that they had behind them a secure retreat.  The level
  in the middle, where they were to join battle, being surrounded with
  many little hills, seemed to enforce both parties to a sharp and
  desperate conflict, by reason of the difficulties of the place, which
  had but a few outlets, inconvenient either for refuge or pursuit.  It
  happened, too, the river having overflowed not many days before, there
  was left behind in the plain, where now the forum stands, a deep blind
  mud and slime, which, though it did not appear much to the eye, and was
  not easily avoided, at bottom was deceitful and dangerous; upon which
  the Sabines being unwarily about to enter, met with a piece of good
  fortune; for Curtius, a gallant man, eager of honor, and of aspiring
  thoughts, being mounted on horseback, was galloping on before the rest,
  and mired his horse here, and, endeavoring for awhile by whip and spur
  and voice to disentangle him, but finding it impossible, quitted him and
  saved himself; the place from him to this very time is called the
  Curtian Lake.  The Sabines, having avoided this danger, began the fight
  very smartly, the fortune of the day being very dubious, though many
  were slain; amongst whom was Hostilius, who, they say, was husband to
  Hersilia, and grandfather to that Hostilius who reigned after Numa.
  There were many other brief conflicts, we may suppose, but the most
  memorable was the last, in which Romulus having received a wound on his
  head by a stone, and being almost felled to the ground by it, and
  disabled, the Romans gave way, and, being driven out of the level
  ground, fled towards the Palatium.  Romulus, by this time recovering
  from his wound a little, turned about to renew the battle, and, facing
  the fliers, with a loud voice encouraged them to stand and fight.  But
  being overborne with numbers, and nobody daring to face about,
  stretching out his hands to heaven, he prayed to Jupiter to stop the
  army, and not to neglect but maintain the Roman cause, now in extreme
  danger.  The prayer was no sooner made, than shame and respect for their
  king checked many; the fears of the fugitives changed suddenly into
  confidence.  The place they first stood at was where now is the temple
  of Jupiter Stator (which may be translated the Stayer); there they
  rallied again into ranks, and repulsed the Sabines to the place called
  now Regia, and to the temple of Vesta; where both parties, preparing to
  begin a second battle, were prevented by a spectacle, strange to behold,
  and defying description.  For the daughters of the Sabines, who had been
  carried off, came running, in great confusion, some on this side, some
  on that, with miserable cries and lamentations, like creatures
  possessed, in the midst of the army, and among the dead bodies, to come
  at their husbands and their fathers, some with their young babes in
  their arms, others their hair loose about their ears, but all calling,
  now upon the Sabines, now upon the Romans, in the most tender and
  endearing words.  Hereupon both melted into compassion, and fell back,
  to make room for them between the armies.  The sight of the women
  carried sorrow and commiseration upon both sides into the hearts of all,
  but still more their words, which began with expostulation and
  upbraiding, and ended with entreaty and supplication.

  "Wherein," say they, "have we injured or offended you, as to deserve
  such sufferings, past and present?  We were ravished away unjustly and
  violently by those whose now we are; that being done, we were so long
  neglected by our fathers, our brothers, and countrymen, that time,
  having now by the strictest bonds united us to those we once mortally
  hated, has made it impossible for us not to tremble at the danger and
  weep at the death of the very men who once used violence to us.  You did
  not come to vindicate our honor, while we were virgins, against our
  assailants; but do come now to force away wives from their husbands and
  mothers from their children, a succor more grievous to its wretched
  objects than the former betrayal and neglect of them.  Which shall we
  call the worst, their love-making or your compassion?  If you were
  making war upon any other occasion, for our sakes you ought to withhold
  your hands from those to whom we have made you fathers-in-law and
  grandsires.  If it be for our own cause, then take us, and with us your
  sons-in-law and grandchildren.  Restore to us our parents and kindred,
  but do not rob us of our children and husbands.  Make us not, we entreat
  you, twice captives."  Hersilia having spoken many such words as these,
  and the others earnestly praying, a truce was made, and the chief
  officers came to a parley; the women, in the mean time, brought and
  presented their husbands and children to their fathers and brothers;
  gave those that wanted, meat and drink, and carried the wounded home to
  be cured, and showed also how much they governed within doors, and how
  indulgent their husbands were to them, in demeaning themselves towards
  them with all kindness and respect imaginable.  Upon this, conditions
  were agreed upon, that what women pleased might stay where they were,
  exempt, as aforesaid, from all drudgery and labor but spinning; that the
  Romans and Sabines should inhabit the city together; that the city
  should be called Rome, from Romulus; but the Romans, Quirites, from the
  country of Tatius; and that they both should govern and command in
  common.  The place of the ratification is still called Comitium,
  from coire, to meet.

  The city being thus doubled in number, one hundred of the Sabines were
  elected senators, and the legions were increased to six thousand foot
  and six hundred horse; then they divided the people into three tribes;
  the first, from Romulus, named Ramnenses; the second, from Tatius,
  Tatienses; the third, Luceres, from the lucus, or grove, where the
  Asylum stood, whither many fled for sanctuary, and were received into
  the city.  And that they were just three, the very name of tribe and
  tribune seems to show; each tribe contained ten curiae, or brotherhoods,
  which, some say, took their names from the Sabine women; but that seems
  to be false, because many had their names from various places.  Though
  it is true, they then constituted many things in honor to the women; as
  to give them the way wherever they met them; to speak no ill word in
  their presence; not to appear naked before them, or else be liable to
  prosecution before the judges of homicide; that their children should
  wear an ornament about their necks called the bulla (because it was like
  a bubble), and the praetexta, a gown edged with purple.

  The princes did not immediately join in council together, but at first
  each met with his own hundred; afterwards all assembled together.
  Tatius dwelt where now the temple of Moneta stands, and Romulus, close
  by the steps, as they call them, of the Fair Shore, near the descent
  from the Mount Palatine to the Circus Maximus.  There, they say, grew
  the holy cornel tree, of which they report, that Romulus once, to try
  his strength, threw a dart from the Aventine Mount, the staff of which
  was made of cornel, which struck so deep into the ground, that no one of
  many that tried could pluck it up; and the soil, being fertile, gave
  nourishment to the wood, which sent forth branches, and produced a
  cornel-stock of considerable bigness.  This did posterity preserve and
  worship as one of the most sacred things; and, therefore, walled it
  about; and if to any one it appeared not green nor flourishing, but
  inclining to pine and wither, he immediately made outcry to all he met,
  and they, like people hearing of a house on fire, with one accord would
  cry for water, and run from all parts with buckets full to the place.
  But when Caius Caesar, they say, was repairing the steps about it, some
  of the laborers digging too close, the roots were destroyed,
  and the tree withered.

  The Sabines adopted the Roman months, of which whatever is remarkable is
  mentioned in the Life of Numa.  Romulus, on the other hand, adopted
  their long shields, and changed his own armor and that of all the
  Romans, who before wore round targets of the Argive pattern.  Feasts and
  sacrifices they partook of in common, not abolishing any which either
  nation observed before, and instituting several new ones; of which one
  was the Matronalia, instituted in honor of the women.  for their
  extinction of the war; likewise the Carmentalia.  This Carmenta some
  think a deity presiding over human birth; for which reason she is much
  honored by mothers.  Others say she was the wife of Evander, the
  Arcadian, being a prophetess, and wont to deliver her oracles in verse,
  and from carmen, a verse, was called Carmenta; her proper name being
  Nicostrata.  Others more probably derive Carmenta from carens mente, or
  insane, in allusion to her prophetic frenzies.  Of the Feast of Palilia
  we have spoken before.  The Lupercalia, by the time of its celebration,
  may seem to be a feast of purification, for it is solemnized on the dies
  nefasti, or non-court days, of the month February, which name signifies
  purification, and the very day of the feast was anciently called
  Februata; but its name is equivalent to the Greek Lycaea; and it seems
  thus to be of great antiquity, and brought in by the Arcadians who came
  with Evander.  Yet this is but dubious, for it may come as well from the
  wolf that nursed Romulus; and we see the Luperci, the priests, begin
  their course from the place where they say Romulus was exposed.  But the
  ceremonies performed in it render the origin of the thing more difficult
  to be guessed at; for there are goats killed, then, two young noblemen's
  sons being brought, some are to stain their foreheads with the bloody
  knife, others presently to wipe it off with wool dipped in milk; then
  the young boys must laugh after their foreheads are wiped; that done,
  having cut the goats' skins into thongs, they run about naked, only with
  something about their middle, lashing all they meet; and the young wives
  do not avoid their strokes, fancying they will help conception and
  child-birth.  Another thing peculiar to this feast is for the Luperci to
  sacrifice a dog.  But as, a certain poet who wrote fabulous explanations
  of Roman customs in elegiac verses, says, that Romulus and Remus, after
  the conquest of Amulius, ran joyfully to the place where the wolf gave
  them suck; and that in imitation of that, this feast was held,
  and two young noblemen ran—

  Striking at all, as when from Alba town,
  With sword in hand, the twins came hurrying down;

  and that the bloody knife applied to their foreheads was a sign of the
  danger and bloodshed of that day; the cleansing of them in milk, a
  remembrance of their food and nourishment.  Caius Acilius writes, that,
  before the city was built, the cattle of Romulus and Remus one day going
  astray, they, praying to the god Faunus, ran out to seek them naked,
  wishing not to be troubled with sweat, and that this is why the Luperci
  run naked.  If the sacrifice be by way of purification, a dog might very
  well be sacrificed; for the Greeks, in their lustrations, carry out
  young dogs, and frequently use this ceremony of periscylacismus as they
  call it.  Or if again it is a sacrifice of gratitude to the wolf that
  nourished and preserved Romulus, there is good reason in killing a dog,
  as being an enemy to wolves.  Unless indeed, after all, the creature is
  punished for hindering the Luperci in their running.

  They say, too, Romulus was the first that consecrated holy fire, and
  instituted holy virgins to keep it, called vestals; others ascribe it to
  Numa Pompilius; agreeing, however, that Romulus was otherwise eminently
  religious, and skilled in divination, and for that reason carried the
  lituus, a crooked rod with which soothsayers describe the quarters of
  the heavens, when they sit to observe the flights of birds.  This of
  his, being kept in the Palatium, was lost when the city was taken by the
  Gauls; and afterwards, that barbarous people being driven out, was found
  in the ruins, under a great heap of ashes, untouched by the fire, all
  things about it being consumed and burnt.  He instituted also certain
  laws, one of which is somewhat severe, which suffers not a wife to leave
  her husband, but grants a husband power to turn off his wife, either
  upon poisoning her children; or counterfeiting his keys, or for
  adultery; but if the husband upon any other occasion put her away, he
  ordered one moiety of his estate to be given to the wife, the other to
  fall to the goddess Ceres; and whoever cast off his wife, to make an
  atonement by sacrifice to the gods of the dead.  This, too, is
  observable as a singular thing in Romulus, that he appointed no
  punishment for real parricide, but called all murder so, thinking the
  one an accursed thing, but the other a thing impossible; and, for a long
  time, his judgment seemed to have been right; for in almost six hundred
  years together, nobody committed the like in Rome; and Lucius Hostius,
  after the wars of Hanibal, is recorded to have been the first parricide.
  Let thus much suffice concerning these matters.

  In the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some of his friends and
  kinsmen, meeting ambassadors coming from Laurentum to Rome, attempted on
  the road to take away their money by force, and, upon their resistance,
  killed them.  So great a villainy having been committed, Romulus thought
  the malefactors ought at once to be punished, but Tatius shuffled off
  and deferred the execution of it; and this one thing was the beginning
  of open quarrel between them; in all other respects they were very
  careful of their conduct, and administered affairs together with great
  unanimity.  The relations of the slain, being debarred of lawful
  satisfaction by reason of Tatius, fell upon him as he was sacrificing
  with Romulus at Lavinium, and slew him; but escorted Romulus home,
  commending and extolling him for a just prince.  Romulus took the body
  of Tatius, and buried it very splendidly in the Aventine Mount, near the
  place called Armilustrium, but altogether neglected revenging his
  murder.  Some authors write, the city of Laurentum, fearing the
  consequence, delivered up the murderers of Tatius; but Romulus dismissed
  them, saying, one murder was requited with another.  This gave occasion
  of talk and jealousy, as if he were well pleased at the removal of his
  copartner in the government.  Nothing of these things, however, raised
  any sort of feud or disturbance among the Sabines; but some out of love
  to him, others out of fear of his power, some again reverencing him as a
  god, they all continued living peacefully in admiration and awe of him;
  many foreign nations, too, showed respect to Romulus; the Ancient Latins
  sent, and entered into league and confederacy with him.  Fidenae he
  took, a neighboring city to Rome, by a party of horse, as some say, whom
  he sent before with commands to cut down the hinges of the gates,
  himself afterwards unexpectedly coming up.  Others say, they having
  first made the invasion, plundering and ravaging the country and
  suburbs, Romulus lay in ambush for them, and, having killed many of
  their men, took the city; but, nevertheless, did not raze or demolish
  it, but made it a Roman colony, and sent thither, on the Ides of April,
  two thousand five hundred inhabitants.

  Soon after a plague broke out, causing sudden death without any previous
  sickness; it infected also the corn with unfruitfulness, and cattle with
  barrenness; there rained blood, too, in the city; so that, to their
  actual sufferings, fear of the wrath of the gods was added.  But when
  the same mischiefs fell upon Laurentum, then everybody judged it was
  divine vengeance that fell upon both cities, for the neglect of
  executing justice upon the murder of Tatius and the ambassadors.  But
  the murderers on both sides being delivered up and punished, the
  pestilence visibly abated; and Romulus purified the cities with
  lustrations, which, they say, even now are performed at the wood called
  Ferentina.  But before the plague ceased, the Camertines invaded the
  Romans and overran the country, thinking them, by reason of the
  distemper, unable to resist; but Romulus at once made head against them,
  and gained the victory, with the slaughter of six thousand men; then
  took their city, and brought half of those he found there to Rome;
  sending from Rome to Camerium double the number he left there.  This was
  done the first of August.  So many citizens had he to spare, in sixteen
  years' time from his first founding Rome.  Among other spoils, he took a
  brazen four-horse chariot from Camerium, which he placed in the temple
  of Vulcan, setting on it his own statue,
  with a figure of Victory crowning him.

  The Roman cause thus daily gathering strength, their weaker neighbors
  shrunk away, and were thankful to be left untouched; but the stronger,
  out of fear or envy, thought they ought not to give way to Romulus, but
  to curb and put a stop to his growing greatness.  The first were the
  Veientes, a people of Tuscany, who had large possessions, and dwelt in a
  spacious city; they took occasion to commence a war, by claiming Fidenae
  as belonging to them; a thing not only very unreasonable, but very
  ridiculous, that they, who did not assist them in the greatest
  extremities, but permitted them to be slain, should challenge their
  lands and houses when in the hands of others.  But being scornfully
  retorted upon by Romulus in his answers, they divided themselves into
  two bodies; with one they attacked the garrison of Fidenae, the other
  marched against Romulus; that which went against Fidenae got the
  victory, and slew two thousand Romans; the other was worsted by Romulus,
  with the loss of eight thousand men.  A fresh battle was fought near
  Fidenae, and here all men acknowledge the day's success to have been
  chiefly the work of Romulus himself, who showed the highest skill as
  well as courage, and seemed to manifest a strength and swiftness more
  than human.  But what some write, that, of fourteen thousand that fell
  that day, above half were slain by Romulus's own hand, verges too near
  to fable, and is, indeed, simply incredible; since even the Messenians
  are thought to go too far in saying that Aristomenes three times offered
  sacrifice for the death of a hundred enemies, Lacedaemonians, slain by
  himself.  The army being thus routed, Romulus, suffering those that were
  left to make their escape, led his forces against the city; they, having
  suffered such great losses, did not venture to oppose, but, humbly suing
  to him, made a league and friendship for an hundred years; surrendering
  also a large district of land called Septempagium, that is, the seven
  parts, as also their salt-works upon the river, and fifty noblemen for
  hostages.  He made his triumph for this on the Ides of October, leading,
  among the rest of his many captives, the general of the Veientes, an
  elderly man, but who had not, it seemed, acted with the prudence of age;
  whence even now, in sacrifices for victories, they lead an old man
  through the market place to the Capitol, appareled in purple, with a
  bulla, or child's toy, tied to it, and the crier cries, Sardians to be
  sold; for the Tuscans are said to be a colony of the Sardians, and the
  Veientes are a city of Tuscany.

  This was the last battle Romulus ever fought; afterwards he, as most,
  nay all men, very few excepted, do, who are raised by great and
  miraculous good-haps of fortune to power and greatness, so, I say, did
  he; relying upon his own great actions, and growing of an haughtier
  mind, he forsook his popular behavior for kingly arrogance, odious to
  the people; to whom in particular the state which he assumed was
  hateful.  For he dressed in scarlet, with the purple-bordered robe over
  it; he gave audience on a couch of state, having always about him some
  young men called Celeres, from their swiftness in doing commissions;
  there went before him others with staves, to make room, with leather
  thongs tied on their bodies, to bind on the moment whomever he
  commanded.  The Latins formerly used ligare in the same sense as now
  alligare, to bind, whence the name lictors, for these officers, and
  bacula, or staves, for their rods, because staves were then used.  It is
  probable, however, they were first called litores, afterwards, by
  putting in a c, lictores, or, in Greek, liturgi, or people's officers,
  for leitos is still Greek for the commons,
  and laos for the people in general.

  But when, after the death of his grandfather Numitor in Alba, the throne
  devolving upon Romulus, he, to court the people, put the government into
  their own hands, and appointed an annual magistrate over the Albans,
  this taught the great men of Rome to seek after a free and anti-
  monarchical state, wherein all might in turn be subjects and rulers.
  For neither were the patricians any longer admitted to state affairs,
  only had the name and title left them, convening in council rather for
  fashion's sake than advice, where they heard in silence the king's
  commands, and so departed, exceeding the commonalty only in hearing
  first what was done.  These and the like were matters of small moment;
  but when he of his own accord parted among his soldiers what lands were
  acquired by war, and restored the Veientes their hostages, the senate
  neither consenting nor approving of it, then, indeed, he seemed to put a
  great affront upon them; so that, on his sudden and strange
  disappearance a short while after, the senate fell under suspicion and
  calumny.  He disappeared on the Nones of July, as they now call the month
  which was then Quintilis, leaving nothing of certainty to be related of
  his death; only the time, as just mentioned, for on that day many
  ceremonies are still performed in representation of what happened.
  Neither is this uncertainty to be thought strange, seeing the manner of
  the death of Scipio Africanus, who died at his own home after supper,
  has been found capable neither of proof or disproof; for some say he
  died a natural death, being of a sickly habit; others, that he poisoned
  himself; others again, that his enemies, breaking in upon him in the
  night, stifled him.  Yet Scipio's dead body lay open to be seen of all,
  and any one, from his own observation, might form his suspicions and
  conjectures; whereas Romulus, when he vanished, left neither the least
  part of his body, nor any remnant of his clothes to be seen.  So that
  some fancied, the senators, having fallen upon him ill the temple of
  Vulcan, cut his body into pieces, and took each a part away in his
  bosom; others think his disappearance was neither in the temple of
  Vulcan, nor with the senators only by, but that, it came to pass that,
  as he was haranguing the people without the city, near a place called
  the Goat's Marsh, on a sudden strange and unaccountable disorders and
  alterations took place in the air; the face of the sun was darkened, and
  the day turned into night, and that, too, no quiet, peaceable night, but
  with terrible thunderings, and boisterous winds from all quarters;
  during which the common people dispersed and fled, but the senators kept
  close together.  The tempest being over and the light breaking out, when
  the people gathered again, they missed and inquired for their king; the
  senators suffered them not to search, or busy themselves about the
  matter, but commanded them to honor and worship Romulus as one taken up
  to the gods, and about to be to them, in the place of a good prince, now
  a propitious god.  The multitude, hearing this, went away believing and
  rejoicing in hopes of good things from him; but there were some, who,
  canvassing the matter in a hostile temper, accused and aspersed the
  patricians, as men that persuaded the people to believe ridiculous
  tales, when they themselves were the murderers of the king.

  Things being in this disorder, one, they say, of the patricians, of
  noble family and approved good character, and a faithful and familiar
  friend of Romulus himself, having come with him from Alba, Julius
  Proculus by name, presented himself in the forum; and, taking a most
  sacred oath, protested before them all, that, as he was traveling on the
  road, he had seen Romulus coming to meet him, looking taller and
  comelier than ever, dressed in shining and faming armor; and he, being
  affrighted at the apparition, said, "Why, O king, or for what purpose
  have you abandoned us to unjust and wicked surmises, and the whole city
  to bereavement and endless sorrow?" and that he made answer, "It
  pleased the gods, O Proculus, that we, who came from them, should remain
  so long a time amongst men as we did; and, having built a city to be the
  greatest in the world for empire and glory, should again return to
  heaven.  But farewell; and tell the Romans, that, by the exercise of
  temperance and fortitude, they shall attain the height of human power;
  we will be to you the propitious god Quirinus." This seemed credible to
  the Romans, upon the honesty and oath of the relater, and indeed, too,
  there mingled with it a certain divine passion, some preternatural
  influence similar to possession by a divinity; nobody contradicted it,
  but, laying aside all jealousies and detractions, they prayed to
  Quirinus and saluted him as a god.

  This is like some of the Greek fables of Aristeas the Proconnesian, and
  Cleomedes the Astypalaean; for they say Aristeas died in a fuller's
  work-shop, and his friends, coming to look for him, found his body
  vanished; and that some presently after, coming from abroad, said they
  met him traveling towards Croton.  And that Cleomedes, being an
  extraordinarily strong and gigantic man, but also wild and mad,
  committed many desperate freaks; and at last, in a school-house,
  striking a pillar that sustained the roof with his fist, broke it in the
  middle, so that the house fell and destroyed the children in it; and
  being pursued, he fled into a great chest, and, shutting to the lid,
  held it so fast, that many men, with their united strength, could not
  force it open; afterwards, breaking the chest to pieces, they found no
  man in it alive or dead; in astonishment at which, they sent to consult
  the oracle at Delphi; to whom the prophetess made this answer,

  Of all the heroes, Cleomede is last.

  They say, too, the body of Alcmena, as they were carrying her to her
  grave, vanished, and a stone was found lying on the bier.  And many such
  improbabilities do your fabulous writers relate, deifying creatures
  naturally mortal; for though altogether to disown a divine nature in
  human virtue were impious and base, so again to mix heaven with earth is
  ridiculous.  Let us believe with Pindar, that

  All human bodies yield to Death's decree,
  The soul survives to all eternity.

  For that alone is derived from the gods, thence comes, and thither
  returns; not with the body, but when most disengaged and separated from
  it, and when most entirely pure and clean and free from the flesh; for
  the most perfect soul, says Heraclitus, is a dry light, which flies out
  of the body as lightning breaks from a cloud; but that which is clogged
  and surfeited with body is like gross and humid incense, slow to kindle
  and ascend.  We must not, therefore, contrary to nature, send the
  bodies, too, of good men to heaven; but we must really believe that,
  according to their divine nature and law, their virtue and their souls
  are translated out of men into heroes, out of heroes into demi-gods, out
  of demi-gods, after passing, as in the rite of initiation, through a
  final cleansing and sanctification, and so freeing themselves from all
  that pertains to mortality and sense, are thus, not by human decree, but
  really and according to right reason, elevated into gods, admitted thus
  to the greatest and most blessed perfection.

  Romulus's surname Quirinus, some say, is equivalent to Mars; others,
  that he was so called because the citizens were called Quirites; others,
  because the ancients called a dart or spear Quiris; thus, the statue of
  Juno resting on a spear is called Quiritis, and the dart in the Regia is
  addressed as Mars, and those that were distinguished in war were usually
  presented with a dart; that, therefore, Romulus, being a martial god, or
  a god of darts, was called Quirinus.  A temple is certainly built to his
  honor on the mount called from him Quirinalis.

  The day he vanished on is called the Flight of the People, and the Nones
  of the Goats, because they go then out of the city, and sacrifice at
  the Goat's Marsh, and, as they go, they shout out some of the Roman
  names, as Marcus, Lucius, Caius, imitating the way in which they then
  fled and called upon one another in that fright and hurry.  Some,
  however, say, this was not in imitation of a flight, but of a quick and
  hasty onset, referring it to the following occasion: after the Gauls who
  had taken Rome were driven out by Camillus, and the city was scarcely as
  yet recovering her strength, many of the Latins, under the command of
  Livius Postumius, took this time to march against her.  Postumius,
  halting not far from Rome, sent a herald, signifying that the Latins
  were desirous to renew their former alliance and affinity (that was now
  almost decayed) by contracting new marriages between both nations; if,
  therefore, they would send forth a good number of their virgins and
  widows, they should have peace and friendship, such as the Sabines had
  formerly had on the like conditions.  The Romans, hearing this, dreaded
  a war, yet thought a surrender of their women little better than mere
  captivity.  Being in this doubt, a servant-maid called Philotis (or, as
  some say, Tutola), advised them to do neither, but, by a stratagem,
  avoid both fighting and the giving up of such pledges.  The stratagem
  was this, that they should send herself, with other well-looking
  servant-maids, to the enemy, in the dress of free-born virgins, and she
  should in the night light up a fire-signal, at which the Romans should
  come armed and surprise them asleep.  The Latins were thus deceived, and
  accordingly Philotis set up a torch in a wild fig-tree, screening it
  behind with curtains and coverlets from the sight of the enemy, while
  visible to the Romans.  They, when they saw it, eagerly ran out of the
  gates, calling in their haste to each other as they went out, and so,
  falling in unexpectedly upon the enemy, they defeated them, and upon
  that made a feast of triumph, called the Nones of the Goats, because of
  the wild fig-tree, called by the Romans Caprificus, or the goat-fig.
  They feast the women without the city in arbors made of fig-tree boughs
  and the maid-servants gather together and run about playing; afterwards
  they fight in sport, and throw stones one at another, in memory that
  they then aided and assisted the Roman men in fight.  This only a few
  authors admit for true; For the calling upon one another's names by day
  and the going out to the Goat's Marsh to do sacrifice seem to agree more
  with the former story, unless, indeed, we shall say that both the
  actions might have happened on the same day in different years.  It was
  in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the thirty-eighth of his reign
  that Romulus, they tell us, left the world.





COMPARISON OF ROMULUS WITH THESEUS

  This is what I have learnt of Romulus and Theseus, worthy of memory.  It
  seems, first of all, that Theseus, out of his own free-will, without any
  compulsion, when he might have reigned in security at Troezen in the
  enjoyment of no inglorious empire, of his own motion affected great
  actions, whereas the other, to escape present servitude and a punishment
  that threatened him, (according to Plato's phrase) grew valiant purely
  out of fear, and dreading the extremest inflictions, attempted great
  enterprises out of mere necessity.  Again, his greatest action was only
  the killing of one king of Alba; while, as mere by-adventures and
  preludes, the other can name Sciron, Sinnis, Procrustes, and Corynetes;
  by reducing and killing of whom, he rid Greece of terrible oppressors,
  before any of them that were relieved knew who did it; moreover, he
  might without any trouble as well have gone to Athens by sea,
  considering he himself never was in the least injured by those robbers;
  where as Romulus could not but be in trouble whilst Amulius lived.  Add
  to this the fact that Theseus, for no wrong done to himself, but for the
  sake of others, fell upon these villains; but Romulus and Remus, as long
  as they themselves suffered no ill by the tyrant, permitted him to
  oppress all others.  And if it be a great thing to have been wounded in
  battle by the Sabines, to have killed king Acron, and to have conquered
  many enemies, we may oppose to these actions the battle with the
  Centaurs and the feats done against the Amazons.  But what Theseus
  adventured, in offering himself voluntarily with young boys and virgins,
  as part of the tribute unto Crete, either to be a prey to a monster or a
  victim upon the tomb of Androgeus, or, according to the mildest form of
  the story, to live vilely and dishonorably in slavery to insulting and
  cruel men; it is not to be expressed what an act of courage,
  magnanimity, or justice to the public, or of love for honor and bravery,
  that was.  So that methinks the philosophers did not ill define love to
  be the provision of the gods for the care and preservation of the young;
  for the love of Ariadne, above all, seems to have been the proper work
  and design of some god in order to preserve Theseus; and, indeed, we
  ought not to blame her for loving him, but rather wonder all men and
  women were not alike affected towards him; and if she alone were so.
  truly I dare pronounce her worthy of the love of a god, who was herself
  so great a lover of virtue and goodness, and the bravest man.

  Both Theseus and Romulus were by nature meant for governors; yet neither
  lived up to the true character of a king, but fell off, and ran, the one
  into popularity, the other into tyranny, falling both into the same
  fault out of different passions.  For a ruler's first end is to maintain
  his office, which is done no less by avoiding what is unfit than by
  observing what is suitable.  Whoever is either too remiss or too strict
  is no more a king or a governor, but either a demagogue or a despot, and
  so becomes either odious or contemptible to his subjects.  Though
  certainly the one seems to be the fault of easiness and good-nature, the
  other of pride and severity.

  If men's calamities, again, are not to be wholly imputed to fortune, but
  refer themselves to differences of character, who will acquit either
  Theseus of rash and unreasonable anger against his son, or Romulus
  against his brother?  Looking at motives, we more easily excuse the
  anger which a stronger cause, like a severer blow, provoked.  Romulus,
  having disagreed with his brother advisedly and deliberately on public
  matters, one would think could not on a sudden have been put into so
  great a passion; but love and jealousy and the complaints of his wife,
  which few men can avoid being moved by, seduced Theseus to commit that
  outrage upon his son.  And what is more, Romulus, in his anger,
  committed an action of unfortunate consequence; but that of Theseus
  ended only in words, some evil speaking, and an old man's curse; the
  rest of the youth's disasters seem to have proceeded from fortune; so
  that, so far, a man would give his vote on Theseus's part.

  But Romulus has, first of all, one great plea, that his performances
  proceeded from very small beginnings; for both the brothers being
  thought servants and the sons of swineherds, before becoming freemen
  themselves, gave liberty to almost all the Latins, obtaining at once all
  the most honorable titles, as destroyers of their country's enemies,
  preservers of their friends and kindred, princes of the people, founders
  of cities, not removers, like Theseus, who raised and compiled only one
  house out of many, demolishing many cities bearing the names of ancient
  kings and heroes.  Romulus, indeed, did the same afterwards, forcing his
  enemies to deface and ruin their own dwellings, and to sojourn with
  their conquerors; but at first, not by removal, or increase of an
  existing city, but by foundation of a new one, he obtained himself
  lands, a country, a kingdom, wives, children, and relations.  And, in so
  doing, he killed or destroyed nobody, but benefited those that wanted
  houses and homes and were willing to be of a society and become
  citizens.  Robbers and malefactors he slew not; but he subdued nations,
  he overthrew cities, he triumphed over kings and commanders.  As to
  Remus, it is doubtful by whose hand he fell; it is generally imputed to
  others.  His mother he clearly retrieved from death, and placed his
  grandfather who was brought under base and dishonorable vassalage, on
  the ancient throne of Aeneas, to whom he did voluntarily many good
  offices, but never did him harm even inadvertently.  But Theseus, in his
  forgetfulness and neglect of the command concerning the flag, can
  scarcely, methinks, by any excuses, or before the most indulgent judges,
  avoid the imputation of parricide.  And, indeed, one of the Attic
  writers, perceiving it to be very hard to make an excuse for this,
  feigns that Aegeus, at the approach of the ship, running hastily to the
  Acropolis to see what news, slipped and fell down, as if he had no
  servants, or none would attend him on his way to the shore.

  And, indeed, the faults committed in the rapes of women admit of no
  plausible excuse in Theseus.  First, because of the often repetition of
  the crime; for he stole Ariadne, Antiope, Anaxo the Troezenian, at last
  Helen, when he was an old man, and she not marriageable; she a child,
  and he at an age past even lawful wedlock.  Then, on account of the
  cause; for the Troezenian, Lacedaemonian, and Amazonian virgins, beside
  that they were not betrothed to him, were not worthier to raise children
  by than the Athenian women, derived from Erechtheus and Cecrops; but it
  is to be suspected these things were done out of wantonness and lust.
  Romulus, when he had taken near eight hundred women, chose not all, but
  only Hersilia, as they say, for himself; the rest he divided among the
  chief of the city; and afterwards, by the respect and tenderness and
  justice shown towards them, he made it clear that this violence and
  injury was a commendable and politic exploit to establish a society; by
  which he intermixed and united both nations, and made it the fountain of
  after friendship and public stability.  And to the reverence and love
  and constancy he established in matrimony, time can witness; for in two
  hundred and thirty years, neither any husband deserted his wife, nor any
  wife her husband; but, as the curious among the Greeks can name the
  first case of parricide or matricide, so the Romans all well know that
  Spurius Carvilius was the first who put away his wife, accusing her of
  barrenness.  The immediate results were similar; for upon those
  marriages the two princes shared in the dominion, and both nations fell
  under the same government.  But from the marriages of Theseus proceeded
  nothing of friendship or correspondence for the advantage of commerce,
  but enmities and wars and the slaughter of citizens, and, at last, the
  loss of the city Aphidnae, when only out of the compassion of the enemy,
  whom they entreated and caressed like gods, they escaped suffering what
  Troy did by Paris.  Theseus's mother, however, was not only in danger,
  but suffered actually what Hecuba did, deserted and neglected by her
  son, unless her captivity be not a fiction, as I could wish both that
  and other things were.  The circumstances of the divine intervention,
  said to have preceded or accompanied their births, are also in contrast;
  for Romulus was preserved by the special favor of the gods; but the
  oracle given to Aegeus, commanding him to abstain, seems to demonstrate
  that the birth of Theseus was not agreeable to the will of the gods.





LYCURGUS

  There is so much uncertainty in the accounts which historians have left
  us of Lycurgus, the lawgiver of Sparta, that scarcely anything is
  asserted by one of them which is not called into question or
  contradicted by the rest.  Their sentiments are quite different as to
  the family he came of, the voyages he undertook, the place and manner of
  his death, but most of all when they speak of the laws he made and the
  commonwealth which he founded.  They cannot, by any means, be brought to
  an agreement as to the very age in which he lived; for some of them say
  that he flourished in the time of Iphitus, and that they two jointly
  contrived the ordinance for the cessation of arms during the solemnity
  of the Olympic games.  Of this opinion was Aristotle; and for
  confirmation of it, he alleges an inscription upon one of the copper
  quoits used in those sports, upon which the name of Lycurgus continued
  uneffaced to his time.  But Eratosthenes and Apollodorus and other
  chronologers, computing the time by the successions of the Spartan
  kings, pretend to demonstrate that he was much more ancient than the
  institution of the Olympic games.  Timaeus conjectures that there were
  two of this name, and in diverse times, but that the one of them being
  much more famous than the other, men gave to him the glory of the
  exploits of both; the elder of the two, according to him, was not long
  after Homer; and some are so particular as to say that he had seen him.
  But that he was of great antiquity may be gathered from a passage in
  Xenophon, where he makes him contemporary with the Heraclidae.  By
  descent, indeed, the very last kings of Sparta were Heraclidae too; but
  he seems in that place to speak of the first and more immediate
  successors of Hercules.  But notwithstanding this confusion and
  obscurity, we shall endeavor to compose the history of his life,
  adhering to those statements which are least contradicted, and depending
  upon those authors who are most worthy of credit.

  The poet Simonides will have it that Lycurgus was the son of Prytanis,
  and not of Eunomus; but in this opinion he is singular, for all the rest
  deduce the genealogy of them both as follows:—

                             Aristodemus
                              Patrocles
                                Sous
                               Eurypon
                               Eunomus
              —————————————————————
  Polydectes by his first wife           Lycurgus by Dionassa his second.

  Dieuchidas says he was the sixth from Patrocles and the eleventh from
  Hercules.  Be this as it will, Sous certainly was the most renowned of
  all his ancestors, under whose conduct the Spartans made slaves of the
  Helots, and added to their dominions, by conquest, a good part of
  Arcadia, There goes a story of this king Sous, that, being besieged by
  the Clitorians in a dry and stony place so that he could come at no
  water, he was at last constrained to agree with them upon these terms,
  that he would restore to them all his conquests, provided that himself
  and all his men should drink of the nearest spring.  After the usual
  oaths and ratifications, he called his soldiers together, and offered to
  him that would forbear drinking, his kingdom for a reward; and when not
  a man of them was able to forbear, in short, when they had all drunk
  their fill, at last comes king Sous himself to the spring, and, having
  sprinkled his face only, without swallowing one drop, marches off in the
  face of his enemies, refusing to yield up his conquests, because himself
  and all his men had not, according to the articles,
  drunk of their water.

  Although he was justly had in admiration on this account, yet his family
  was not surnamed from him, but from his son Eurypon (of whom they were
  called Eurypontids); the reason of which was that Eurypon relaxed the
  rigor of the monarchy, seeking favor and popularity with the many.
  They, after this first step, grew bolder; and the succeeding kings
  partly incurred hatred with their people by trying to use force, or, for
  popularity's sake and through weakness, gave way; and anarchy and
  confusion long prevailed in Sparta, causing, moreover, the death of the
  father of Lycurgus.  For as he was endeavoring to quell a riot, he was
  stabbed with a butcher's knife, and left the title of king
  to his eldest son Polydectes.

  He, too, dying soon after, the right of succession (as every one
  thought) rested in Lycurgus; and reign he did, until it was found that
  the queen, his sister-in-law, was with child; upon which he immediately
  declared that the kingdom belonged to her issue, provided it were male,
  and that he himself exercised the regal jurisdiction only as his
  guardian; the Spartan name for which office is prodicus.  Soon after, an
  overture was made to him by the queen, that she would herself in some
  way destroy the infant, upon condition that he would marry her when he
  came to the crown.  Abhorring the woman's wickedness, he nevertheless
  did not reject her proposal, but, making show of closing with her,
  dispatched the messenger with thanks and expressions of joy, but
  dissuaded her earnestly from procuring herself to miscarry, which would
  impair her health, if not endanger her life; he himself, he said, would
  see to it, that the child, as soon as born, should be taken out of the
  way.  By such artifices having drawn on the woman to the time of her
  lying-in, as soon as he heard that she was in labor, he sent persons to
  be by and observe all that passed, with orders that if it were a girl
  they should deliver it to the women, but if a boy, should bring it to
  him wheresoever he were, and whatsoever doing.  It so fell out that when
  he was at supper with the principal magistrates the queen was brought to
  bed of a boy, who was soon after presented to him as he was at the
  table; he, taking him into his arms, said to those about him, "Men of
  Sparta, here is a king born unto us;" this said, he laid him down in
  the king's place, and named him Charilaus, that is, the joy of the
  people; because that all were transported with joy and with wonder at
  his noble and just spirit.  His reign had lasted only eight months, but
  he was honored on other accounts by the citizens, and there were more
  who obeyed him because of his eminent virtues, than because he was
  regent to the king and had the royal power in his hands.  Some, however,
  envied and sought to impede his growing influence while he was still
  young; chiefly the kindred and friends of the queen mother, who
  pretended to have been dealt with injuriously.  Her brother Leonidas, in
  a warm debate which fell out betwixt him and Lycurgus, went so far as to
  tell him to his face that he was well assured that ere long he should
  see him king; suggesting suspicions and preparing the way for an
  accusation of him, as though he had made away with his nephew, if the
  child should chance to fail though by a natural death.  Words of the
  like import were designedly cast abroad by the queen-mother
  and her adherents.

  Troubled at this, and not knowing what it might come to, he thought it
  his wisest course to avoid their envy by a voluntary exile, and to
  travel from place to place until his nephew came to marriageable years,
  and, by having a son, had secured the succession; setting sail,
  therefore, with this resolution, he first arrived at Crete, where,
  having considered their several forms of government, and got an
  acquaintance with the principal men amongst them, some of their laws he
  very much approved of, and resolved to make use of them in his own
  country; a good part he rejected as useless.  Amongst the persons there
  the most renowned for their learning all their wisdom in state matters
  was one Thales, whom Lycurgus, by importunities and assurances of
  friendship, persuaded to go over to Lacedaemon; where, though by his
  outward appearance and his own profession he seemed to be no other than
  a lyric poet, in reality he performed the part of one of the ablest
  lawgivers in the world.  The very songs which he composed were
  exhortations to obedience and concord, and the very measure and cadence
  of the verse, conveying impressions of order and tranquility, had so
  great an influence on the minds of the listeners, that they were
  insensibly softened and civilized, insomuch that they renounced their
  private feuds and animosities, and were reunited in a common admiration
  of virtue.  So that it may truly be said that Thales prepared the way
  for the discipline introduced by Lycurgus.

  From Crete he sailed to Asia, with design, as is said, to examine the
  difference betwixt the manners and rules of life of the Cretans, which
  were very sober and temperate, and those of the Ionians, a people of
  sumptuous and delicate habits, and so to form a judgment; just as
  physicians do by comparing healthy and diseased bodies.  Here he had the
  first sight of Homer's works, in the hands, we may suppose, of the
  posterity of Creophylus; and, having observed that the few loose
  expressions and actions of ill example which are to be found in his
  poems were much outweighed by serious lessons of state and rules of
  morality, he set himself eagerly to transcribe and digest them into
  order, as thinking they would be of good use in his own country.  They
  had, indeed, already obtained some slight repute amongst the Greeks, and
  scattered portions, as chance conveyed them, were in the hands of
  individuals; but Lycurgus first made them really known.

  The Egyptians say that he took a voyage into Egypt, and that, being much
  taken with their way of separating the soldiery from the rest of the
  nation, he transferred it from them to Sparta, a removal from contact
  with those employed in low and mechanical occupations giving high
  refinement and beauty to the state.  Some Greek writers also record
  this.  But as for his voyages into Spain, Africa, and the Indies, and
  his conferences there with the Gymnosophists, the whole relation, as far
  as I can find, rests on the single credit of the Spartan Aristocrates,
  the son of Hipparchus.

  Lycurgus was much missed at Sparta, and often sent for, "for kings
  indeed we have," they said, "who wear the marks and assume the titles of
  royalty, but as for the qualities of their minds, they have nothing by
  which they are to be distinguished from their subjects;" adding, that in
  him alone was the true foundation of sovereignty to be seen, a nature
  made to rule, and a genius to gain obedience.  Nor were the kings
  themselves averse to see him back, for they looked upon his presence as
  a bulwark against the insolencies of the people.

  Things being in this posture at his return, he applied himself, without
  loss of time, to a thorough reformation and resolved to change the whole
  face of the commonwealth; for what could a few particular laws and a
  partial alteration avail?  He must act as wise physicians do, in the
  case of one who labors under a complication of diseases, by force of
  medicines reduce and exhaust him, change his whole temperament, and then
  set him upon a totally new regimen of diet.  Having thus projected
  things, away he goes to Delphi to consult Apollo there; which having
  done, and offered his sacrifice, he returned with that renowned oracle,
  in which he is called beloved of God, and rather God than man; that his
  prayers were heard, that his laws should be the best, and the
  commonwealth which observed them the most famous in the world.
  Encouraged by these things, he set himself to bring over to his side the
  leading men of Sparta, exhorting them to give him a helping hand in his
  great undertaking; he broke it first to his particular friends, and then
  by degrees gained others, and animated them all to put his design in
  execution.  When things were ripe for action, he gave order to thirty of
  the principal men of Sparta to be ready armed at the market-place by
  break of day, to the end that he might strike a terror into the opposite
  party.  Hermippus hath set down the names of twenty of the most eminent
  of them; but the name of him whom Lycurgus most confided in, and who was
  of most use to him, both in making his laws and putting them in
  execution, was Arthmiadas.  Things growing to a tumult, king Charilaus,
  apprehending that it was a conspiracy against his person, took sanctuary
  in the temple of Minerva of the Brazen House; but, being soon after
  undeceived, and having taken an oath of them that they had no designs
  against him, he quitted his refuge, and himself also entered into the
  confederacy with them; of so gentle and flexible a disposition he was,
  to which Archelaus, his brother-king, alluded, when, hearing him
  extolled for his goodness, he said, "Who can say he is anything but
  good? he is so even to the bad."

  Amongst the many changes and alterations which Lycurgus made, the first
  and of greatest importance was the establishment of the senate, which,
  having a power equal to the kings' in matters of great consequence, and,
  as Plato expresses it, allaying and qualifying the fiery genius of the
  royal office, gave steadiness and safety to the commonwealth.  For the
  state, which before had no firm basis to stand upon, but leaned one
  while towards an absolute monarchy, when the kings had the upper hand,
  and another while towards a pure democracy, when the people had the
  better, found in this establishment of the senate a central weight, like
  ballast in a ship, which always kept things in a just equilibrium; the
  twenty-eight always adhering to the kings so far as to resist democracy,
  and, on the other hand, supporting the people against the establishment
  of absolute monarchy.  As for the determinate number of twenty-eight,
  Aristotle states, that it so fell out because two of the original
  associates, for want of courage, fell off from the enterprise; but
  Sphaerus assures us that there were but twenty-eight of the confederates
  at first; perhaps there is some mystery in the number, which consists of
  seven multiplied by four, and is the first of perfect numbers after six,
  being, as that is, equal to all its parts.  For my part, I believe
  Lycurgus fixed upon the number of twenty-eight, that, the two kings
  being reckoned amongst them, they might be thirty in all.  So eagerly
  set was he upon this establishment, that he took the trouble to obtain
  an oracle about it from Delphi, the Rhetra, which runs thus: "After that
  you have built a temple to Jupiter Hellanius, and to Minerva Hellania,
  and after that you have phyle'd the people phyles, and obe'd them into
  obes, you shall establish a council of thirty elders, the leaders
  included, and shall, from time to time, apellazein the people betwixt
  Babyca and Cnacion, there propound and put to the vote.  The commons
  have the final voice and decision. " By phyles and obes are meant the
  divisions of the people; by the leaders, the two kings; apellazein,
  referring to the Pythian Apollo, signifies to assemble; Babyca and
  Cnacion they now call Oenus; Aristotle says Cnacion is a river, and
  Babyca a bridge.  Betwixt this Babyca and Cnacion, their assemblies were
  held, for they had no council-house or building, to meet in.  Lycurgus
  was of opinion that ornaments were so far from advantaging them in their
  counsels, that they were rather an hindrance, by diverting their
  attention from the business before them to statues and pictures, and
  roofs curiously fretted, the usual embellishments of such places amongst
  the other Greeks.  The people then being thus assembled in the open air,
  it was not allowed to any one of their order to give his advice, but
  only either to ratify or reject what should be propounded to them by
  the king or senate.  But because it fell out afterwards that the people,
  by adding or omitting words, distorted and perverted the sense of
  propositions, kings Polydorus and Theopompus inserted into the Rhetra,
  or grand covenant, the following clause: "That if the people decide
  crookedly, it should be lawful for the elders and leaders to dissolve;"
  that is to say, refuse ratification, and dismiss the people as depravers
  and perverters of their counsel.  It passed among the people, by their
  management, as being equally authentic with the rest of the Rhetra, as
  appears by these verses of Tyrtaeus,—

  These oracles they from Apollo heard,
  And brought from Pytho home the perfect word:
  The heaven-appointed kings, who love the land,
  Shall foremost in the nation's council stand;
  The elders next to them; the commons last;
  Let a straight Rhetra among all be passed.

  Although Lycurgus had, in this manner, used all the qualifications
  possible in the constitution of his commonwealth, yet those who
  succeeded him found the oligarchical element still too strong and
  dominant, and, to check its high temper and its violence, put, as Plato
  says, a bit in its mouth, which was the power of the ephori, established
  one hundred and thirty years after the death of Lycurgus.  Elatus and his
  colleagues were the first who had this dignity conferred upon them, in
  the reign of king Theopompus, who, when his queen upbraided him one day
  that he would leave the regal power to his children less than he had
  received it from his ancestors, said, in answer, "No, greater; for it
  will last longer."  For, indeed, their prerogative being thus reduced
  within reasonable bounds, the Spartan kings were at once freed from all
  further jealousies and consequent danger, and never experienced the
  calamities of their neighbors at Messene and Argos, who, by maintaining
  their prerogative too strictly, for want of yielding a little to the
  populace, lost it all.

  Indeed, whosoever shall look at the sedition and misgovernment which
  befell these bordering nations to whom they were as near related in
  blood as situation, will find in them the best reason to admire the
  wisdom and foresight of Lycurgus.  For these three states, in their
  first rise, were equal, or, if there were any odds, they lay on the side
  of the Messenians and Argives, who, in the first allotment, were thought
  to have been luckier than the Spartans; yet was their happiness but of
  small continuance, partly the tyrannical temper of their kings and
  partly the ungovernableness of the people quickly bringing upon them
  such disorders, and so complete an overthrow of all existing
  institutions, as clearly to show how truly divine a blessing the
  Spartans had had in that wise lawgiver who gave their government its
  happy balance and temper.
  But of this I shall say more in its due place.

  After the creation of the thirty senators, his next task, and, indeed,
  the most hazardous he ever undertook, was the making a new division of
  their lands.  For there was an extreme inequality amongst them, and
  their state was overloaded with a multitude of indigent and necessitous
  persons, while its whole wealth had centered upon a very few.  To the
  end, therefore, that he might expel from the state arrogance and envy,
  luxury and crime, and those yet more inveterate diseases of want and
  superfluity, he obtained of them to renounce their properties, and to
  consent to a new division of the land, and that they should live all
  together on an equal footing; merit to be their only road to eminence,
  and the disgrace of evil, and credit of worthy acts, their one measure
  of difference between man and man.

  Upon their consent to these proposals, proceeding at once to put them
  into execution, he divided the country of Laconia in general into thirty
  thousand equal shares, and the part attached to the city of Sparta into
  nine thousand; these he distributed among the Spartans, as he did the
  others to the country citizens.  Some authors say that he made but six
  thousand lots for the citizens of Sparta, and that king Polydorus added
  three thousand more.  Others say that Polydorus doubled the number
  Lycurgus had made, which, according to them, was but four thousand five
  hundred.  A lot was so much as to yield, one year with another, about
  seventy bushels of grain for the master of the family, and twelve for
  his wife, with a suitable proportion of oil and wine.  And this he
  thought sufficient to keep their bodies in good health and strength;
  superfluities they were better without.  It is reported, that, as he
  returned from a journey shortly after the division of the lands, in
  harvest time, the ground being newly reaped, seeing the stacks all
  standing equal and alike, he smiled, and said to those about him,
  "Methinks all Laconia looks like one family estate just divided among a
  number of brothers."

  Not contented with this, he resolved to make a division of their
  movables too, that there might be no odious distinction or inequality
  left amongst them; but finding that it would be very dangerous to go
  about it openly, he took another course, and defeated their avarice by
  the following stratagem: he commanded that all gold and silver coin
  should be called in, and that only a sort of money made of iron should
  be current, a great weight and quantity of which was but very little
  worth; so that to lay up twenty or thirty pounds there was required a
  pretty large closet, and, to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of
  oxen.  With the diffusion of this money, at once a number of vices were
  banished from Lacedaemon; for who would rob another of such a coin?  Who
  would unjustly detain or take by force, or accept as a bribe, a thing
  which it was not easy to hide, nor a credit to have, nor indeed of any
  use to cut in pieces?  For when it was just red hot, they quenched it in
  vinegar, and by that means spoilt it,
  and made it almost incapable of being worked.

  In the next place, he declared an outlawry of all needless and
  superfluous arts; but here he might almost have spared his proclamation;
  for they of themselves would have gone after the gold and silver, the
  money which remained being not so proper payment for curious work; for,
  being of iron, it was scarcely portable, neither, if they should take
  the pains to export it, would it pass amongst the other Greeks, who
  ridiculed it.  So there was now no more means of purchasing foreign
  goods and small wares; merchants sent no shiploads into Laconian ports;
  no rhetoric-master, no itinerant fortune-teller, no harlot-monger or
  gold or silversmith, engraver, or jeweler, set foot in a country which
  had no money; so that luxury, deprived little by little of that which
  fed and fomented it, wasted to nothing, and died away of itself.  For
  the rich had no advantage here over the poor, as their wealth and
  abundance had no road to come abroad by, but were shut up at home doing
  nothing.  And in this way they became excellent artists in common,
  necessary things; bedsteads, chairs, and tables, and such like staple
  utensils in a family, were admirably well made there; their cup,
  particularly, was very much in fashion, and eagerly bought up by
  soldiers, as Critias reports; for its color was such as to prevent
  water, drunk upon necessity and disagreeable to look at, from being
  noticed; and the shape of it was such that the mud stuck to the sides,
  so that only the purer part came to the drinker's mouth.  For this,
  also, they had to thank their lawgiver, who, by relieving the artisans
  of the trouble of making useless things, set them to show their skill in
  giving beauty to those of daily and indispensable use.

  The third and most masterly stroke of this great lawgiver, by which he
  struck a yet more effectual blow against luxury and the desire of
  riches, was the ordinance he made, that they should all eat in common,
  of the same bread and same meat, and of kinds that were specified, and
  should not spend their lives at home, laid on costly couches at splendid
  tables, delivering themselves up into the hands of their tradesmen and
  cooks, to fatten them in corners, like greedy brutes, and to ruin not
  their minds only but their very bodies, which, enfeebled by indulgence
  and excess, would stand in need of long sleep, warm bathing, freedom
  from work, and, in a word, of as much care and attendance as if they
  were continually sick.  It was certainly an extraordinary thing to have
  brought about such a result as this, but a greater yet to have taken
  away from wealth, as Theophrastus observes, not merely the property of
  being coveted, but its very nature of being wealth.  For the rich, being
  obliged to go to the same table with the poor, could not make use of or
  enjoy their abundance, nor so much as please their vanity by looking at
  or displaying it.  So that the common proverb, that Plutus, the god of
  riches, is blind, was nowhere in all the world literally verified but in
  Sparta.  There, indeed, he was not only blind, but like a picture,
  without either life or motion.  Nor were they allowed to take food at
  home first, and then attend the public tables, for every one had an eye
  upon those who did not eat and drink like the rest, and reproached them
  with being dainty and effeminate.

  This last ordinance in particular exasperated the wealthier men.  They
  collected in a body against Lycurgus, and from ill words came to
  throwing stones, so that at length he was forced to run out of the
  marketplace, and make to sanctuary to save his life; by good-hap he
  outran all excepting one Alcander, a young man otherwise not ill
  accomplished, but hasty and violent, who came up so close to him, that,
  when he turned to see who was near him, he struck him upon the face with
  his stick, and put out one of his eyes.  Lycurgus, so far from being
  daunted and discouraged by this accident, stopped short, and showed his
  disfigured face and eye beat out to his countrymen; they, dismayed and
  ashamed at the sight, delivered Alcander into his hands to be punished,
  and escorted him home, with expressions of great concern for his ill
  usage.  Lycurgus, having thanked them for their care of his person,
  dismissed them all, excepting only Alcander; and, taking him with him
  into his house, neither did nor said anything severely to him, but,
  dismissing those whose place it was bade Alcander to wait upon him at
  table.  The young man who was of an ingenuous temper, without murmuring
  did as he was commanded; and, being thus admitted to live with Lycurgus,
  he had an opportunity to observe in him, besides his gentleness and
  calmness of temper, an extraordinary sobriety and an indefatigable
  industry, and so, from an enemy, became one of his most zealous
  admirers, and told his friends and relations that Lycurgus was not that
  morose and ill-natured man they had formerly taken him for, but the one
  mild and gentle character of the world.  And thus did Lycurgus, for
  chastisement of his fault, make of a wild and passionate young man one
  of the discreetest citizens of Sparta.

  In memory of this accident, Lycurgus built a temple to Minerva, surnamed
  Optiletis; optilus being the Doric of these parts for ophthalmus, the
  eye.  Some authors, however, of whom Dioscorides is one (who wrote a
  treatise on the commonwealth of Sparta), say that he was wounded indeed,
  but did not lose his eye with the blow; and that he built the temple in
  gratitude for the cure.  Be this as it will, certain it is, that, after
  this misadventure, the Lacedaemonians made it a rule never to carry so
  much as a staff into their public assemblies.

  But to return to their public repasts;—these had several names in
  Greek; the Cretans called them andria, because the men only came to
  them.  The Lacedaemonians called them phiditia, that is, by changing l
  into d, the same as philitia, love feasts, because that, by eating and
  drinking together, they had opportunity of making friends.  Or perhaps
  from phido, parsimony, because they were so many schools of sobriety; or
  perhaps the first letter is an addition, and the word at first was
  editia, from edode, eating.  They met by companies of fifteen, more or
  less, and each of them stood bound to bring in monthly a bushel of meal,
  eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two pounds and a half of
  figs, and some very small sum of money to buy flesh or fish with.
  Besides this, when any of them made sacrifice to the gods, they always
  sent a dole to the common hall; and, likewise, when any of them had been
  a hunting, he sent thither a part of the venison he had killed; for
  these two occasions were the only excuses allowed for supping at home.
  The custom of eating together was observed strictly for a great while
  afterwards; insomuch that king Agis himself, after having vanquished the
  Athenians, sending for his commons at his return home, because he
  desired to eat privately with his queen, was refused them by the
  polemarchs; which refusal when he resented so much as to omit next day
  the sacrifice due for a war happily ended, they made him pay a fine.

  They used to send their children to these tables as to schools of
  temperance; here they were instructed in state affairs by listening to
  experienced statesmen; here they learnt to converse with pleasantry, to
  make jests without scurrility, and take them without ill humor.  In this
  point of good breeding, the Lacedaemonians excelled particularly, but if
  any man were uneasy under it, upon the least hint given there was no
  more to be said to him.  It was customary also for the eldest man in the
  company to say to each of them, as they came in, "Through this"
  (pointing to the door), "no words go out."  When any one had a desire to
  be admitted into any of these little societies; he was to go through the
  following probation, each man in the company took a little ball of soft
  bread, which they were to throw into a deep basin, which a waiter
  carried round upon his head; those that liked the person to be chosen
  dropped their ball into the basin without altering its figure, and those
  who disliked him pressed it between their fingers, and made it flat; and
  this signified as much as a negative voice.  And if there were but one
  of these pieces in the basin, the suitor was rejected, so desirous were
  they that all the members of the company should be agreeable to each
  other.  The basin was called caddichus, and the rejected candidate had a
  name thence derived.  Their most famous dish was the black broth, which
  was so much valued that the elderly men fed only upon that, leaving what
  flesh there was to the younger.

  They say that a certain king of Pontus, having heard much of this black
  broth of theirs, sent for a Lacedaemonian cook on purpose to make him
  some, but had no sooner tasted it than he found it extremely bad, which
  the cook observing, told him, "Sir, to make this broth relish, you
  should have bathed yourself first in the river Eurotas."

  After drinking moderately, every man went to his home without lights,
  for the use of them was, on all occasions, forbid, to the end that they
  might accustom themselves to march boldly in the dark.  Such was the
  common fashion of their meals.

  Lycurgus would never reduce his laws into writing; nay, there is a
  Rhetra expressly to forbid it.  For he thought that the most material
  points, and such as most directly tended to the public welfare, being
  imprinted on the hearts of their youth by a good discipline, would be
  sure to remain, and would find a stronger security, than any compulsion
  would be, in the principles of action formed in them by their best
  lawgiver, education.  And as for things of lesser importance, as
  pecuniary contracts, and such like, the forms of which have to be
  changed as occasion requires, he thought it the best way to prescribe no
  positive rule or inviolable usage in such cases, willing that their
  manner and form should be altered according to the circumstances of
  time, and determinations of men of sound judgment.  Every end and object
  of law and enactment it was his design education should effect.

  One, then, of the Rhetras was, that their laws should not be written;
  another is particularly leveled against luxury and expensiveness, for by
  it it was ordained that the ceilings of their houses should only be
  wrought by the axe, and their gates and doors smoothed only by the saw.
  Epaminondas's famous dictum about his own table, that "Treason and a
  dinner like this do not keep company together," may be said to have been
  anticipated by Lycurgus.  Luxury and a house of this kind could not well
  be companions.  For a man must have a less than ordinary share of sense
  that would furnish such plain and common rooms with silver-footed
  couches and purple coverlets and gold and silver plate.  Doubtless he
  had good reason to think that they would proportion their beds to their
  houses, and their coverlets to their beds, and the rest of their goods
  and furniture to these.  It is reported that king Leotychides, the first
  of that name, was so little used to the sight of any other kind of work,
  that, being entertained at Corinth in a stately room, he was much
  surprised to see the timber and ceiling so finely carved and paneled,
  and asked his host whether the trees grew so in his country.

  A third ordinance or Rhetra was, that they should not make war often, or
  long, with the same enemy, lest that they should train and instruct them
  in war, by habituating them to defend themselves.  And this is what
  Agesilaus was much blamed for, a long time after; it being thought,
  that, by his continual incursions into Boeotia, he made the Thebans a
  match for the Lacedaemonians; and therefore Antalcidas, seeing him
  wounded one day, said to him, that he was very well paid for taking such
  pains to make the Thebans good soldiers, whether they would or no.
  These laws were called the Rhetras, to intimate that they were divine
  sanctions and revelations.

  In order to the good education of their youth (which, as I said before,
  he thought the most important and noblest work of a lawgiver), he went
  so far back as to take into consideration their very conception and
  birth, by regulating their marriages.  For Aristotle is wrong in saying,
  that, after he had tried all ways to reduce the women to more modesty
  and sobriety, he was at last forced to leave them as they were, because
  that, in the absence of their husbands, who spent the best part of their
  lives in the wars, their wives, whom they were obliged to leave absolute
  mistresses at home, took great liberties and assumed the superiority;
  and were treated with overmuch respect and called by the title of lady
  or queen.  The truth is, he took in their case, also, all the care that
  was possible; he ordered the maidens to exercise themselves with
  wrestling, running, throwing the quoit, and casting the dart, to the end
  that the fruit they conceived might, in strong and healthy bodies, take
  firmer root and find better growth, and withal that they, with this
  greater vigor, might be the more able to undergo the pains of child-
  bearing.  And to the end he might take away their over-great tenderness
  and fear of exposure to the air, and all acquired womanishness, he
  ordered that the young women should go naked in the processions, as well
  as the young men, and dance, too, in that condition, at certain solemn
  feasts, singing certain songs, whilst the young men stood around, seeing
  and hearing them.  On these occasions, they now and then made, by jests,
  a befitting reflection upon those who had misbehaved themselves in the
  wars; and again sang encomiums upon those who had done any gallant
  action, and by these means inspired the younger sort with an emulation
  of their glory.  Those that were thus commended went away proud, elated,
  and gratified with their honor among the maidens; and those who were
  rallied were as sensibly touched with it as if they had been formally
  reprimanded; and so much the more, because the kings and the elders, as
  well as the rest of the city, saw and heard all that passed.  Nor was
  there any thing shameful in this nakedness of the young women; modesty
  attended them, and all wantonness was excluded.  It taught them
  simplicity and a care for good health, and gave them some taste of
  higher feelings, admitted as they thus were to the field of noble action
  and glory.  Hence it was natural for them to think and speak as Gorgo,
  for example, the wife of Leonidas, is said to have done, when some
  foreign lady, as it would seem, told her that the women of Lacedaemon
  were the only women of the world who could rule men; "With good
  reason," she said, "for we are the only women who bring forth men."

  These public processions of the maidens, and their appearing naked in
  their exercises and dancings, were incitements to marriage, operating
  upon the young with the rigor and certainty, as Plato says, of love, if
  not of mathematics.  But besides all this, to promote it yet more
  effectually, those who continued bachelors were in a degree
  disfranchised by law; for they were excluded from the sight of those
  public processions in which the young men and maidens danced naked, and,
  in wintertime, the officers compelled them to march naked themselves
  round the market-place, singing as they went a certain song to their own
  disgrace, that they justly suffered this punishment for disobeying the
  laws.  Moreover, they were denied that respect and observance which the
  younger men paid their elders; and no man, for example, found fault with
  what was said to Dercyllidas, though so eminent a commander; upon whose
  approach one day, a young man, instead of rising, retained his seat,
  remarking, "No child of yours will make room for me. "

  In their marriages, the husband carried off his bride by a sort of
  force; nor were their brides ever small and of tender years, but in
  their full bloom and ripeness.  After this, she who superintended the
  wedding comes and clips the hair of the bride close round her head,
  dresses her up in man's clothes, and leaves her upon a mattress in the
  dark; afterwards comes the bridegroom, in his every-day clothes, sober
  and composed, as having supped at the common table, and, entering
  privately into the room where the bride lies, unties her virgin zone,
  and takes her to himself; and, after staying some time together, he
  returns composedly to his own apartment, to sleep as usual with the
  other young men.  And so he continues to do, spending his days, and,
  indeed, his nights with them, visiting his bride in fear and shame, and
  with circumspection, when he thought he should not be observed; she,
  also, on her part, using her wit to help and find favorable
  opportunities for their meeting, when company was out of the way.  In
  this manner they lived a long time, insomuch that they sometimes had
  children by their wives before ever they saw their faces by daylight.
  Their interviews, being thus difficult and rare, served not only for
  continual exercise of their self-control, but brought them together with
  their bodies healthy and vigorous, and their affections fresh and
  lively, unsated and undulled by easy access and long continuance with
  each other; while their partings were always early enough to leave
  behind unextinguished in each of them some remainder fire of longing and
  mutual delight.  After guarding marriage with this modesty and reserve,
  he was equally careful to banish empty and womanish jealousy.  For this
  object, excluding all licentious disorders, he made it, nevertheless,
  honorable for men to give the use of their wives to those whom they
  should think fit, that so they might have children by them; ridiculing
  those in whose opinion such favors are so unfit for participation as to
  fight and shed blood and go to war about it.  Lycurgus allowed a man who
  was advanced in years and had a young wife to recommend some virtuous
  and approved young man, that she might have a child by him, who might
  inherit the good qualities of the father, and be a son to himself.  On
  the other side, an honest man who had love for a married woman upon
  account of her modesty and the wellfavoredness of her children, might,
  without formality, beg her company of her husband, that he might raise,
  as it were, from this plot of good ground, worthy and well-allied
  children for himself.  And, indeed, Lycurgus was of a persuasion that
  children were not so much the property of their parents as of the whole
  commonwealth, and, therefore, would not have his citizens begot by the
  first comers, but by the best men that could be found; the laws of other
  nations seemed to him very absurd and inconsistent, where people would
  be so solicitous for their dogs and horses as to exert interest and pay
  money to procure fine breeding, and yet kept their wives shut up, to be
  made mothers only by themselves, who might be foolish, infirm, or
  diseased; as if it were not apparent that children of a bad breed would
  prove their bad qualities first upon those who kept and were rearing
  them, and well-born children, in like manner, their good qualities.
  These regulations, founded on natural and social grounds, were certainly
  so far from that scandalous liberty which was afterwards charged upon
  their women, that they knew not what adultery meant.  It is told, for
  instance, of Geradas, a very ancient, Spartan, that, being asked by a
  stranger what punishment their law had appointed for adulterers, he
  answered, "There are no adulterers in our country."  "But," replied the
  stranger, "suppose there were ?"  "Then," answered he, "the offender
  would have to give the plaintiff a bull with a neck so long as that he
  might drink from the top of Taygetus of the Eurotas river below it."
  The man, surprised at this, said, "Why, 'tis impossible to find such a
  bull."  Geradas smilingly replied, "'Tis as possible as to find an
  adulterer in Sparta."  So much I had to say of their marriages.

  Nor was it in the power of the father to dispose of the child as he
  thought fit; he was obliged to carry it before certain triers at a place
  called Lesche; these were some of the elders of the tribe to which the
  child belonged; their business it was carefully to view the infant, and,
  if they found it stout and well made, they gave order for its rearing,
  and allotted to it one of the nine thousand shares of land above
  mentioned for its maintenance, but, if they found it puny and ill-
  shaped, ordered it to be taken to what was called the Apothetae, a sort
  of chasm under Taygetus; as thinking it neither for the good of the
  child itself, nor for the public interest, that it should be brought up,
  if it did not, from the very outset, appear made to be healthy and
  vigorous.  Upon the same account, the women did not bathe the new-born
  children with water, as is the custom in all other countries, but with
  wine, to prove the temper and complexion of their bodies; from a notion
  they had that epileptic and weakly children faint and waste away upon
  their being thus bathed, while, on the contrary, those of a strong and
  vigorous habit acquire firmness and get a temper by it, like steel.
  There was much care and art, too, used by the nurses; they had no
  swaddling bands; the children grew up free and unconstrained in limb and
  form, and not dainty and fanciful about their food; not afraid in the
  dark, or of being left alone; without any peevishness or ill humor or
  crying.  Upon this account, Spartan nurses were often bought up, or
  hired by people of other countries; and it is recorded that she who
  suckled Alcibiades was a Spartan; who, however, if fortunate in his
  nurse, was not so in his preceptor; his guardian, Pericles, as Plato
  tells us, chose a servant for that office called Zopyrus,
  no better than any common slave.

  Lycurgus was of another mind; he would not have masters bought out of
  the market for his young Spartans, nor such as should sell their pains;
  nor was it lawful, indeed, for the father himself to breed up the
  children after his own fancy; but as soon as they were seven years old
  they were to be enrolled in certain companies and classes, where they
  all lived under the same order and discipline, doing their exercises and
  taking their play together.  Of these, he who showed the most conduct
  and courage was made captain; they had their eyes always upon him,
  obeyed his orders, and underwent patiently whatsoever punishment he
  inflicted; so that the whole course of their education was one continued
  exercise of a ready and perfect obedience.  The old men, too, were
  spectators of their performances, and often raised quarrels and disputes
  among them, to have a good opportunity of finding out their different
  characters, and of seeing which would be valiant, which a coward, when
  they should come to more dangerous encounters.  Reading and writing they
  gave them, just enough to serve their turn; their chief care was to make
  them good subjects, and to teach them to endure pain and conquer in
  battle.  To this end, as they grew in years, their discipline was
  proportionably increased; their heads were close-clipped, they were
  accustomed to go bare-foot, and for the most part to play naked.

  After they were twelve years old, they were no longer allowed to wear
  any under-garment; they had one coat to serve them a year; their bodies
  were hard and dry, with but little acquaintance of baths and unguents;
  these human indulgences they were allowed only on some few particular
  days in the year.  They lodged together in little bands upon beds made
  of the rushes which grew by the banks of the river Eurotas, which they
  were to break off with their hands without a knife; if it were winter,
  they mingled some thistle-down with their rushes, which it was thought
  had the property of giving warmth.  By the time they were come to this
  age, there was not any of the more hopeful boys who had not a lover to
  bear him company.  The old men, too, had an eye upon them, coming often
  to the grounds to hear and see them contend either in wit or strength
  with one another, and this as seriously and with as much concern as if
  they were their fathers, their tutors, or their magistrates; so that
  there scarcely was any time or place without someone present to put
  them in mind of their duty, and punish them if they had neglected it.

  Besides all this, there was always one of the best and honestest men in
  the city appointed to undertake the charge and governance of them; he
  again arranged them into their several bands, and set over each of them
  for their captain the most temperate and boldest of those they called
  Irens, who were usually twenty years old, two years out of the boys; and
  the eldest of the boys, again, were Mell-Irens, as much as to say, who
  would shortly be men.  This young man, therefore, was their captain when
  they fought, and their master at home, using them for the offices of his
  house; sending the oldest of them to fetch wood, and the weaker and less
  able, to gather salads and herbs, and these they must either go without
  or steal; which they did by creeping into the gardens, or conveying
  themselves cunningly and closely into the eating-houses; if they were
  taken in the fact, they were whipped without mercy, for thieving so ill
  and awkwardly.  They stole, too, all other meat they could lay their
  hands on, looking out and watching all opportunities, when people were
  asleep or more careless than usual.  If they were caught, they were not
  only punished with whipping, but hunger, too, being reduced to their
  ordinary allowance, which was but very slender, and so contrived on
  purpose, that they might set about to help themselves, and be forced to
  exercise their energy and address.  This was the principal design of
  their hard fare; there was another not inconsiderable, that they might
  grow taller; for the vital spirits, not being overburdened and oppressed
  by too great a quantity of nourishment; which necessarily discharges
  itself into thickness and breadth, do, by their natural lightness, rise;
  and the body, giving and yielding because it is pliant, grows in height.
  The same thing seems, also, to conduce to beauty of shape; a dry and
  lean habit is a better subject for nature's configuration, which the
  gross and over-fed are too heavy to submit to properly.  Just as we find
  that women who take physic whilst they are with child, bear leaner and
  smaller but better-shaped and prettier children; the material they come
  of having been more pliable and easily molded.  The reason, however, I
  leave others to determine.

  To return from whence we have digressed.  So seriously did the
  Lacedaemonian children go about their stealing, that a youth, having
  stolen a young fox and hid it under his coat, suffered it to tear out
  his very bowels with its teeth and claws, and died upon the place,
  rather than let it be seen.  What is practiced to this very day in
  Lacedaemon is enough to gain credit to this story, for I myself have
  seen several of the youths endure whipping to death at the foot of the
  altar of Diana surnamed Orthia.

  The Iren, or under-master, used to stay a little with them after supper,
  and one of them he bade to sing a song, to another he put a question
  which required an advised and deliberate answer; for example, Who was
  the best man in the city?  What he thought of such an action of such a
  man?  They used them thus early to pass a right judgment upon persons and
  things, and to inform themselves of the abilities or defects of their
  countrymen.  If they had not an answer ready to the question Who was a
  good or who an ill-reputed citizen, they were looked upon as of a dull
  and careless disposition, and to have little or no sense of virtue and
  honor; besides this, they were to give a good reason for what they said,
  and in as few words and as comprehensive as might be; he that failed of
  this, or answered not to the purpose, had his thumb bit by his master.
  Sometimes the Iren did this in the presence of the old men and
  magistrates, that they might see whether he punished them justly and in
  due measure or not; and when he did amiss, they would not reprove him
  before the boys, but, when they were gone, he was called to an account
  and underwent correction, if he had run far into either of the extremes
  of indulgence or severity.

  Their lovers and favorers, too, had a share in the young boy's honor or
  disgrace; and there goes a story that one of them was fined by the
  magistrates, because the lad whom he loved cried out effeminately as he
  was fighting.  And though this sort of love was so approved among them,
  that the most virtuous matrons would make professions of it to young
  girls, yet rivalry did not exist, and if several men's fancies met in
  one person, it was rather the beginning of an intimate friendship,
  whilst they all jointly conspired to render the object of their
  affection as accomplished as possible.

  They taught them, also, to speak with a natural and graceful raillery,
  and to comprehend much matter of thought in few words.  For Lycurgus,
  who ordered, as we saw, that a great piece of money should be but of an
  inconsiderable value, on the contrary would allow no discourse to be
  current which did not contain in few words a great deal of useful and
  curious sense; children in Sparta, by a habit of long silence, came to
  give just and sententious answers; for, indeed, as loose and incontinent
  livers are seldom fathers of many children, so loose and incontinent
  talkers seldom originate many sensible words.  King Agis, when some
  Athenian laughed at their short swords, and said that the jugglers on
  the stage swallowed them with ease, answered him, "We find them long
  enough to reach our enemies with;" and as their swords were short and
  sharp, so, it seems to me, were their sayings.  They reach the point and
  arrest the attention of the hearers better than any.  Lycurgus himself
  seems to have been short and sententious, if we may trust the anecdotes
  of him; as appears by his answer to one who by all means would set up
  democracy in Lacedaemon.  "Begin, friend," said he, "and set it up in
  your family."  Another asked him why he allowed of such mean and trivial
  sacrifices to the gods.  He replied, "That we may always have something
  to offer to them."  Being asked what sort of martial exercises or
  combats he approved of, he answered, "All sorts, except that in which
  you stretch out your hands."  Similar answers, addressed to his
  countrymen by letter, are ascribed to him; as, being consulted how they
  might best oppose an invasion of their enemies, he returned this answer,
  "By continuing poor, and not coveting each man to be greater than his
  fellow."  Being consulted again whether it were requisite to enclose the
  city with a wall, he sent them word, "The city is well fortified which
  hath a wall of men instead of brick."  But whether these letters are
  counterfeit or not is not easy to determine.

  Of their dislike to talkativeness, the following apothegms are evidence.
  King Leonidas said to one who held him in discourse upon some useful
  matter, but not in due time and place, "Much to the purpose, Sir,
  elsewhere."  King Charilaus, the nephew of Lycurgus, being asked why his
  uncle had made so few laws, answered, "Men of few words require but few
  laws."  When one blamed Hecataeus the sophist because that, being
  invited to the public table, he had not spoken one word all supper-time,
  Archidamidas answered in his vindication, "He who knows how to speak,
  knows also when. "

  The sharp and yet not ungraceful retorts which I mentioned may be
  instanced as follows.  Demaratus, being asked in a troublesome manner by
  an importunate fellow, Who was the best man in Lacedaemon? answered at
  last, "He, Sir, that is the least like you."  Some, in company where
  Agis was, much extolled the Eleans for their just and honorable
  management of the Olympic tames; "Indeed," said Agis, "they are highly
  to be commended if they can do justice one day in five years."
  Theopompus answered a stranger who talked much of his affection to the
  Lacedaemonians, and said that his countrymen called him Philolacon (a
  lover of the Lacedaemonians), that it had been more for his honor if
  they had called him Philopolites (a lover of his own countrymen).  And
  Plistoanax, the son of Pausanias, when an orator of Athens said the
  Lacedaemonians had no learning, told him, "You say true, Sir; we alone
  of all the Greeks have learned none of your bad qualities."  One asked
  Archidamidas what number there might, be of the Spartans; he answered,
  "Enough, Sir, to keep out wicked men."

  We may see their character, too, in their very jests.  For they did not
  throw them out at random, but the very wit of them was grounded upon
  something or other worth thinking about.  For instance, one, being asked
  to go hear a man who exactly counterfeited the voice of a nightingale,
  answered, "Sir, I have heard the nightingale itself."  Another, having
  read the following inscription upon a tomb,

  Seeking to quench a cruel tyranny,
  They, at Selinus, did in battle die,

  said, it served them right; for instead of trying to quench the tyranny
  they should have let it burn out.  A lad, being offered some game-cocks
  that would die upon the spot, said that he cared not for cocks that
  would die, but for such that would live and kill others.  Another,
  seeing people easing themselves on seats, said, "God forbid I should
  sit where I could not get up to salute my elders."  In short, their
  answers were so sententious and pertinent, that one said well that
  intellectual much more truly than athletic exercise
  was the Spartan characteristic.

  Nor was their instruction in music and verse less carefully attended to
  than their habits of grace and good breeding in conversation.  And their
  very songs had a life and spirit in them that inflamed and possessed
  men's minds with an enthusiasm and ardor for action; the style of them
  was plain and without affectation; the subject always serious and moral;
  most usually, it was in praise of such men as had died in defense of
  their country, or in derision of those that had been cowards; the former
  they declared happy and glorified; the life of the latter they described
  as most miserable and abject.  There were also vaunts of what they would
  do, and boasts of what they had done, varying with the various ages, as,
  for example, they had three choirs in their solemn festivals, the first
  of the old men, the second of the young men, and the last of the
  children; the old men began thus:

  We once were young, and brave and strong;

  the young men answered them, singing,

  And we're so now, come on and try;

  the children came last and said,

  But we'll be strongest by and by.

  Indeed, if we will take the pains to consider their compositions, some
  of which were still extant in our days, and the airs on the flute to
  which they marched when going to battle, we shall find that Terpander
  and Pindar had reason to say that music and valor were allied.  The
  first says of Lacedaemon—

  The spear and song in her do meet,
  And Justice walks about her street;

  and Pindar—

  Councils of wise elders here,
  And the young men's conquering spear,
  And dance, and song, and joy appear;

  both describing the Spartans as no less musical than warlike; in the
  words of one of their own poets—

  With the iron stern and sharp
  Comes the playing on the harp.

  For, indeed, before they engaged in battle, the king first did sacrifice
  to the Muses, in all likelihood to put them in mind of the manner of
  their education, and of the judgment that would be passed upon their
  actions, and thereby to animate them to the performance of exploits that
  should deserve a record.  At such times, too, the Lacedaemonians abated
  a little the severity of their manners in favor of their young men,
  suffering them to curl and adorn their hair, and to have costly arms,
  and fine clothes; and were well pleased to see them, like proud horses,
  neighing and pressing to the course.  And therefore, as soon as they
  came to be well-grown, they took a great deal of care of their hair, to
  have it parted and trimmed, especially against a day of battle, pursuant
  to a saying recorded of their lawgiver, that a large head of hair added
  beauty to a good face, and terror to an ugly one.

  When they were in the field, their exercises were generally more
  moderate, their fare not so hard, nor so strict a hand held over them by
  their officers, so that they were the only people in the world to whom
  war gave repose.  When their army was drawn up in battle array and the
  enemy near, the king sacrificed a goat, commanded the soldiers to set
  their garlands upon their heads, and the pipers to play the tune of the
  hymn to Castor, and himself began the paean of advance.  It was at once
  a magnificent and a terrible sight to see them march on to the tune of
  their flutes, without any disorder in their ranks, any discomposure in
  their minds or change in their countenance, calmly and cheerfully moving
  with the music to the deadly fight.  Men, in this temper, were not
  likely to be possessed with fear or any transport of fury, but with the
  deliberate valor of hope and assurance, as if some divinity were
  attending and conducting them.  The king had always about his person
  some one who had been crowned in the Olympic games; and upon this
  account a Lacedaemonian is said to have refused a considerable present,
  which was offered to him upon condition that he would not come into the
  lists; and when he had with much to-do thrown his antagonist, some of
  the spectators saying to him, "And now, Sir Lacedaemonian, what are you
  the better for your victory?" he answered smiling, "I shall fight next
  the king."  After they had routed an enemy, they pursued him till they
  were well assured of the victory, and then they sounded a retreat,
  thinking it base and unworthy of a Grecian people to cut men in pieces,
  who had given up and abandoned all resistance.  This manner of dealing
  with their enemies did not only show magnanimity, but was politic too;
  for, knowing that they killed only those who made resistance, and gave
  quarter to the rest, men generally thought it their best way to consult
  their safety by flight.

  Hippias the sophist says that Lycurgus himself was a great soldier and
  an experienced commander.  Philostephanus attributes to him the first
  division of the cavalry into troops of fifties in a square body; but
  Demetrius the Phalerian says quite the contrary, and that he made all
  his laws in a continued peace.  And, indeed, the Olympic holy truce, or
  cessation of arms, that was procured by his means and management,
  inclines me to think him a kind-natured man, and one that loved
  quietness and peace.  Notwithstanding all this, Hermippus tells us that
  he had no hand in the ordinance; that Iphitus made it, and Lycurgus came
  only as a spectator, and that by mere accident too.  Being there, he
  heard as it were a man's voice behind him, blaming and wondering at him
  that he did not encourage his countrymen to resort to the assembly, and,
  turning about and seeing no man, concluded that it was a voice from
  heaven, and upon this immediately went to Iphitus, and assisted him in
  ordering the ceremonies of that feast, which, by his means, were better
  established, and with more repute than before.

  To return to the Lacedaemonians.  Their discipline continued still after
  they were full-grown men.  No one was allowed to live after his own
  fancy; but the city was a sort of camp, in which every man had his share
  of provisions and business set out, and looked upon himself not so much
  born to serve his own ends as the interest of his country.  Therefore,
  if they were commanded nothing else, they went to see the boys perform
  their exercises, to teach them something useful, or to learn it
  themselves of those who knew better.  And, indeed, one of the greatest
  and highest blessings Lycurgus procured his people was the abundance of
  leisure, which proceeded from his forbidding to them the exercise of any
  mean and mechanical trade.  Of the money-making that depends on
  troublesome going about and seeing people and doing business, they had
  no need at all in a state where wealth obtained no honor or respect.
  The Helots tilled their ground for them, and paid them yearly in kind
  the appointed quantity, without any trouble of theirs.  To this purpose
  there goes a story of a Lacedaemonian who, happening to be at Athens
  when the courts were sitting, was told of a citizen that had been fined
  for living an idle life, and was being escorted home in much distress of
  mind by his condoling friends; the Lacedaemonian was much surprised at
  it, and desired his friend to show him the man who was condemned for
  living like a freeman.  So much beneath them did they esteem the
  frivolous devotion of time and attention to the mechanical arts
  and to money-making.

  It need not be said, that, upon the prohibition of gold and silver, all
  lawsuits immediately ceased, for there was now neither avarice nor
  poverty amongst them, but equality, where every one's wants were
  supplied, and independence, because those wants were so small.  All
  their time, except when they were in the field, was taken up by the
  choral dances and the festivals, in hunting, and in attendance on the
  exercise-grounds and the places of public conversation.  Those who were
  under thirty years of age were not allowed to go into the marketplace,
  but had the necessaries of their family supplied by the care of their
  relations and lovers; nor was it for the credit of elderly men to be
  seen too often in the marketplace; it was esteemed more suitable for
  them to frequent the exercise-grounds and places of conversation, where
  they spent their leisure rationally in conversation, not on money-making
  and market-prices, but for the most part in passing judgment on some
  action worth considering; extolling the good, and censuring those who
  were otherwise, and that in a light and sportive manner, conveying,
  without too much gravity, lessons of advice and improvement.  Nor was
  Lycurgus himself unduly austere; it was he who dedicated, says Sosibius,
  the little statue of Laughter.  Mirth, introduced seasonably at their
  suppers and places of common entertainment, was to serve as a sort of
  sweetmeat to accompany their strict and hard life.  To conclude, he bred
  up his citizens in such a way that they neither would nor could live by
  themselves; they were to make themselves one with the public good, and,
  clustering like bees around their commander, be by their zeal and public
  spirit carried all but out of themselves, and devoted wholly to their
  country.  What their sentiments were will better appear by a few of
  their sayings.  Paedaretus, not being admitted into the list of the
  three hundred, returned home with a joyful face, well pleased to find
  that there were in Sparta three hundred better men than himself.  And
  Polycratidas, being sent with some others ambassador to the lieutenants
  of the king of Persia, being asked by them whether they came in a
  private or in a public character, answered, "In a public, if we
  succeed; if not, in a private character."  Argileonis, asking some who
  came from Amphipolis if her son Brasidas died courageously and as became
  a Spartan, on their beginning to praise him to a high degree, and saying
  there was not such another left in Sparta, answered, "Do not say so;
  Brasidas was a good and brave man,
  but there are in Sparta many better than he."

  The senate, as I said before, consisted of those who were Lycurgus's
  chief aiders and assistants in his plans.  The vacancies he ordered to be
  supplied out of the best and most deserving men past sixty years old;
  and we need not wonder if there was much striving for it; for what more
  glorious competition could there be amongst men, than one in which it
  was not contested who was swiftest among the swift or strongest of the
  strong, but who of many wise and good was wisest and best, and fittest
  to be entrusted for ever after, as the reward of his merits, with the
  supreme authority of the commonwealth, and with power over the lives,
  franchises, and highest interests of all his countrymen?  The manner of
  their election was as follows: the people being called together, some
  selected persons were locked up in a room near the place of election, so
  contrived that they could neither see nor be seen, but could only hear
  the noise of the assembly without; for they decided this, as most other
  affairs of moment, by the shouts of the people.  This done, the
  competitors were not brought in and presented all together, but one
  after another by lot, and passed in order through the assembly without
  speaking a word.  Those who were locked up had writing-tables with them,
  in which they recorded and marked each shout by its loudness, without
  knowing in favor of which candidate each of them was made, but merely
  that they came first, second, third, and so forth.  He who was found to
  have the most and loudest acclamations was declared senator duly
  elected.  Upon this he had a garland set upon his head, and went in
  procession to all the temples to give thanks to the gods; a great number
  of young men followed him with applauses, and women, also, singing verses
  in his honor, and extolling the virtue and happiness of his life.  As he
  went round the city in this manner, each of his relations and friends
  set a table before him, saying, "The city honors you with this
  banquet;" but he, instead of accepting, passed round to the common table
  where he formerly used to eat; and was served as before, excepting that
  now he had a second allowance, which he took and put by.  By the time
  supper was ended, the women who were of kin to him had come about the
  door; and he, beckoning to her whom he most esteemed, presented to her
  the portion he had saved, saying, that it had been a mark of esteem to
  him, and was so now to her; upon which she was triumphantly waited upon
  home by the women.

  Touching burials, Lycurgus made very wise regulations; for, first of
  all, to cut of all superstition, he allowed them to bury their dead
  within the city, and even round about their temples, to the end that
  their youth might be accustomed to such spectacles, and not be afraid to
  see a dead body, or imagine that to touch a corpse or to tread upon a
  grave would defile a man.  In the next place, he commanded them to put
  nothing into the ground with them, except, if they pleased, a few olive
  leaves, and the scarlet cloth that they were wrapped in.  He would not
  suffer the names to be inscribed, except only of men who fell in the
  wars, or women who died in a sacred office.  The time, too, appointed
  for mourning, was very short, eleven days; on the twelfth, they were to
  do sacrifice to Ceres, and leave it off; so that we may see, that as he
  cut off all superfluity, so in things necessary there was nothing so
  small and trivial which did not express some homage of virtue or scorn
  of vice.  He filled Lacedaemon all through with proofs and examples of
  good conduct; with the constant sight of which from their youth up, the
  people would hardly fail to be gradually formed and advanced in virtue.

  And this was the reason why he forbade them to travel abroad, and go
  about acquainting themselves with foreign rules of morality, the habits
  of ill-educated people, and different views of government.  Withal he
  banished from Lacedaemon all strangers who could not give a very good
  reason for their coming thither; not because he was afraid lest they
  should inform themselves of and imitate his manner of government (as
  Thucydides says), or learn any thing to their good; but rather lest they
  should introduce something contrary to good manners.  With strange
  people, strange words must be admitted; these novelties produce
  novelties in thought; and on these follow views and feelings whose
  discordant character destroys the harmony of the state.  He was as
  careful to save his city from the infection of foreign bad habits, as
  men usually are to prevent the introduction of a pestilence.

  Hitherto I, for my part, see no sign of injustice or want of equity in
  the laws of Lycurgus, though some who admit them to be well contrived to
  make good soldiers, pronounce them defective in point of justice.  The
  Cryptia, perhaps (if it were one of Lycurgus's ordinances, as Aristotle
  says it was), Gave both him and Plato, too, this opinion alike of the
  lawgiver and his government.  By this ordinance, the magistrates
  dispatched privately some of the ablest of the young men into the
  country, from time to time, armed only with their daggers, and taking a
  little necessary provision with them; in the daytime, they hid
  themselves in out-of-the-way places, and there lay close, but, in the
  night, issued out into the highways, and killed all the Helots they
  could light upon; sometimes they set upon them by day, as they were at
  work in the fields, and murdered them.  As, also, Thucydides, in his
  history of the Peloponnesian war, tells us, that a good number of them,
  after being singled out for their bravery by the Spartans, garlanded, as
  enfranchised persons, and led about to all the temples in token of
  honors, shortly after disappeared all of a sudden, being about the
  number of two thousand; and no man either then or since could give an
  account how they came by their deaths.  And Aristotle, in particular,
  adds, that the ephori, so soon as they were entered into their office,
  used to declare war against them, that they might be massacred without a
  breach of religion.  It is confessed, on all hands, that the Spartans
  dealt with them very hardly; for it was a common thing to force them to
  drink to excess, and to lead them in that condition into their public
  halls, that the children might see what a sight a drunken man is; they
  made them to dance low dances, and sing ridiculous songs, forbidding
  them expressly to meddle with any of a better kind.  And, accordingly,
  when the Thebans made their invasion into Laconia, and took a great
  number of the Helots, they could by no means persuade them to sing the
  verses of Terpander, Alcman, or Spendon, "For," said they, "the masters
  do not like it."  So that it was truly observed by one, that in Sparta
  he who was free was most so, and he that was a slave there, the greatest
  slave in the world.  For my part, I am of opinion that these outrages
  and cruelties began to be exercised in Sparta at a later time,
  especially after the great earthquake, when the Helots made a general
  insurrection, and, joining with the Messenians, laid the country waste,
  and brought the greatest danger upon the city.  For I cannot persuade
  myself to ascribe to Lycurgus so wicked and barbarous a course, judging
  of him from the gentleness of his disposition and justice upon all other
  occasions; to which the oracle also testified.

  When he perceived that his more important institutions had taken root in
  the minds of his countrymen, that custom had rendered them familiar and
  easy, that his commonwealth was now grown up and able to go alone, then,
  as, Plato somewhere tells us, the Maker of the world, when first he saw
  it existing and beginning its motion, felt joy, even so Lycurgus,
  viewing with joy and satisfaction the greatness and beauty of his
  political structure, now fairly at work and in motion, conceived the
  thought to make it immortal too, and, as far as human forecast could
  reach, to deliver it down unchangeable to posterity.  He called an
  extraordinary assembly of all the people, and told them that he now
  thought every thing reasonably well established, both for the happiness
  and the virtue of the state; but that there was one thing still behind,
  of the greatest importance, which he thought not fit to impart until he
  had consulted the oracle; in the meantime, his desire was that they
  would observe the laws without any the least alteration until his
  return, and then he would do as the god should direct him.  They all
  consented readily, and bade him hasten his journey; but, before he
  departed, he administered an oath to the two kings, the senate, and the
  whole commons, to abide by and maintain the established form of polity
  until Lycurgus should be come back.  This done, he set out for Delphi,
  and, having sacrificed to Apollo, asked him whether the laws he had
  established were good, and sufficient for a people's happiness and
  virtue.  The oracle answered that the laws were excellent, and that the
  people, while it observed them, should live in the height of renown.
  Lycurgus took the oracle in writing, and sent it over to Sparta; and,
  having sacrificed the second time to Apollo, and taken leave of his
  friends and his son, he resolved that the Spartans should not be
  released from the oath they had taken, and that he would, of his own
  act, close his life where he was.  He was now about that age in which
  life was still tolerable, and yet might be quitted without regret.
  Every thing, moreover, about him was in a sufficiently prosperous
  condition.  He, therefore, made an end of himself by a total abstinence
  from food; thinking it a statesman's duty to make his very death, if
  possible, an act of service to the state, and even in the end of his
  life to give some example of virtue and effect some useful purpose.  He
  would, on the one hand, crown and consummate his own happiness by a
  death suitable to so honorable a life, and, on the other, would secure
  to his countrymen the enjoyment of the advantages he had spent his life
  in obtaining for them, since they had solemnly sworn the maintenance of
  his institutions until his return.  Nor was he deceived in his
  expectations, for the city of Lacedaemon continued the chief city of all
  Greece for the space of five hundred years, in strict observance of
  Lycurgus's laws; in all which time there was no manner of alteration
  made, during the reign of fourteen kings, down to the time of Agis, the
  son of Archidamus.  For the new creation of the ephori, though thought
  to be in favor of the people, was so far from diminishing, that it very
  much heightened, the aristocratical character of the government.
  In the time of Agis, gold and silver first flowed into Sparta, and with
  them all those mischiefs which attend the immoderate desire of riches.
  Lysander promoted this disorder; for, by bringing in rich spoils from
  the wars, although himself incorrupt, he yet by this means filled his
  country with avarice and luxury, and subverted the laws and ordinances
  of Lycurgus; so long as which were in force, the aspect presented by
  Sparta was rather that of a rule of life followed by one wise and
  temperate man, than of the political government of a nation.  And as the
  poets feign of Hercules, that, with his lion's skin and his club, he
  went over the world, punishing lawless and cruel tyrants, so may it be
  said of the Lacedaemonians, that, with a common staff and a coarse
  coat, they gained the willing and joyful obedience of Greece, through
  whose whole extent they suppressed unjust usurpations and despotisms,
  arbitrated in war, and composed civil dissensions; and this often
  without so much as taking down one buckler, but barely by sending some
  one single deputy, to whose direction all at once submitted, like bees
  swarming and taking their places around their prince.  Such a fund of
  order and equity, enough and to spare for others,
  existed in their state.

  And therefore I cannot but wonder at those who say that the Spartans
  were good subjects, but bad governors, and for proof of it allege a
  saying of king Theopompus, who, when one said that Sparta held up so
  long because their kings could command so well, replied, "Nay, rather
  because the people know so well how to obey."  For people do not obey,
  unless rulers know how to command; obedience is a lesson taught by
  commanders.  A true leader himself creates the obedience of his own
  followers; as it is the last attainment in the art of riding to make a
  horse gentle and tractable, so is it of the science of government, to
  inspire men with a willingness to obey.  The Lacedaemonians inspired men
  not with a mere willingness, but with an absolute desire, to be their
  subjects.  For they did not send petitions to them for ships or money,
  or a supply of armed men, but only for a Spartan commander; and, having
  obtained one, used him with honor and reverence; so the Sicilians
  behaved to Gylippus, the Chalcidians to Brasidas, and all the Greeks in
  Asia to Lysander, Callicratidas, and Agesilaus; they styled them the
  composers and chasteners of each people or prince they were sent to, and
  had their eyes always fixed upon the city of Sparta itself, as the
  perfect model of good manners and wise government.  The rest seemed as
  scholars, they the masters of Greece; and to this Stratonicus pleasantly
  alluded, when in jest he pretended to make a law that the Athenians
  should conduct religious processions and the mysteries, the Eleans
  should preside at the Olympic games, and, if either did amiss, the
  Lacedaemonians be beaten.  Antisthenes, too, one of the scholars of
  Socrates, said, in earnest, of the Thebans, when they were elated by
  their victory at Leuctra, that they looked like schoolboys who had
  beaten their master.

  However, it was not the design of Lycurgus that his city should govern a
  great many others; he thought rather that the happiness of a state, as
  of a private man, consisted chiefly in the exercise of virtue, and in
  the concord of the inhabitants; his aim, therefore, in all his
  arrangements, was to make and keep them free-minded, self-dependent, and
  temperate.  And therefore all those who have written well on politics,
  as Plato, Diogenes, and Zeno, have taken Lycurgus for their model,
  leaving behind them, however, mere projects and words; whereas Lycurgus
  was the author, not in writing but in reality, of a government which
  none else could so much as copy; and while men in general have treated
  the individual philosophic character as unattainable, he, by the example
  of a complete philosophic state, raised himself high above all other
  lawgivers of Greece.  And so Aristotle says they did him less honor at
  Lacedaemon after his death than he deserved, although he has a temple
  there, and they offer sacrifices yearly to him as to a god.

  It is reported that when his bones were brought home to Sparta his tomb
  was struck with lightning; an accident which befell no eminent person
  but himself, and Euripides, who was buried at Arethusa in Macedonia;
  and it may serve that poet's admirers as a testimony in his favor, that
  he had in this the same fate with that holy man and favorite of the
  gods.  Some say Lycurgus died in Cirrha; Apollothemis says, after he had
  come to Elis; Timaeus and Aristoxenus, that he ended his life in Crete;
  Aristoxenus adds that his tomb is shown by the Cretans in the district
  of Pergamus, near the strangers' road.  He left an only son, Antiorus,
  on whose death without issue, his family became extinct.  But his
  relations and friends kept up an annual commemoration of him down to a
  long time after; and the days of the meeting were called Lycurgides.
  Aristocrates, the son of Hipparchus, says that he died in Crete, and
  that his Cretan friends, in accordance with his own request, when they
  had burned his body, scattered the ashes into the sea; for fear lest, if
  his relics should be transported to Lacedaemon, the people might pretend
  to be released from their oaths, and make innovations in the government.
  Thus much may suffice for the life and actions of Lycurgus.





NUMA POMPILIUS

  Though the pedigrees of noble families of Rome go back in exact form as
  far as Numa Pompilius, yet there is great diversity amongst historians
  concerning the time in which he reigned; a certain writer called
  Clodius, in a book of his entitled Strictures on Chronology, avers that
  the ancient registers of Rome were lost when the city was sacked by the
  Gauls, and that those which are now extant were counterfeited, to
  flatter and serve the humor of some men who wished to have themselves
  derived from some ancient and noble lineage, though in reality with no
  claim to it.  And though it be commonly reported that Numa was a scholar
  and a familiar acquaintance of Pythagoras, yet it is again contradicted
  by others, who affirm, that he was acquainted with neither the Greek
  language nor learning, and that he was a person of that natural talent
  and ability as of himself to attain to virtue, or else that he found
  some barbarian instructor superior to Pythagoras.  Some affirm, also,
  that Pythagoras was not contemporary with Numa, but lived at least five
  generations after him; and that some other Pythagoras, a native of
  Sparta, who, in the sixteenth Olympiad, in the third year of which Numa
  became king, won a prize at the Olympic race, might, in his travel
  through Italy, have gained acquaintance with Numa, and assisted him in
  the constitution of his kingdom; whence it comes that many Laconian laws
  and customs appear amongst the Roman institutions.  Yet, in any case,
  Numa was descended of the Sabines, who declare themselves to be a colony
  of the Lacedaemonians.  And chronology, in general, is uncertain;
  especially when fixed by the lists of victors in the Olympic games,
  which were published at a late period by Hippias the Elean, and rest on
  no positive authority.  Commencing, however, at a convenient point, we
  will proceed to give the most noticeable events that are recorded of the
  life of Numa.

  It was the thirty-seventh year, counted from the foundation of Rome,
  when Romulus, then reigning, did, on the fifth day of the month of July,
  called the Caprotine Nones, offer a public sacrifice at the Goat's
  Marsh, in presence of the senate and people of Rome.  Suddenly the sky
  was darkened, a thick cloud of storm and rain settled on the earth; the
  common people fled in affright, and were dispersed; and in this
  whirlwind Romulus disappeared, his body being never found either living
  or dead.  A foul suspicion presently attached to the patricians, and
  rumors were current among the people as if that they, weary of kingly
  government, and exasperated of late by the imperious deportment of
  Romulus towards them, had plotted against his life and made him away,
  that so they might assume the authority and government into their own
  hands.  This suspicion they sought to turn aside by decreeing divine
  honors to Romulus, as to one not dead but translated to a higher
  condition.  And Proculus, a man of note, took oath that he saw Romulus
  caught up into heaven in his arms and vestments, and heard him, as he
  ascended, cry out that they should hereafter style him
  by the name of Quirinus.

  This trouble, being appeased, was followed by another, about the
  election of a new king: for the minds of the original Romans and the new
  inhabitants were not as yet grown into that perfect unity of temper, but
  that there were diversities of factions amongst the commonalty, and
  jealousies and emulations amongst the senators; for though all agreed
  that it was necessary to have a king.  yet what person or of which
  nation, was matter of dispute.  For those who had been builders of the
  city with Romulus, and had already yielded a share of their lands and
  dwellings to the Sabines, were indignant at any pretension on their part
  to rule over their benefactors.  On the other side, the Sabines could
  plausibly allege, that, at their king Tatius's decease, they had
  peaceably submitted to the sole command of Romulus; so now their turn
  was come to have a king chosen out of their own nation; nor did they
  esteem themselves to have combined with the Romans as inferiors, nor to
  have contributed less than they to the increase of Rome, which, without
  their numbers and association, could scarcely have merited the name of a
  city.

  Thus did both parties argue and dispute their cause; but lest meanwhile
  discord, in the absence of all command, should occasion general
  confusion, it was agreed that the hundred and fifty senators should
  interchangeably execute the office of supreme magistrate, and each in
  succession, with the ensigns of royalty, should offer the solemn
  sacrifices and dispatch public business for the space of six hours by
  day and six by night; which vicissitude and equal distribution of power
  would preclude all rivalry amongst the senators and envy from the
  people, when they should behold one, elevated to the degree of a king,
  leveled within the space of a day to the condition of a private citizen.
  This form of government is termed, by the Romans, interregnum.  Nor yet
  could they, by this plausible and modest way of rule, escape suspicion
  and clamor of the vulgar, as though they were changing the form of
  government to an oligarchy, and designing to keep the supreme power in a
  sort of wardship under themselves, without ever proceeding to choose a
  king.  Both parties came at length to the conclusion that the one should
  choose a king out of the body of the other; the Romans make choice of a
  Sabine, or the Sabines name a Roman; this was esteemed the best
  expedient to put an end to all party spirit, and the prince who should
  be chosen would have an equal affection to the one party as his electors
  and to the other as his kinsmen.  The Sabines remitted the choice to the
  original Romans, and they, too, on their part, were more inclinable to
  receive a Sabine king elected by themselves than to see a Roman exalted
  by the Sabines.  Consultations being accordingly held, they named Numa
  Pompilius, of the Sabine race, a person of that high reputation for
  excellence, that, though he were not actually residing at Rome, yet he
  was no sooner nominated than accepted by the Sabines, with acclamation
  almost greater than that of the electors themselves.

  The choice being declared and made known to the people, principal men
  of both parties were appointed to visit and entreat him, that he would
  accept the administration of the government.  Numa resided at a famous
  city of the Sabines called Cures, whence the Romans and Sabines gave
  themselves the joint name of Quirites.  Pomponius, an illustrious
  person, was his father, and he the youngest of his four sons, being (as
  it had been divinely ordered) born on the twenty-first day of April, the
  day of the foundation of Rome.  He was endued with a soul rarely
  tempered by nature, and disposed to virtue, which he had yet more
  subdued by discipline, a severe life, and the study of philosophy; means
  which had not only succeeded in expelling the baser passions, but also
  the violent and rapacious temper which barbarians are apt to think
  highly of; true bravery, in his judgment, was regarded as consisting in
  the subjugation of our passions by reason.

  He banished all luxury and softness from his own home, and, while
  citizens alike and strangers found in him an incorruptible judge and
  counselor, in private he devoted himself not to amusement or lucre, but
  to the worship of the immortal gods, and the rational contemplation of
  their divine power and nature.  So famous was he, that Tatius, the
  colleague of Romulus, chose him for his son-in-law, and gave him his
  only daughter, which, however, did not stimulate his vanity to desire to
  dwell with his father-in-law at Rome; he rather chose to inhabit with
  his Sabines, and cherish his own father in his old age; and Tatia, also,
  preferred the private condition of her husband before the honors and
  splendor she might have enjoyed with her father.  She is said to have
  died after she had been married thirteen years, and then Numa, leaving
  the conversation of the town, betook himself to a country life, and in a
  solitary manner frequented the groves and fields consecrated to the
  gods, passing his life in desert places.  And this in particular gave
  occasion to the story about the goddess, namely, that Numa did not
  retire from human society out of any melancholy or disorder of mind.
  but because he had tasted the joys of more elevated intercourse, and,
  admitted to celestial wedlock in the love and converse of the goddess
  Egeria, had attained to blessedness, and to a divine wisdom.

  The story evidently resembles those very ancient fables which the
  Phrygians have received and still recount of Attis, the Bithynians of
  Herodotus, the Arcadians of Endymion, not to mention several others who
  were thought blessed and beloved of the gods; nor does it seem strange
  if God, a lover, not of horses or birds, but men, should not disdain to
  dwell with the virtuous and converse with the wise and temperate soul,
  though it be altogether hard, indeed, to believe, that any god or daemon
  is capable of a sensual or bodily love and passion for any human form or
  beauty.  Though, indeed, the wise Egyptians do not unplausibly make the
  distinction, that it may be possible for a divine spirit so to apply
  itself to the nature of a woman, as to imbreed in her the first
  beginnings of generation, while on the other side they conclude it
  impossible for the male kind to have any intercourse or mixture by the
  body with any divinity, not considering, however, that what takes place
  on the one side, must also take place on the other; intermixture, by
  force of terms, is reciprocal.  Not that it is otherwise than befitting
  to suppose that the gods feel towards men affection, and love, in the
  sense of affection, and in the form of care and solicitude for their
  virtue and their good dispositions.  And, therefore, it was no error of
  those who feigned, that Phorbas, Hyacinthus, and Admetus were beloved by
  Apollo; or that Hippolytus the Sicyonian was so much in his favor, that,
  as often as he sailed from Sicyon to Cirrha, the Pythian prophetess
  uttered this heroic verse, expressive of the god's attention and joy:

  Now doth Hippolytus return again,
  And venture his dear life upon the main.

  It is reported, also, that Pan became enamored of Pindar for his verses,
  and the divine power rendered honor to Hesiod and Archilochus after
  their death for the sake of the Muses; there is a statement, also, that
  Aesculapius sojourned with Sophocles in his lifetime, of which many
  proofs still exist, and that, when he was dead, another deity took care
  for his funeral rites.  And so if any credit may be given to these
  instances, why should we judge it incongruous, that a like spirit of the
  gods should visit Zaleucus, Minos, Zoroaster, Lycurgus, and Numa, the
  controllers of kingdoms, and the legislators for commonwealths?  Nay, it
  may be reasonable to believe, that the gods, with a serious purpose,
  assist at the councils and serious debates of such men, to inspire and
  direct them; and visit poets and musicians, if at all, in their more
  sportive moods; but, for difference of opinion here, as Bacchylides
  said, "the road is broad."  For there is no absurdity in the account
  also given, that Lycurgus and Numa, and other famous lawgivers, having
  the task of subduing perverse and refractory multitudes, and of
  introducing great innovations, themselves made this pretension to divine
  authority, which, if not true, assuredly was expedient for the interests
  of those it imposed upon.

  Numa was about forty years of age when the ambassadors came to make him
  offers of the kingdom; the speakers were Proculus and Velesus, one or
  other of whom it had been thought the people would elect as their new
  king; the original Romans being for Proculus, and the Sabines for
  Velesus.  Their speech was very short, supposing that, when they came to
  tender a kingdom, there needed little to persuade to an acceptance; but,
  contrary to their expectation, they found that they had to use many
  reasons and entreaties to induce one, that lived in peace and quietness,
  to accept the government of a city whose foundation and increase had
  been made, in a manner, in war.  In presence of his father and his
  kinsman Marcius, he returned answer that "Every alteration of a man's
  life is dangerous to him; but madness only could induce one who needs
  nothing and is satisfied with everything to quit a life he is
  accustomed to; which, whatever else it is deficient in, at any rate has
  the advantage of certainty over one wholly doubtful and unknown.
  Though, indeed, the difficulties of this government cannot even be
  called unknown; Romulus, who first held it, did not escape the suspicion
  of having plotted against the life of his colleague Tatius; nor the
  senate the like accusation, of having treasonably murdered Romulus.  Yet
  Romulus had the advantage to be thought divinely born and miraculously
  preserved and nurtured.  My birth was mortal; I was reared and
  instructed by men that are known to you.  The very points of my
  character that are most commended mark me as unfit to reign,—love of
  retirement and of studies inconsistent with business, a passion that has
  become inveterate in me for peace, for unwarlike occupations, and for
  the society of men whose meetings are but those of worship and of kindly
  intercourse, whose lives in general are spent upon their farms and their
  pastures.  I should but be, methinks, a laughing-stock, while I should
  go about to inculcate the worship of the gods, and give lessons in the
  love of justice and the abhorrence of violence and war, to a city whose
  needs are rather for a captain than for a king."

  The Romans, perceiving by these words that he was declining to accept
  the kingdom, were the more instant and urgent with him that he would not
  forsake and desert them in this condition, and suffer them to relapse,
  as they must, into their former sedition and civil discord, there being
  no person on whom both parties could accord but on himself.  And, at
  length, his father and Marcius, taking him aside, persuaded him to
  accept a gift so noble in itself, and tendered to him rather from heaven
  than from men.  "Though," said they, "you neither desire riches, being
  content with what you have, nor court the fame of authority, as having
  already the more valuable fame of virtue, yet you will consider that
  government itself is a service of God, who now calls out into action
  your qualities of justice and wisdom, which were not meant to be left
  useless and unemployed.  Cease, therefore, to avoid and turn your back
  upon an office which, to a wise man, is a field for great and honorable
  actions, for the magnificent worship of the gods, and for the
  introduction of habits of piety, which authority alone can effect
  amongst a people.  Tatius, though a foreigner, was beloved, and the
  memory of Romulus has received divine honors; and who knows but that
  this people, being victorious, may be satiated with war, and, content
  with the trophies and spoils they have acquired, may be, above all
  things, desirous to have a pacific and justice-loving prince, to lead
  them to good order and quiet?  But if, indeed, their desires are
  uncontrollably and madly set on war, were it not better, then, to have
  the reins held by such a moderating hand as is able to divert the fury
  another way, and that your native city and the whole Sabine nation
  should possess in you a bond of good-will and friendship with this young
  and growing power?"

  With these reasons and persuasions several auspicious omens are said to
  have concurred, and the zeal, also, of his fellow-citizens, who, on
  understanding what message the Roman ambassadors had brought him,
  entreated him to accompany them, and to accept the kingdom as a means to
  unanimity and concord between the nations.

  Numa, yielding to these inducements, having first performed divine
  sacrifice, proceeded to Rome, being met in his way by the senate and
  people, who, with an impatient desire, came forth to receive him; the
  women, also, welcomed him with joyful acclamations, and sacrifices were
  offered for him in all the temples, and so universal was the joy, that
  they seemed to be receiving, not a new king, but a new kingdom.  In this
  manner he descended into the forum, where Spurius Vettius, whose turn it
  was to be interrex at that hour, put it to the vote; and all declared
  him king.  Then the regalities and robes of authority were brought to
  him; but he refused to be invested with them until he had first
  consulted and been confirmed by the gods; so, being accompanied by the
  priests and augurs, he ascended the Capitol, which at that time the
  Romans called the Tarpeian Hill.  Then the chief of the augurs covered
  Numa's head, and turned his face towards the south, and, standing behind
  him, laid his right hand on his head, and prayed, turning his eyes every
  way, in expectation of some auspicious signal from the gods.  It was
  wonderful, meantime, with what silence and devotion the multitude stood
  assembled in the forum in similar expectation and suspense, till
  auspicious birds appeared and passed on the right.  Then Numa,
  appareling himself in his royal robes, descended from the hill to the
  people, by whom he was received and congratulated with shouts and
  acclamations of welcome, as a holy king, and beloved of all the gods.

  The first thing he did at his entrance into government was to dismiss
  the band of three hundred men which had been Romulus's life-guard,
  called by him Celeres, saying, that he would not distrust those who put
  confidence in him, nor rule over a people that distrusted him.  The next
  thing he did was to add to the two priests of Jupiter and Mars a third
  in honor of Romulus, whom he called the Flamen Quirinalis.  The Romans
  anciently called their priests Flamines, by corruption of the word
  Pilamines, from a certain cap which they wore, called Pileus.  In those
  times, Greek words were more mixed with the Latin than at present; thus
  also the royal robe, which is called Laena, Juba says, is the same as
  the Greek Chlaena; and that the name of Camillus, given to the boy with
  both his parents living, who serves in the temple of Jupiter, was taken
  from the name given by some Greeks to Mercury, denoting his office of
  attendance on the gods.

  When Numa had, by such measures, won the favor and affection of the
  people, he set himself, without delay, to the task of bringing the hard
  and iron Roman temper to somewhat more of gentleness and equity.
  Plato's expression of a city in high fever was never more applicable
  than to Rome at that time; in its origin formed by daring and warlike
  spirits, whom bold and desperate adventure brought thither from every
  quarter, it had found in perpetual wars and incursions on its neighbors
  its after sustenance and means of growth and in conflict with danger the
  source of new strength; like piles, which the blows of the rammer serve
  to fix into the ground.  Wherefore Numa, judging it no slight
  undertaking to mollify and bend to peace the presumptuous and stubborn
  spirits of this people, began to operate upon them with the sanctions of
  religion.  He sacrificed often, and used processions and religious
  dances, in which most commonly he officiated in person; by such
  combinations of solemnity with refined and humanizing pleasures, seeking
  to win over and mitigate their fiery and warlike tempers.  At times,
  also, he filled their imaginations with religious terrors, professing
  that strange apparitions had been seen, and dreadful voices heard; thus
  subduing and humbling their minds by a sense of supernatural fears.

  This method which Numa used made it believed that he had been much
  conversant with Pythagoras; for in the philosophy of the one, as in the
  policy of the other, man's relations to the deity occupy a great place.
  It is said, also, that the solemnity of his exterior garb and gestures
  was adopted by him from the same feeling with Pythagoras.  For it is
  said of Pythagoras, that he had taught an eagle to come at his call, and
  stoop down to him in its flight; and that, as he passed among the people
  assembled at the Olympic games, he showed them his golden thigh; besides
  many other strange and miraculous seeming practices, on which Timon the
  Phliasian wrote the distich,—

  Who, of the glory of a juggler proud,
  With solemn talk imposed upon the crowd.

  In like manner Numa spoke of a certain goddess or mountain nymph that
  was in love with him, and met him in secret, as before related; and
  professed that he entertained familiar conversation with the Muses, to
  whose teaching he ascribed the greatest part of his revelations; and
  amongst them, above all, he recommended to the veneration of the Romans
  one in particular, whom he named Tacita, the Silent; which he did
  perhaps in imitation and honor of the Pythagorean silence.  His opinion,
  also, of images is very agreeable to the doctrine of Pythagoras; who
  conceived of the first principle of being as transcending sense and
  passion, invisible and incorrupt, and only to be apprehended by abstract
  intelligence.  So Numa forbade the Romans to represent God in the form
  of man or beast, nor was there any painted or graven image of a deity
  admitted amongst them for the space of the first hundred and seventy
  years, all which time their temples and chapels were kept free and pure
  from images; to such baser objects they deemed it impious to liken the
  highest, and all access to God impossible, except by the pure act of the
  intellect.  His sacrifices, also, had great similitude to the ceremonial
  of Pythagoras, for they were not celebrated with effusion of blood, but
  consisted of flour, wine, and the least costly offerings.  Other
  external proofs, too, are urged to show the connection Numa had with
  Pythagoras.  The comic writer Epicharmus, an ancient author, and of the
  school of Pythagoras, in a book of his dedicated to Antenor, records
  that Pythagoras was made a freeman of Rome.  Again, Numa gave to one of
  his four sons the name of Mamercus, which was the name of one of the
  sons of Pythagoras; from whence, as they say sprang that ancient
  patrician family of the Aemilii, for that the king gave him in sport the
  surname of Aemilius, for his engaging and graceful manner in speaking.
  I remember, too, that when I was at Rome, I heard many say, that, when
  the oracle directed two statues to be raised, one to the wisest, and
  another to the most valiant man of Greece, they erected two of brass,
  one representing Alcibiades, and the other Pythagoras.

  But to pass by these matters, which are full of uncertainty, and not so
  important as to be worth our time to insist on them, the original
  constitution of the priests, called Pontifices, is ascribed unto Numa,
  and he himself was, it is said, the first of them; and that they have
  the name of Pontifices from potens, powerful, because they attend the
  service of the gods, who have power and command over all.  Others make
  the word refer to exceptions of impossible cases; the priests were to
  perform all the duties possible to them; if any thing lay beyond their
  power, the exception was not to be cavilled at.  The most common opinion
  is the most absurd, which derives this word from pons, and assigns the
  priests the title of bridge-makers.  The sacrifices performed on the
  bridge were amongst the most sacred and ancient, and the keeping and
  repairing of the bridge attached, like any other public sacred office,
  to the priesthood.  It was accounted not simply unlawful, but a positive
  sacrilege, to pull down the wooden bridge; which moreover is said, in
  obedience to an oracle, to have been built entirely of timber and
  fastened with wooden pins, without nails or cramps of iron.  The stone
  bridge was built a very long time after, when Aemilius was quaestor, and
  they do, indeed, say also that the wooden bridge was not so old as
  Numa's time, but was finished by Ancus Marcius, when he was king, who
  was the grandson of Numa by his daughter.

  The office of Pontifex Maximus, or chief priest, was to declare and
  interpret the divine law, or, rather, to preside over sacred rites; he
  not only prescribed rules for public ceremony, but regulated the
  sacrifices of private persons, not suffering them to vary from
  established custom, and giving information to every one of what was
  requisite for purposes of worship or supplication.  He was also guardian
  of the vestal virgins, the institution of whom, and of their perpetual
  fire, was attributed to Numa, who, perhaps fancied the charge of pure
  and uncorrupted flames would be fitly entrusted to chaste and unpolluted
  persons, or that fire, which consumes, but produces nothing, bears all
  analogy to the virgin estate.  In Greece, wherever a perpetual holy fire
  is kept, as at Delphi and Athens, the charge of it is committed, not to
  virgins, but widows past the time of marriage.  And in case by any
  accident it should happen that this fire became extinct, as the holy
  lamp was at Athens under the tyranny of Aristion, and at Delphi, when
  that temple was burnt by the Medes, as also in the time of the
  Mithridatic and Roman civil war, when not only the fire was
  extinguished, but the altar demolished, then, afterwards, in kindling
  this fire again, it was esteemed an impiety to light it from common
  sparks or flame, or from any thing but the pure and unpolluted rays of
  the sun, which they usually effect by concave mirrors, of a figure
  formed by the revolution of an isoceles rectangular triangle, all the
  lines from the circumference of which meeting in a center, by holding it
  in the light of the sun they can collect and concentrate all its rays
  at this one point of convergence; where the air will now become
  rarefied, and any light, dry, combustible matter will kindle as soon as
  applied, under the effect of the rays, which here acquire the substance
  and active force of fire.  Some are of opinion that these vestals had no
  other business than the preservation of this fire; but others conceive
  that they were keepers of other divine secrets, concealed from all but
  themselves, of which we have told all that may lawfully be asked or
  told, in the life of Camillus.  Gegania and Verenia, it is recorded,
  were the names of the first two virgins consecrated and ordained by
  Numa; Canuleia and Tarpeia succeeded; Servius afterwards added two, and
  the number of four has continued to the present time.

  The statutes prescribed by Numa for the vestals were these:  that they
  should take a vow of virginity for the space of thirty years, the first
  ten of which they were to spend in learning their duties, the second ten
  in performing them, and the remaining ten in teaching and instructing
  others.  Thus the whole term being completed, it was lawful for them to
  marry, and, leaving the sacred order, to choose any condition of life
  that pleased them; but this permission few, as they say, made use of;
  and in cases where they did so, it was observed that their change was
  not a happy one, but accompanied ever after with regret and melancholy;
  so that the greater number, from religious fears and scruples, forbore,
  and continued to old age and death in the strict observance
  of a single life.

  For this condition he compensated by great privileges and prerogatives;
  as that they had power to make a will in the lifetime of their father;
  that they had a free administration of their own affairs without
  guardian or tutor, which was the privilege of women who were the mothers
  of three children; when they go abroad, they have the fasces carried
  before them; and if in their walks they chance to meet a criminal on his
  way to execution, it saves his life, upon oath made that the meeting was
  an accidental one, and not concerted or of set purpose.  Any one who
  presses upon the chair on which they are carried, is put to death.  If
  these vestals commit any minor fault, they are punishable by the high-
  priest only, who scourges the offender, sometimes with her clothes off,
  in a dark place, with a curtain drawn between; but she that has broken
  her vow is buried alive near the gate called Collina, where a little
  mound of earth stands, inside the city, reaching some little distance,
  called in Latin agger; under it a narrow room is constructed, to which a
  descent is made by stairs; here they prepare a bed, and light a lamp,
  and leave a small quantity of victuals, such as bread, water, a pail of
  milk, and some oil; that so that body which had been consecrated and
  devoted to the most sacred service of religion might not be said to
  perish by such a death as famine.  The culprit herself is put in a
  litter, which they cover over, and tie her down with cords on it, so
  that nothing she utters may be heard.  They then take her to the forum;
  all people silently go out of the way as she passes, and such as follow
  accompany the bier with solemn and speechless sorrow; and, indeed, there
  is not any spectacle more appalling, nor any day observed by the city
  with greater appearance of gloom and sadness.  When they come to the
  place of execution, the officers loose the cords, and then the high-
  priest, lifting his hands to heaven, pronounces certain prayers to
  himself before the act; then he brings out the prisoner, being still
  covered, and placing her upon the steps that lead down to the cell,
  turns away his face with the rest of the priests; the stairs are drawn
  up after she has gone down, and a quantity of earth is heaped up over
  the entrance to the cell, so as to prevent it from being distinguished
  from the rest of the mound.  This is the punishment of those who break
  their vow of virginity.

  It is said, also, that Numa built the temple of Vesta, which was
  intended for a repository of the holy fire, of a circular form, not to
  represent the figure of the earth, as if that were the same as Vesta,
  but that of the general universe, in the center of which the
  Pythagoreans place the element of fire, and give it the name of Vesta
  and the unit; and do not hold that the earth is immovable, or that it is
  situated in the center of the globe, but that it keeps a circular motion
  about the seat of fire, and is not in the number of the primary
  elements; in this agreeing with the opinion of Plato, who, they say, in
  his later life, conceived that the earth held a lateral position, and
  that the central and sovereign space was reserved for some nobler body.

  There was yet a farther use of the priests, and that was to give people
  directions in the national usages at funeral rites.  Numa taught them to
  regard these offices, not as a pollution, but as a duty paid to the gods
  below, into whose hands the better part of us is transmitted; especially
  they were to worship the goddess Libitina, who presided over all the
  ceremonies performed at burials; whether they meant hereby Proserpina,
  or, as the most learned of the Romans conceive, Venus, not inaptly
  attributing the beginning and end of man's life to the agency of one and
  the same deity.  Numa also prescribed rules for regulating the days of
  mourning, according to certain times and ages.  As, for example, a child
  of three years was not to be mourned for at all; one older, up to ten
  years, for as many months as it was years old; and the longest time of
  mourning for any person whatsoever was not to exceed the term of ten
  months; which was the time appointed for women that lost their husbands
  to continue in widowhood.  If any married again before that time, by the
  laws of Numa she was to sacrifice a cow big with calf.

  Numa, also, was founder of several other orders of priests, two of which
  I shall mention, the Salii and the Feciales, which are among the
  clearest proofs of the devoutness and sanctity of his character.  These
  Fecials, or guardians of peace, seem to have had their name from their
  office, which was to put a stop to disputes by conference and speech;
  for it was not allowable to take up arms until they had declared all
  hopes of accommodation to be at an end, for in Greek, too, we call it
  peace when disputes are settled by words, and not by force.  The Romans
  commonly dispatched the Fecials, or heralds, to those who had offered
  them injury, requesting satisfaction; and, in case they refused, they
  then called the gods to witness, and, with imprecations upon themselves
  and their country should they be acting unjustly, so declared war;
  against their will, or without their consent, it was lawful neither for
  soldier nor king to take up arms; the war was begun with them, and, when
  they had first handed it over to the commander as a just quarrel, then
  his business was to deliberate of the manner and ways to carry it on.
  It is believed that the slaughter and destruction which the Gauls made
  of the Romans was a judgment on the city for neglect of this religious
  proceeding; for that when these barbarians besieged the Clusinians,
  Fabius Ambustus was dispatched to their camp to negotiate peace for the
  besieged; and, on their returning a rude refusal, Fabius imagined that
  his office of ambassador was at an end, and, rashly engaging on the side
  of the Clusinians, challenged the bravest of the enemy to a single
  combat.  It was the fortune of Fabius to kill his adversary, and to take
  his spoils; but when the Gauls discovered it, they sent a herald to Rome
  to complain against him; since, before war was declared, he had, against
  the law of nations, made a breach of the peace.  The matter being
  debated in the senate, the Fecials were of opinion that Fabius ought to
  be consigned into the hands of the Gauls; but he, being forewarned of
  their judgment, fled to the people, by whose protection and favor he
  escaped the sentence.  On this, the Gauls marched with their army to
  Rome, where, having taken the Capitol, they sacked the city.  The
  particulars of all which are fully given in the history of Caminus.

  The origin of the Salii is this.  In the eighth year of the reign of
  Numa, a terrible pestilence, which traversed all Italy, ravaged likewise
  the city of Rome; and the citizens being in distress and despondent, a
  brazen target, they say, fell from heaven into the hands of Numa who
  gave them this marvelous account of it: that Egeria and the Muses had
  assured him it was sent from heaven for the cure and safety of the city,
  and that, to keep it secure, he was ordered by them to make eleven
  others, so like in dimension and form to the original that no thief
  should be able to distinguish the true from the counterfeit.  He farther
  declared, that he was commanded to consecrate to the Muses the place,
  and the fields about it, where they had been chiefly wont to meet with
  him, and that the spring which watered the field should be hallowed for
  the use of the vestal virgins, who were to wash and cleanse the
  penetralia of their sanctuary with those holy waters.  The truth of all
  which was speedily verified by the cessation of the pestilence.  Numa
  displayed the target to the artificers and bade them show their skill in
  making others like it; all despaired, until at length one Mamurius
  Veturius, an excellent workman, happily hit upon it, and made all so
  exactly the same that Numa himself was at a loss, and could not
  distinguish.  The keeping of these targets was committed to the charge
  of certain priests, called Salii, who did not receive their name, as
  some tell the story, from Salius, a dancing-master born in Samothrace,
  or at Mantinea, who taught the way of dancing in arms; but more truly
  from that jumping dance which the Salii themselves use, when in the
  month of March they carry the sacred targets through the city; at which
  procession they are habited in short frocks of purple, girt with a broad
  belt studded with brass; on their heads they wear a brass helmet, and
  carry in their hands short daggers, which they clash every now and then
  against the targets.  But the chief thing is the dance itself.  They
  move with much grace, performing, in quick time and close order, various
  intricate figures, with a great display of strength and agility.  The
  targets were called Ancilia from their form; for they are not made
  round, nor like proper targets, of a complete circumference, but are cut
  out into a wavy line, the ends of which are rounded off and turned in at
  the thickest part towards each other; so that their shape is
  curvilinear, or, in Greek, ancylon; or the name may come from ancon, the
  elbow, on which they are carried.  Thus Juba writes, who is eager to
  make it Greek.  But it might be, for that matter, from its having come
  down anecathen, from above; or from its akesis, or cure of diseases; or
  auchmon Iysis, because it put an end to a drought; or from its
  anaschesis, or relief from calamities, which is the origin of the
  Athenian name Anaces, given to Castor and Pollux; if we must, that is,
  reduce it to Greek.  The reward which Mamurius received for his art was
  to be mentioned and commemorated in the verses which the Salii sang, as
  they danced in their arms through the city; though some will have it
  that they do not say Veturium Mamurium, but Veterem Memoriam, ancient
  remembrance.

  After Numa had in this manner instituted these several orders of
  priests, he erected, near the temple of Vesta, what is called to this
  day Regia, or king's house, where he spent the most part of his time,
  performing divine service, instructing the priests, or conversing with
  them on sacred subjects.  He had another house upon the Mount
  Quirinalis, the site of which they show to this day.  In all public
  processions and solemn prayers, criers were sent before to give notice
  to the people that they should forbear their work, and rest.  They say
  that the Pythagoreans did not allow people to worship and pray to their
  gods by the way, but would have them go out from their houses direct,
  with their minds set upon the duty, and so Numa, in like manner, wished
  that his citizens should neither see nor hear any religious service in a
  perfunctory and inattentive manner, but, laying aside all other
  occupations, should apply their minds to religion as to a most serious
  business; and that the streets should be free from all noises and cries
  that accompany manual labor, and clear for the sacred solemnity.  Some
  traces of this custom remain at Rome to this day, for, when the consul
  begins to take auspices or do sacrifice, they call out to the people,
  Hoc age, Attend to this, whereby the auditors then present are
  admonished to compose and recollect themselves.  Many other of his
  precepts resemble those of the Pythagoreans.  The Pythagoreans said, for
  example, "Thou shalt not make a peck-measure thy seat to sit on.  Thou
  shalt not stir the fire with a sword.  When thou goest out upon a
  journey, look not behind thee.  When thou sacrificest to the celestial
  gods, let it be with an odd number, and when to the terrestrial, with
  even."  The significance of each of which precepts they would not
  commonly disclose.  So some of Numa's traditions have no obvious
  meaning.  "Thou shalt not make libation to the gods of wine from an
  unpruned vine.  No sacrifices shall be performed without meal.  Turn
  round to pay adoration to the gods; sit after you have worshipped."  The
  first two directions seem to denote the cultivation and subduing of the
  earth as a part of religion; and as to the turning which the worshipers
  are to use in divine adoration, it is said to represent the rotatory
  motion of the world.  But, in my opinion, the meaning rather is, that
  the worshiper, since the temples front the east, enters with his back to
  the rising sun; there, faces round to the east, and so turns back to the
  god of the temple, by this circular movement referring the fulfillment
  of his prayer to both divinities.  Unless, indeed, this change of
  posture may have a mystical meaning, like the Egyptian wheels, and
  signify to us the instability of human fortune, and that, in whatever
  way God changes and turns our lot and condition, we should rest
  contented, and accept it as right and fitting.  They say, also, that the
  sitting after worship was to be by way of omen of their petitions being
  granted, and the blessing they asked assured to them.  Again, as
  different courses of actions are divided by intervals of rest, they
  might seat themselves after the completion of what they had done, to
  seek favor of the gods for beginning something else.  And this would
  very well suit with what we had before; the lawgiver wants to habituate
  us to make our petitions to the deity not by the way, and as it were, in
  a hurry, when we have other things to do, but with time and leisure to
  attend to it.  By such discipline and schooling in religion, the city
  passed insensibly into such a submissiveness of temper, and stood in
  such awe and reverence of the virtue of Numa, that they received, with
  an undoubted assurance, whatever he delivered, though never so fabulous,
  and thought nothing incredible or impossible from him.

  There goes a story that he once invited a great number of citizens to an
  entertainment, at which the dishes in which the meat was served were
  very homely and plain, and the repast itself poor and ordinary fare; the
  guests seated, he began to tell them that the goddess that consulted
  with him was then at that time come to him; when on a sudden the room
  was furnished with all sorts of costly drinking-vessels, and the tables
  loaded with rich meats, and a most sumptuous entertainment.  But the
  dialogue which is reported to have passed between him and Jupiter
  surpasses all the fabulous legends that were ever invented.  They say
  that before Mount Aventine was inhabited or enclosed within the walls of
  the city, two demi-gods, Picus and Faunus, frequented the Springs and
  thick shades of that place; which might be two satyrs, or Pans, except
  that they went about Italy playing the same sorts of tricks, by skill in
  drugs and magic, as are ascribed by the Greeks to the Dactyli of Mount
  Ida.  Numa contrived one day to surprise these demi-gods, by mixing wine
  and honey in the waters of the spring of which they usually drank.  On
  finding themselves ensnared, they changed themselves into various
  shapes, dropping their own form and assuming every kind of unusual and
  hideous appearance; but when they saw they were safely entrapped, and in
  no possibility of getting free, they revealed to him many secrets and
  future events; and particularly a charm for thunder and lightning, still
  in use, performed with onions and hair and pilchards.  Some say they did
  not tell him the charm, but by their magic brought down Jupiter out of
  heaven; and that he then, in an angry manner answering the inquiries,
  told Numa, that, if he would charm the thunder and lightning, he must do
  it with heads.  "How," said Numa, "with the heads of onions?"  "No,"
  replied Jupiter, "of men."  But Numa, willing to elude the cruelty of
  this receipt, turned it another way, saying, "Your meaning is, the hairs
  of men's heads."  "No," replied Jupiter, "with living"—"pilchards,"
  said Numa, interrupting him.  These answers he had learnt from Egeria.
  Jupiter returned again to heaven, pacified and ilcos, or propitious.
  The place was, in remembrance of him, called Ilicium, from this Greek
  word; and the spell in this manner effected.

  These stories, laughable as they are, show us the feelings which people
  then, by force of habit, entertained towards the deity.  And Numa's own
  thoughts are said to have been fixed to that degree on divine objects,
  that he once, when a message was brought to him that "Enemies are
  approaching," answered with a smile, "And I am sacrificing."  It was he,
  also, that built the temples of Faith and Terminus and taught the Romans
  that the name of Faith was the most solemn oath that they could swear.
  They still use it; and to the god Terminus, or Boundary, they offer to
  this day both public and private sacrifices, upon the borders and stone-
  marks of their land; living victims now, though anciently those
  sacrifices were solemnized without blood; for Numa reasoned that the god
  of boundaries, who watched over peace, and testified to fair dealing,
  should have no concern with blood.  It is very clear that it was this
  king who first prescribed bounds to the territory of Rome; for Romulus
  would but have openly betrayed how much he had encroached on his
  neighbors' lands, had he ever set limits to his own; for boundaries are,
  indeed, a defense to those who choose to observe them, but are only a
  testimony against the dishonesty of those who break through them.  The
  truth is, the portion of lands which the Romans possessed at the
  beginning was very narrow, until Romulus enlarged them by war; all whose
  acquisitions Numa now divided amongst the indigent commonalty, wishing
  to do away with that extreme want which is a compulsion to dishonesty,
  and, by turning the people to husbandry, to bring them, as well as their
  lands, into better order.  For there is no employment that gives so keen
  and quick a relish for peace as husbandry and a country life, which
  leave in men all that kind of courage that makes them ready to fight in
  defense of their own, while it destroys the license that breaks out into
  acts of injustice and rapacity.  Numa, therefore, hoping agriculture
  would be a sort of charm to captivate the affections of his people to
  peace, and viewing it rather as a means to moral than to economical
  profit, divided all the lands into several parcels, to which he gave the
  name of pagus, or parish, and over every one of them he ordained chief
  overseers; and, taking a delight sometimes to inspect his colonies in
  person, he formed his judgment of every man's habits by the results; of
  which being witness himself, he preferred those to honors and
  employments who had done well, and by rebukes and reproaches incited the
  indolent and careless to improvement.  But of all his measures the most
  commended was his distribution of the people by their trades into
  companies or guilds; for as the city consisted, or rather did not
  consist of, but was divided into, two different tribes, the diversity
  between which could not be effaced and in the mean time prevented all
  unity and caused perpetual tumult and ill-blood, reflecting how hard
  substances that do not readily mix when in the lump may, by being beaten
  into powder, in that minute form be combined, he resolved to divide the
  whole population into a number of small divisions, and thus hoped, by
  introducing other distinctions, to obliterate the original and great
  distinction, which would be lost among the smaller.  So, distinguishing
  the whole people by the several arts and trades, he formed the companies
  of musicians, goldsmiths, carpenters, dyers, shoemakers, skinners,
  braziers, and potters; and all other handicraftsmen he composed and
  reduced into a single company, appointing every one their proper courts,
  councils, and religious observances.  In this manner all factious
  distinctions began, for the first time, to pass out of use, no person
  any longer being either thought of or spoken of under the notion of a
  Sabine or a Roman, a Romulian or a Tatian; and the new division became a
  source of general harmony and intermixture.

  He is also much to be commended for the repeal, or rather amendment, of
  that law which gives power to fathers to sell their children; he
  exempted such as were married, conditionally that it had been with the
  liking and consent of their parents; for it seemed a hard thing that a
  woman who had given herself in marriage to a man whom she judged free
  should afterwards find herself living with a slave.

  He attempted, also, the formation of a calendar, not with absolute
  exactness, yet not without some scientific knowledge.  During the reign
  of Romulus, they had let their months run on without any certain or
  equal term; some of them contained twenty days, others thirty-five,
  others more; they had no sort of knowledge of the inequality in the
  motions of the sun and moon; they only kept to the one rule that the
  whole course of the year contained three hundred and sixty days.  Numa,
  calculating the difference between the lunar and the solar' year at
  eleven days, for that the moon completed her anniversary course in three
  hundred and fifty-four days, and the sun in three hundred and sixty-
  five, to remedy this incongruity doubled the eleven days, and every
  other year added an intercalary month, to follow February, consisting of
  twenty-two days, and called by the Romans the month Mercedinus.  This
  amendment, however, itself, in course of time, came to need other
  amendments.  He also altered the order of the months; for March, which
  was reckoned the first, he put into the third place; and January, which
  was the eleventh, he made the first; and February, which was the twelfth
  and last, the second.  Many will have it, that it was Numa, also, who
  added the two months of January and February; for in the beginning they
  had had a year of ten months; as there are barbarians who count only
  three; the Arcadians, in Greece, had but four; the Acarnanians, six.
  The Egyptian year at first, they say, was of one month; afterwards, of
  four; and so, though they live in the newest of all countries, they have
  the credit of being a more ancient nation than any; and reckon, in their
  genealogies, a prodigious number of years, counting months, that is, as
  years.  That the Romans, at first, comprehended the whole year within
  ten, and not twelve months, plainly appears by the name of the last,
  December, meaning the tenth month; and that March was the first is
  likewise evident, for the fifth month after it was called Quintilis, and
  the sixth Sextilis, and so the rest; whereas, if January and February
  had, in this account, preceded March, Quintilis would have been fifth in
  name and seventh in reckoning.  It was also natural, that March,
  dedicated to Mars, should be Romulus's first, and April, named from
  Venus, or Aphrodite, his second month; in it they sacrifice to Venus,
  and the women bathe on the calends, or first day of it, with myrtle
  garlands on their heads.  But others, because of its being p and not ph,
   will not allow of the derivation of this word from Aphrodite, but
  say it is called April from aperio, Latin for to open, because that this
  month is high spring, and opens and discloses the buds and flowers.  The
  next is called May, from Maia, the mother of Mercury, to whom it is
  sacred; then June follows, so called from Juno; some, however, derive
  them from the two ages, old and young, majores being their name for
  older, and juniores for younger men.  To the other months they gave
  denominations according to their order; so the fifth was called
  Quintilis, Sextilis the sixth, and the rest, September, October,
  November, and December.  Afterwards Quintilis received the name of
  Julius, from Caesar who defeated Pompey; as also Sextilis that of
  Augustus, from the second Caesar, who had that title.  Domitian, also,
  in imitation, gave the two other following months his own names, of
  Germanicus and Domitianus; but, on his being slain, they recovered their
  ancient denominations of September and October.  The two last are the
  only ones that have kept their names throughout without any alteration.
  Of the months which were added or transposed in their order by Numa,
  February comes from februa; and is as much as Purification month; in it
  they make offerings to the dead, and celebrate the Lupercalia, which, in
  most points, resembles a purification.  January was so called from
  Janus, and precedence given to it by Numa before March, which was
  dedicated to the god Mars; because, as I conceive, he wished to take
  every opportunity of intimating that the arts and studies of peace are
  to be preferred before those of war.  For this Janus, whether in remote
  antiquity he were a demi-god or a king, was certainly a great lover of
  civil and social unity, and one who reclaimed men from brutal and savage
  living; for which reason they figure him with two faces, to represent
  the two states and conditions out of the one of which he brought
  mankind, to lead them into the other.  His temple at Rome has two gates,
  which they call the gates of war, because they stand open in the time of
  war, and shut in the times of peace; of which latter there was very
  seldom an example, for, as the Roman empire was enlarged and extended,
  it was so encompassed with barbarous nations and enemies to be resisted,
  that it was seldom or never at peace.  Only in the time of Augustus
  Caesar, after he had overcome Antony, this temple was shut; as likewise
  once before, when Marcus Atilius and Titus Manlius were consuls; but
  then it was not long before, wars breaking out, the gates were again
  opened.  But, during the reign of Numa, those gates were never seen open
  a single day, but continued constantly shut for a space of forty-three
  years together; such an entire and universal cessation of war existed.
  For not only had the people of Rome itself been softened and charmed
  into a peaceful temper by the just and mild rule of a pacific prince,
  but even the neighboring cities, as if some salubrious and gentle air
  had blown from Rome upon them, began to experience a change of feeling,
  and partook in the general longing for the sweets of peace and order,
  and for life employed in the quiet tillage of soil, bringing up of
  children, and worship of the gods.  Festival days and sports, and the
  secure and peaceful interchange of friendly visits and hospitalities
  prevailed all through the whole of Italy.  The love of virtue and
  justice flowed from Numa's wisdom as from a fountain, and the serenity
  of his spirit diffused itself, like a calm, on all sides; so that the
  hyperboles of poets were flat and tame to express what then existed;
  as that

  Over the iron shield the spiders hang their threads,

  or that

  Rust eats the pointed spear and double-edged sword.
  No more is heard the trumpet's brazen roar,
  Sweet sleep is banished from our eyes no more.

  For, during the whole reign of Numa, there was neither war, nor
  sedition, nor innovation in the state, nor any envy or ill-will to his
  person, nor plot or conspiracy from views of ambition.  Either fear of
  the gods that were thought to watch over him, or reverence for his
  virtue, or a divine felicity of fortune that in his days preserved human
  innocence, made his reign, by whatever means, a living example and
  verification of that saying which Plato, long afterwards, ventured to
  pronounce, that the sole and only hope of respite or remedy for human
  evils was in some happy conjunction of events, which should unite in a
  single person the power of a king and the wisdom of a philosopher, so as
  to elevate virtue to control and mastery over vice.  The wise man is
  blessed in himself, and blessed also are the auditors who can hear and
  receive those words which flow from his mouth; and perhaps, too, there
  is no need of compulsion or menaces to affect the multitude, for the
  mere sight itself of a shining and conspicuous example of virtue in the
  life of their prince will bring them spontaneously to virtue, and to a
  conformity with that blameless and blessed life of good will and mutual
  concord, supported by temperance and justice, which is the highest
  benefit that human means can confer; and he is the truest ruler who can
  best introduce it into the hearts and practice of his subjects.  It is
  the praise of Numa that no one seems ever to have discerned this so
  clearly as he.

  As to his children and wives, there is a diversity of reports by several
  authors; some will have it that he never had any other wife than Tatia,
  nor more children than one daughter called Pompilia; others will have it
  that he left also four sons, namely, Pompo, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus,
  every one of whom had issue, and from them descended the noble and
  illustrious families of Pomponii, Pinarii, Calpurnii, and Mamerci, which
  for this reason took also the surname of Rex, or King.  But there is a
  third set of writers who say that these pedigrees are but a piece of
  flattery used by writers, who, to gain favor with these great
  families, made them fictitious genealogies from the lineage of Numa; and
  that Pompilia was not the daughter of Tatia, but Lucretia, another wife
  whom he married after he came to his kingdom; however, all of them agree
  in opinion that she was married to the son of that Marcius who persuaded
  him to accept the government, and accompanied him to Rome where, as a
  mark of honor, he was chosen into the senate, and, after the death of
  Numa, standing in competition with Tullus Hostilius for the kingdom, and
  being disappointed of the election, in discontent killed himself; his
  son Marcius, however, who had married Pompilia, continuing at Rome, was
  the father of Ancus Marcius, who succeeded Tullus Hostilius in the
  kingdom, and was but five years of age when Numa died.

  Numa lived something above eighty years, and then, as Piso writes, was
  not taken out of the world by a sudden or acute disease, but died of old
  age and by a gradual and gentle decline.  At his funeral all the glories
  of his life were consummated, when all the neighboring states in
  alliance and amity with Rome met to honor and grace the rites of his
  interment with garlands and public presents; the senators carried the
  bier on which his corpse was laid, and the priests followed and
  accompanied the solemn procession; while a general crowd, in which women
  and children took part, followed with such cries and weeping as if they
  had bewailed the death and loss of some most dear relation taken away in
  the flower of age, and not of an old and worn-out king.  It is said that
  his body, by his particular command, was not burnt, but that they made,
  in conformity with his order, two stone coffins, and buried both under
  the hill Janiculum, in one of which his body was laid, and in the other
  his sacred books, which, as the Greek legislators their tables, he had
  written out for himself, but had so long inculcated the contents of
  them, whilst he lived, into the minds and hearts of the priests, that
  their understandings became fully possessed with the whole spirit and
  purpose of them; and he, therefore, bade that they should be buried with
  his body, as though such holy precepts could not without irreverence be
  left to circulate in mere lifeless writings.  For this very reason, they
  say, the Pythagoreans bade that their precepts should not be committed
  to paper, but rather preserved in the living memories of those who were
  worthy to receive them; and when some of their out-of-the-way and
  abstruse geometrical processes had been divulged to an unworthy person,
  they said the gods threatened to punish this wickedness and profanity by
  a signal and wide-spreading calamity.  With these several instances,
  concurring to show a similarity in the lives of Numa and Pythagoras, we
  may easily pardon those who seek to establish the fact of a real
  acquaintance between them.

  Valerius Antias writes that the books which were buried in the aforesaid
  chest or coffin of stone were twelve volumes of holy writ and twelve
  others of Greek philosophy, and that about four hundred years
  afterwards, when P. Cornelius and M. Baebius were consuls, in a time of
  heavy rains, a violent torrent washed away the earth, and dislodged the
  chests of stone; and, their covers falling off, one of them was found
  wholly empty, without the least relic of any human body; in the other
  were the books before mentioned, which the praetor Petilius having read
  and perused, made oath in the senate, that, in his opinion, it was not
  fit for their contents to be made public to the people; whereupon the
  volumes were all carried to the Comitium, and there burnt.

  It is the fortune of all good men that their virtue rises in glory after
  their deaths, and that the envy which evil men conceive against them
  never outlives them long; some have the happiness even to see it die
  before them; but in Numa's case, also, the fortunes of the succeeding
  kings served as foils to set off the brightness of his reputation.  For
  after him there were five kings, the last of whom ended his old age in
  banishment, being deposed from his crown; of the other four, three were
  assassinated and murdered by treason; the other, who was Tullus
  Hostilius, that immediately succeeded Numa, derided his virtues, and
  especially his devotion to religious worship, as a cowardly and mean-
  spirited occupation, and diverted the minds of the people to war; but
  was checked in these youthful insolences, and was himself driven by an
  acute and tormenting disease into superstitions wholly different from
  Numa's piety, and left others also to participate in these terrors when
  he died by the stroke of a thunderbolt.





COMPARISON OF NUMA WITH LYCURGUS

  Having thus finished the lives of Lycurgus and Numa, we shall now,
  though the work be difficult, put together their points of difference as
  they lie here before our view.  Their points of likeness are obvious;
  their moderation, their religion, their capacity of government and
  discipline, their both deriving their laws and constitutions from the
  gods.  Yet in their common glories there are circumstances of diversity;
  for, first, Numa accepted and Lycurgus resigned a kingdom; Numa received
  without desiring it, Lycurgus had it and gave it up; the one from a
  private person and a stranger was raised by others to be their king, the
  other from the condition of a prince voluntarily descended to the state
  of privacy.  It was glorious to acquire a throne by justice, yet more
  glorious to prefer justice before a throne; the same virtue which made
  the one appear worthy of regal power exalted the other to the disregard
  of it.  Lastly, as musicians tune their harps, so the one let down the
  high-flown spirits of the people at Rome to a lower key, as the other
  screwed them up at Sparta to a higher note, when they were sunken low by
  dissoluteness and riot.  The harder task was that of Lycurgus; for it
  was not so much his business to persuade his citizens to put off their
  armor or ungird their swords, as to cast away their gold or silver, and
  abandon costly furniture and rich tables; nor was it necessary to preach
  to them, that, laying aside their arms, they should observe the
  festivals, and sacrifice to the gods, but rather, that, giving up
  feasting and drinking, they should employ their time in laborious and
  martial exercises; so that while the one effected all by persuasions and
  his people's love for him, the other, with danger and hazard of his
  person, scarcely in the end succeeded.  Numa's muse was a gentle and
  loving inspiration, fitting him well to turn and soothe his people into
  peace and justice out of their violent and fiery tempers; whereas, if we
  must admit the treatment of the Helots to be a part of Lycurgus's
  legislations, a most cruel and iniquitous proceeding, we must own that
  Numa was by a great deal the more humane and Greek-like legislator,
  granting even to actual slaves a license to sit at meat with their
  masters at the feast of Saturn, that they, also, might have some taste
  and relish of the sweets of liberty.  For this custom, too, is ascribed
  to Numa, whose wish was, they conceive, to give a place in the enjoyment
  of the yearly fruits of the soil to those who had helped to produce
  them.  Others will have it to be in remembrance of the age of Saturn,
  when there was no distinction between master and slave, but all lived as
  brothers and as equals in a condition of equality.

  In general, it seems that both aimed at the same design and intent,
  which was to bring their people to moderation and frugality; but, of
  other virtues, the one set his affection most on fortitude, and the
  other on justice; unless we will attribute their different ways to the
  different habits and temperaments which they had to work upon by their
  enactments; for Numa did not out of cowardice or fear affect peace, but
  because he would not be guilty of injustice; nor did Lycurgus promote a
  spirit of war in his people that they might do injustice to others, but
  that they might protect themselves by it.

  In bringing the habits they formed in their people to a just and happy
  mean, mitigating them where they exceeded, and strengthening them where
  they were deficient, both were compelled to make great innovations.  The
  frame of government which Numa formed was democratic and popular to the
  last extreme, goldsmiths and flute-players and shoemakers constituting
  his promiscuous, many-colored commonalty.  Lycurgus was rigid and
  aristocratical, banishing all the base and mechanic arts to the company
  of servants and strangers, and allowing the true citizens no implements
  but the spear and shield, the trade of war only, and the service of
  Mars, and no other knowledge or study but that of obedience to their
  commanding officers, and victory over their enemies.  Every sort of
  money-making was forbid them as freemen; and to make them thoroughly so
  and to keep them so through their whole lives, every conceivable concern
  with money was handed over, with the cooking and the waiting at table,
  to slaves and helots.  But Numa made none of these distinctions; he only
  suppressed military rapacity, allowing free scope to every other means
  of obtaining wealth; nor did he endeavor to do away with inequality in
  this respect, but permitted riches to be amassed to any extent, and paid
  no attention to the gradual and continual augmentation and influx of
  poverty; which it was his business at the outset, whilst there was as
  yet no great disparity in the estates of men, and whilst people still
  lived much in one manner, to obviate, as Lycurgus did, and take measures
  of precaution against the mischiefs of avarice, mischiefs not of small
  importance, but the real seed and first beginning of all the great and
  extensive evils of after times.  The re-division of estates, Lycurgus is
  not, it seems to me, to be blamed for making, nor Numa for omitting;
  this equality was the basis and foundation of the one commonwealth; but
  at Rome, where the lands had been lately divided, there was nothing to
  urge any re-division or any disturbance of the first arrangement, which
  was probably still in existence.

  With respect to wives and children, and that community which both, with
  a sound policy, appointed, to prevent all jealousy, their methods,
  however, were different.  For when a Roman thought himself to have a
  sufficient number of children, in case his neighbor who had none should
  come and request his wife of him, he had a lawful power to give her up
  to him who desired her, either for a certain time, or for good.  The
  Lacedaemonian husband on the other hand, might allow the use of his wife
  to any other that desired to have children by her, and yet still keep
  her in his house, the original marriage obligation still subsisting as
  at first.  Nay, many husbands, as we have said, would invite men whom
  they thought like]y to procure them fine and good-looking children into
  their houses.  What is the difference, then, between the two customs?
  Shall we say that the Lacedaemonian system is one of an extreme and
  entire unconcern about their wives, and would cause most people endless
  disquiet and annoyance with pangs and jealousies?  The Roman course
  wears an air of a more delicate acquiescence, draws the veil of a new
  contract over the change, and concedes the general insupportableness of
  mere community?  Numa's directions, too, for the care of young women are
  better adapted to the female sex and to propriety; Lycurgus's are
  altogether unreserved and unfeminine, and have given a great handle to
  the poets, who call them (Ibycus, for example) Phaenomerides, bare-
  thighed; and give them the character (as does Euripides) of being
  wild after husbands;

  These with the young men from the house go out,
  With thighs that show, and robes that fly about.

  For in fact the skirts of the frock worn by unmarried girls were not
  sewn together at the lower part, but used to fly back and show the whole
  thigh bare as they walked.  The thing is most distinctly given
  by Sophocles.

  —She, also, the young maid,
  Whose frock, no robe yet o'er it laid,
  Folding back, leaves her bare thigh free,
  Hermione.

  And so their women, it is said, were bold and masculine, overbearing to
  their husbands in the first place, absolute mistresses in their houses,
  giving their opinions about public matters freely, and speaking openly
  even on the most important subjects.  But the matrons, under the
  government of Numa, still indeed received from their husbands all that
  high respect and honor which had been paid them under Romulus as a sort
  of atonement for the violence done to them; nevertheless, great modesty
  was enjoined upon them; all busy intermeddling forbidden, sobriety
  insisted on, and silence made habitual.  Wine they were not to touch at
  all, nor to speak, except in their husband's company, even on the most
  ordinary subjects.  So that once when a woman had the confidence to
  plead her own cause in a court of judicature, the senate, it is said,
  sent to inquire of the oracle what the prodigy did portend; and, indeed,
  their general good behavior and submissiveness is justly proved by the
  record of those that were otherwise; for as the Greek historians record
  in their annals the names of those who first unsheathed the sword of
  civil war, or murdered their brothers, or were parricides, or killed
  their mothers, so the Roman writers report it as the first example, that
  Spurius Carvilius divorced his wife, being a case that never before
  happened, in the space of two hundred and thirty years from the
  foundation of the city; and that one Thalaea, the wife of Pinarius, had
  a quarrel (the first instance of the kind) with her mother-in-law,
  Gegania, in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus; so successful was the
  legislator in securing order and good conduct in the marriage relation.
  Their respective regulations for marrying the young women are in
  accordance with those for their education.  Lycurgus made them brides
  when they were of full age and inclination for it.  Intercourse, where
  nature was thus consulted, would produce, he thought, love and
  tenderness, instead of the dislike and fear attending an unnatural
  compulsion; and their bodies, also, would be better able to bear the
  trials of breeding and of bearing children, in his judgment
  the one end of marriage.
   Astolos chiton, the under garment, frock, or tunic, without anything,
  either himation or peplus, over it.

  The Romans, on the other hand, gave their daughters in marriage as early
  as twelve years old, or even under; thus they thought their bodies alike
  and minds would be delivered to the future husband pure and undefiled.
  The way of Lycurgus seems the more natural with a view to the birth of
  children; the other, looking to a life to be spent together, is more
  moral.  However, the rules which Lycurgus drew up for superintendence of
  children, their collection into companies, their discipline and
  association, as also his exact regulations for their meals, exercises,
  and sports, argue Numa no more than an ordinary lawgiver.  Numa left the
  whole matter simply to be decided by the parent's wishes or necessities;
  he might, if he pleased, make his son a husbandman or carpenter,
  coppersmith or musician; as if it were of no importance for them to be
  directed and trained up from the beginning to one and the same common
  end, or as though it would do for them to be like passengers on
  shipboard, brought thither each for his own ends and by his own choice,
  uniting to act for the common good only in time of danger upon occasion
  of their private fears, in general looking simply to their own interest.

  We may forbear, indeed, to blame common legislators, who may be
  deficient in power or knowledge.  But when a wise man like Numa had
  received the sovereignty over a new and docile people, was there any
  thing that would better deserve his attention than the education of
  children, and the training up of the young, not to contrariety and
  discordance of character, but to the unity of the common model of
  virtue, to which from their cradle they should have been formed and
  molded?  One benefit among many that Lycurgus obtained by his course was
  the permanence which it secured to his laws.  The obligation of oaths to
  preserve them would have availed but little, if he had not, by
  discipline and education, infused them into the children's characters,
  and imbued their whole early life with a love of his government.  The
  result was that the main points and fundamentals of his legislation
  continued for above five hundred years, like some deep and thoroughly
  ingrained tincture, retaining their hold upon the nation.  But Numa's
  whole design and aim, the continuance of peace and good-will, on his
  death vanished with him; no sooner did he expire his last breath than
  the gates of Janus's temple flew wide open, and, as if war had, indeed,
  been kept and caged up within those walls, it rushed forth to fill all
  Italy with blood and slaughter; and thus that best and justest fabric of
  things was of no long continuance, because it wanted that cement which
  should have kept all together, education.  What, then, some may say, has
  not Rome been advanced and bettered by her wars?  A question that will
  need a long answer, if it is to be one to satisfy men who take the
  better to consist in riches, luxury, and dominion, rather than in
  security, gentleness, and that independence which is accompanied by
  justice.  However, it makes much for Lycurgus, that, after the Romans
  deserted the doctrine and discipline of Numa, their empire grew and
  their power increased so much; whereas so soon as the Lacedaemonians
  fell from the institutions of Lycurgus, they sank from the highest to
  the lowest state, and, after forfeiting their supremacy over the rest of
  Greece, were themselves in danger of absolute extirpation.  Thus much,
  meantime, was peculiarly signal and almost divine in the circumstances
  of Numa, that he was an alien, and yet courted to come and accept a
  kingdom, the frame of which though he entirely altered, yet he performed
  it by mere persuasion, and ruled a city that as yet had scarce become
  one city, without recurring to arms or any violence (such as Lycurgus
  used, supporting himself by the aid of the nobler citizens against the
  commonalty), but, by mere force of wisdom and justice, established union
  and harmony amongst all.





SOLON

  Didymus, the grammarian, in his answer to Asclepiades concerning Solon's
  Tables of Law, mentions a passage of one Philocles, who states that
  Solon's father's name was Euphorion, contrary to the opinion of all
  others who have written concerning him; for they generally agree that he
  was the son of Execestides, a man of moderate wealth and power in the
  city, but of a most noble stock, being descended from Codrus; his mother,
  as Heraclides Ponticus affirms, was cousin to Pisistratus's
  mother, and the two at first were great friends, partly because they
  were akin, and partly because of Pisistratus's noble qualities and
  beauty.  And they say Solon loved him; and that is the reason, I
  suppose, that when afterwards they differed about the government, their
  enmity never produced any hot and violent passion, they remembered their
  old kindnesses, and retained—

  Still in its embers living the strong fire

  of their love and dear affection.  For that Solon was not proof against
  beauty, nor of courage to stand up to passion and meet it,

  Hand to hand as in the ring—

  we may conjecture by his poems, and one of his laws, in which there are
  practices forbidden to slaves, which he would appear, therefore, to
  recommend to freemen.  Pisistratus, it is stated, was similarly attached
  to one Charmus; he it was who dedicated the figure of Love in the
  Academy, where the runners in the sacred torch-race light their torches.
  Solon, as Hermippus writes, when his father had ruined his estate in
  doing benefits and kindnesses to other men, though he had friends enough
  that were willing to contribute to his relief, yet was ashamed to be
  beholden to others, since he was descended from a family who were
  accustomed to do kindnesses rather than receive them; and therefore
  applied himself to merchandise in his youth; though others assure us
  that he traveled rather to get learning and experience than to make
  money.  It is certain that he was a lover of knowledge, for when he was
  old he would say, that he

  Each day grew older, and learnt something new,

  and yet no admirer of riches, esteeming as equally wealthy the man,—

  Who hath both gold and silver in his hand,
  Horses and mules, and acres of wheat-land,
  And him whose all is decent food to eat,
  Clothes to his back and shoes upon his feet,
  And a young wife and child, since so 'twill be,
  And no more years than will with that agree;—

  and in another place,—

  Wealth I would have, but wealth by wrong procure
  I would not; justice, e'en if slow, is sure.

  And it is perfectly possible for a good man and a statesman, without
  being solicitous for superfluities, to show some concern for competent
  necessaries.  In his time, as Hesiod says, —"Work was a shame to none,"
  nor was any distinction made with respect to trade, but merchandise was
  a noble calling, which brought home the good things which the barbarous
  nations enjoyed, was the occasion of friendship with their kings, and a
  great source of experience.  Some merchants have built great cities, as
  Protis, the founder of Massilia, to whom the Gauls near the Rhine were
  much attached.  Some report also that Thales and Hippocrates the
  mathematician traded; and that Plato defrayed the charges of his travels
  by selling oil in Egypt.  Solon's softness and profuseness, his popular
  rather than philosophical tone about pleasure in his poems, have been
  ascribed to his trading life; for, having suffered a thousand dangers,
  it was natural they should be recompensed with some gratifications and
  enjoyments; but that he accounted himself rather poor than rich is
  evident from the lines,

  Some wicked men are rich, some good are poor,
  We will not change our virtue for their store;
  Virtue's a thing that none call take away,
  But money changes owners all the day.

  At first he used his poetry only in trifles, not for any serious
  purpose, but simply to pass away his idle hours; but afterwards he
  introduced moral sentences and state matters, which he did, not to
  record them merely as an historian, but to justify his own actions, and
  sometimes to correct, chastise, and stir up the Athenians to noble
  performances.  Some report that he designed to put his laws into heroic
  verse, and that they began thus,—

  We humbly beg a blessing on our laws
  From mighty Jove, and honor, and applause.

  In philosophy, as most of the wise men then, he chiefly
  esteemed the political part of morals; in physics, he was very plain and
  antiquated, as appears by this,—

  It is the clouds that make the snow and hail,
  And thunder comes from lightning without fail;
  The sea is stormy when the winds have blown,
  But it deals fairly when 'tis left alone.

  And, indeed, it is probable that at that time Thales alone had raised
  philosophy above mere practice into speculation; and the rest of the
  wise men were so called from prudence in political concerns.  It is
  said, that they had an interview at Delphi, and another at Corinth, by
  the procurement of Periander, who made a meeting for them, and a supper.
  But their reputation was chiefly raised by sending the tripod to them
  all, by their modest refusal, and complaisant yielding to one another.
  For, as the story goes, some of the Coans fishing with a net, some
  strangers, Milesians, bought the draught at a venture; the net brought
  up a golden tripod, which, they say, Helen, at her return from Troy,
  upon the remembrance of an old prophecy, threw in there.  Now, the
  strangers at first contesting with the fishers about the tripod, and the
  cities espousing the quarrel so far as to engage themselves in a war,
  Apollo decided the controversy by commanding to present it to the wisest
  man; and first it was sent to Miletus to Thales, the Coans freely
  presenting him with that for which they fought against the whole body of
  the Milesians; but, Thales declaring Bias the wiser person, it was sent
  to him; from him to another; and so, going round them all, it came to
  Thales a second time; and, at last, being carried from Miletus to
  Thebes, was there dedicated to Apollo Ismenius.  Theophrastus writes
  that it was first presented to Bias at Priene; and next to Thales at
  Miletus, and so through all it returned to Bias, and was afterwards sent
  to Delphi.  This is the general report, only some, instead of a tripod,
  say this present was a cup sent by Croesus; others, a piece of plate
  that one Bathycles had left.  It is stated, that Anacharsis and Solon,
  and Solon and Thales, were familiarly acquainted, and some have
  delivered parts of their discourse; for, they say, Anacharsis, coming to
  Athens, knocked at Solon's door, and told him, that he, being a
  stranger, was come to be his guest, and contract a friendship with him;
  and Solon replying, "It is better to make friends at home," Anacharsis
  replied, "Then you that are at home make friendship with me."  Solon,
  somewhat surprised at the readiness of the repartee, received him
  kindly, and kept him some time with him, being already engaged in public
  business and the compilation of his laws; which when Anacharsis
  understood, he laughed at him for imagining the dishonesty and
  covetousness of his countrymen could be restrained by written laws,
  which were like spiders' webs, and would catch, it is true, the weak and
  poor, but easily be broken by the mighty and rich.  To this Solon
  rejoined that men keep their promises when neither side can get anything
  by the breaking of them; and he would so fit his laws to the
  citizens, that all should understand it was more eligible to be just
  than to break the laws.  But the event rather agreed with the conjecture
  of Anacharsis than Solon's hope.  Anacharsis, being once at the
  assembly, expressed his wonder at the fact that in Greece wise men spoke
  and fools decided.

  Solon went, they say, to Thales at Miletus, and wondered that Thales
  took no care to get him a wife and children.  To this, Thales made no
  answer for the present; but, a few days after, procured a stranger to
  pretend that he had left Athens ten days ago; and Solon inquiring what
  news there, the man, according to his instructions, replied, "None but a
  young man's funeral, which the whole city attended; for he was the son,
  they said, of an honorable man, the most virtuous of the citizens, who
  was not then at home, but had been traveling a long time."  Solon
  replied, "What a miserable man is he!  But what was his name?"  "I have
  heard it," says the man, "but have now forgotten it, only there was
  great talk of his wisdom and his justice."  Thus Solon was drawn on by
  every answer, and his fears heightened, till at last, being extremely
  concerned, he mentioned his own name, and asked the stranger if that
  young man was called Solon's son; and the stranger assenting, he began
  to beat his head, and to do and say all that is usual with men in
  transports of grief.  But Thales took his hand, and, with a smile, said,
  "These things, Solon, keep me from marriage and rearing children, which
  are too great for even your constancy to support; however, be not
  concerned at the report, for it is a fiction."  This Hermippus relates,
  from Pataecus, who boasted that he had Aesop's soul.

  However, it is irrational and poor-spirited not to seek conveniences for
  fear of losing them, for upon the same account we should not allow
  ourselves to like wealth, glory, or wisdom, since we may fear to be
  deprived of all these; nay, even virtue itself, than which there is no
  greater nor more desirable possession, is often suspended by sickness or
  drugs.  Now Thales, though unmarried, could not be free from solicitude,
  unless he likewise felt no care for his friends, his kinsmen, or his
  country; yet we are told he adopted Cybisthus, his sister's son.  For
  the soul, having a principle of kindness in itself, and being born to
  love, as well as perceive, think, or remember, inclines and fixes upon
  some stranger, when a man has none of his own to embrace.  And alien or
  illegitimate objects insinuate themselves into his affections, as into
  some estate that lacks lawful heirs; and with affection come anxiety and
  care; insomuch that you may see men that use the strongest language
  against the marriage-bed and the fruit of it, when some servant's or
  concubine's child is sick or dies, almost killed with grief, and
  abjectly lamenting.  Some have given way to shameful and desperate
  sorrow at the loss of a dog or horse; others have borne the deaths of
  virtuous children without any extravagant or unbecoming grief; have
  passed the rest of their lives like men, and according to the principles
  of reason.  It is not affection, it is weakness, that brings men,
  unarmed against fortune by reason, into these endless pains and terrors;
  and they indeed have not even the present enjoyment of what they dote
  upon, the possibility of the future loss causing them continual pangs,
  tremors, and distresses.  We must not provide against the loss of wealth
  by poverty, or of friends by refusing all acquaintance, or of children
  by having none, but by morality and reason.  But of this too much.

  Now, when the Athenians were tired with a tedious and difficult war that
  they conducted against the Megarians for the island Salamis, and made a
  law that it should be death for any man, by writing or speaking, to
  assert that the city ought to endeavor to recover it, Solon, vexed at
  the disgrace, and perceiving thousands of the youth wished for somebody
  to begin, but did not dare to stir first for fear of the law,
  counterfeited a distraction, and by his own family it was spread about
  the city that he was mad.  He then secretly composed some elegiac
  verses, and getting them by heart, that it might seem extempore, ran out
  into the place with a cap upon his head, and, the people gathering about
  him, got upon the herald's stand, and sang that elegy which begins
  thus:—

  I am a herald come from Salamis the fair,
  My news from thence my verses shall declare.

  The poem is called Salamis, it contains one hundred verses, very
  elegantly written; when it had been sung, his friends commended it, and
  especially Pisistratus exhorted the citizens to obey his directions;
  insomuch that they recalled the law, and renewed the war under Solon's
  conduct.  The popular tale is, that with Pisistratus he sailed to
  Colias, and, finding the women, according to the custom of the country
  there, sacrificing to Ceres, he sent a trusty friend to Salamis, who
  should pretend himself a renegade, and advise them, if they desired to
  seize the chief Athenian women, to come with him at once to Colias; the
  Megarians presently sent of men in the vessel with him; and Solon,
  seeing it put off from the island, commanded the women to be gone, and
  some beardless youths, dressed in their clothes, their shoes, and caps,
  and privately armed with daggers, to dance and play near the shore till
  the enemies had landed and the vessel was in their power.  Things being
  thus ordered, the Megarians were allured with the appearance, and,
  coming to the shore, jumped out, eager who should first seize a prize,
  so that not one of them escaped; and the Athenians set sail for the
  island and took it.

  Others say that it was not taken this way, but that he first received
  this oracle from Delphi:

  Those heroes that in fair Asopia rest,
  All buried with their faces to the west,
  Go and appease with offerings of the best;

  and that Solon, sailing by night to the island, sacrificed to the heroes
  Periphemus and Cychreus, and then, taking five hundred Athenian
  volunteers (a law having passed that those that took the island should
  be highest in the government), with a number of fisher-boats and one
  thirty-oared ship, anchored in a bay of Salamis that looks towards
  Nisaea; and the Megarians that were then in the island, hearing only an
  uncertain report, hurried to their arms, and sent a ship to reconnoiter
  the enemies.  This ship Solon took, and, securing the Megarians, manned
  it with Athenians, and gave them orders to sail to the island with as
  much privacy as possible; meantime he, with the other soldiers, marched
  against the Megarians by land, and whilst they were fighting, those from
  the ship took the city.  And this narrative is confirmed by the
  following solemnity, that was afterwards observed: an Athenian ship used
  to sail silently at first to the island, then, with noise and a great
  shout, one leapt out armed, and with a loud cry ran to the promontory
  Sciradium to meet those that approached upon the land.  And just by
  there stands a temple which Solon dedicated to Mars.  For he beat the
  Megarians, and as many as were not killed in the battle he sent away
  upon conditions.

  The Megarians, however, still contending, and both sides having received
  considerable losses, they chose the Spartans for arbitrators.  Now, many
  affirm that Homer's authority did Solon a considerable kindness, and
  that, introducing a line into the Catalog of Ships, when the matter was
  to be determined, he read the passage as follows:

  Twelve ships from Salamis stout Ajax brought,
  And ranked his men where the Athenians fought.

  The Athenians, however, call this but an idle story, and report, that
  Solon made it appear to the judges, that Philaeus and Eurysaces, the
  sons of Ajax, being made citizens of Athens, gave them the island, and
  that one of them dwelt at Brauron in Attica, the other at Melite; and
  they have a township of Philaidae, to which Pisistratus belonged,
  deriving its name from this Philaeus.  Solon took a farther argument
  against the Megarians from the dead bodies, which, he said, were not
  buried after their fashion but according to the Athenian; for the
  Megarians turn the corpse to the east, the Athenians to the west.  But
  Hereas the Megarian denies this, and affirms that they likewise turn the
  body to the west, and also that the Athenians have a separate tomb for
  every body, but the Megarians put two or three into one.  However, some
  of Apollo's oracles, where he calls Salamis Ionian, made much for Solon.
  This matter was determined by five Spartans, Critolaidas, Amompharetus,
  Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, and Cleomenes.

  For this, Solon grew famed and powerful; but his advice in favor of
  defending the oracle at Delphi, to give aid, and not to suffer the
  Cirrhaeans to profane it, but to maintain the honor of the god, got him
  most repute among the Greeks: for upon his persuasion the Amphictyons
  undertook the war, as, amongst others, Aristotle affirms, in his
  enumeration of the victors at the Pythian games, where he makes Solon
  the author of this counsel.  Solon, however, was not general in that
  expedition, as Hermippus states, out of Evanthes the Samian; for
  Aeschines the orator says no such thing, and, in the Delphian register,
  Alcmaeon, not Solon, is named as commander of the Athenians.

  Now the Cylonian pollution had a long while disturbed the commonwealth,
  ever since the time when Megacles the archon persuaded the conspirators
  with Cylon that took sanctuary in Minerva's temple to come down and
  stand to a fair trial.  And they, tying a thread to the image, and
  holding one end of it, went down to the tribunal; but when they came to
  the temple of the Furies, the thread broke of its own accord, upon
  which, as if the goddess had refused them protection, they were seized
  by Megacles and the other magistrates; as many as were without the
  temples were stoned, those that fled for sanctuary were butchered at the
  altar, and only those escaped who made supplication to the wives of the
  magistrates.  But they from that time were considered under pollution,
  and regarded with hatred.  The remainder of the faction of Cylon grew
  strong again, and had continual quarrels with the family of Megacles;
  and now the quarrel being at its height, and the people divided, Solon,
  being in reputation, interposed with the chiefest of the Athenians, and
  by entreaty and admonition persuaded the polluted to submit to a trial
  and the decision of three hundred noble citizens.  And Myron of Phlya
  being their accuser, they were found guilty, and as many as were then
  alive were banished, and the bodies of the dead were dug up, and
  scattered beyond the confines of the country.  In the midst of these
  distractions, the Megarians falling upon them, they lost Nisaea and
  Salamis again; besides, the city was disturbed with superstitious fears
  and strange appearances, and the priests declared that the sacrifices
  intimated some villanies and pollutions that were to be expiated.  Upon
  this, they sent for Epimenides the Phaestian from Crete, who is counted
  the seventh wise man by those that will not admit Periander into the
  number.  He seems to have been thought a favorite of heaven, possessed
  of knowledge in all the supernatural and ritual parts of religion; and,
  therefore, the men of his age called him a new Cures, and son of a
  nymph named Balte.  When he came to Athens, and grew acquainted with
  Solon, he served him in many instances, and prepared the way for his
  legislation.  He made them moderate in their forms of worship, and
  abated their mourning by ordering some sacrifices presently after the
  funeral, and taking off those severe and barbarous ceremonies which the
  women usually practiced; but the greatest benefit was his purifying and
  sanctifying the city, by certain propitiatory and expiatory lustrations,
  and foundation of sacred buildings; by that means making them more
  submissive to justice, and more inclined to harmony.  It is reported
  that, looking upon Munychia, and considering a long while, he said to
  those that stood by, "How blind is man in future things! for did the
  Athenians foresee what mischief this would do their city, they would
  even eat it with their own teeth to be rid of it."  A similar
  anticipation is ascribed to Thales; they say he commanded his friends to
  bury him in an obscure and contemned quarter of the territory of
  Miletus, saying that it should some day be the marketplace of the
  Milesians.  Epimenides, being much honored, and receiving from the city
  rich offers of large gifts and privileges, requested but one branch of
  the sacred olive, and, on that being granted, returned.

  The Athenians, now the Cylonian sedition was over and the polluted gone
  into banishment, fell into their old quarrels about the government,
  there being as many different parties as there were diversities in the
  country. The Hill quarter favored democracy, the Plain, oligarchy, and
  those that lived by the Sea-side stood for a mixed sort of government,
  and so hindered either of the other parties from prevailing.  And the
  disparity of fortune between the rich and the poor, at that time, also
  reached its height; so that the city seemed to be in a truly dangerous
  condition, and no other means for freeing it from disturbances and
  settling it, to be possible but a despotic power.  All the people were
  indebted to the rich; and either they tilled their land for their
  creditors, paying them a sixth part of the increase, and were,
  therefore, called Hectemorii and Thetes, or else they engaged their body
  for the debt, and might be seized, and either sent into slavery at home,
  or sold to strangers; some (for no law forbade it) were forced to sell
  their children, or fly their country to avoid the cruelty of their
  creditors; but the most part and the bravest of them began to combine
  together and encourage one another to stand to it, to choose a leader,
  to liberate the condemned debtors, divide the land,
  and change the government.

  Then the wisest of the Athenians, perceiving Solon was of all men the
  only one not implicated in the troubles, that he had not joined in the
  exactions of the rich, and was not involved in the necessities of the
  poor, pressed him to succor the commonwealth and compose the
  differences.  Though Phanias the Lesbian affirms, that Solon, to save
  his country, put a trick upon both parties, and privately promised the
  poor a division of the lands, and the rich, security for their debts.
  Solon, however, himself, says that it was reluctantly at first that he
  engaged in state affairs, being afraid of the pride of one party and the
  greediness of the other; he was chosen archon, however, after
  Philombrotus, and empowered to be an arbitrator and lawgiver; the rich
  consenting because he was wealthy, the poor because he was honest.
  There was a saying of his current before the election, that when things
  are even there never can be war, and this pleased both parties, the
  wealthy and the poor; the one conceiving him to mean, when all have
  their fair proportion; the others, when all are absolutely equal.  Thus,
  there being great hopes on both sides, the chief men pressed Solon to
  take the government into his own hands, and, when he was once settled,
  manage the business freely and according to his pleasure; and many of
  the commons, perceiving it would be a difficult change to be effected by
  law and reason, were willing to have one wise and just man set over the
  affairs; and some say that Solon had this oracle from Apollo—

  Take the mid-seat, and be the vessel's guide;
  Many in Athens are upon your side.

  But chiefly his familiar friends chid him for disaffecting monarchy only
  because of the name, as if the virtue of the ruler could not make it a
  lawful form; Euboea had made this experiment when it chose Tynnondas,
  and Mitylene, which had made Pittacus its prince; yet this could not
  shake Solon's resolution; but, as they say, he replied to his friends,
  that it was true a tyranny was a very fair spot, but it had no way down
  from it; and in a copy of verses to Phocus he writes.—

  —that I spared my land,
  And withheld from usurpation and from violence my hand,
  And forbore to fix a stain and a disgrace on my good name,
  I regret not; I believe that it will be my chiefest fame.

  From which it is manifest that he was a man of great reputation before
  he gave his laws.  The several mocks that were put upon him for refusing
  the power, he records in these words,—

  Solon surely was a dreamer, and a man of simple mind;
  When the gods would give him fortune, he of his own will declined;
  When the net was full of fishes, over-heavy thinking it,
  He declined to haul it up, through want of heart and want of wit.
  Had but I that chance of riches and of kingship, for one day,
  I would give my skin for flaying, and my house to die away.

  Thus he makes the many and the low people speak of him.  Yet, though he
  refused the government, he was not too mild in the affair; he did not
  show himself mean and submissive to the powerful, nor make his laws to
  pleasure those that chose him.  For where it was well before, he applied
  no remedy, nor altered anything, for fear lest,

  Overthrowing altogether and disordering the state,

  he should be too weak to new-model and recompose it to a tolerable
  condition; but what he thought he could effect by persuasion upon the
  pliable, and by force upon the stubborn, this he did,
  as he himself says,

  With force and justice working both one.

  And, therefore, when he was afterwards asked if he had left the
  Athenians the best laws that could be given, he replied, "The best they
  could receive."  The way which, the moderns say, the Athenians have of
  softening the badness of a thing, by ingeniously giving it some pretty
  and innocent appellation, calling harlots, for example, mistresses,
  tributes customs, a garrison a guard, and the jail the chamber, seems
  originally to have been Solon's contrivance, who called canceling debts
  Seisacthea, a relief, or disencumbrance.  For the first thing which he
  settled was, that what debts remained should be forgiven, and no man,
  for the future, should engage the body of his debtor for security.
  Though some, as Androtion, affirm that the debts were not canceled, but
  the interest only lessened, which sufficiently pleased the people; so
  that they named this benefit the Seisacthea, together with the enlarging
  their measures, and raising the value of their money; for he made a
  pound, which before passed for seventy-three drachmas, go for a
  hundred; so that, though the number of pieces in the payment was equal,
  the value was less; which proved a considerable benefit to those that
  were to discharge great debts, and no loss to the creditors.  But most
  agree that it was the taking off the debts that was called Seisacthea,
  which is confirmed by some places in his poem, where he takes honor to
  himself, that

  The mortgage-stones that covered her, by me
  Removed, —the land that was a slave is free;

  that some who had been seized for their debts he had brought back from
  other countries, where

  —so far their lot to roam,
  They had forgot the language of their home;

  and some he had set at liberty,—

  Who here in shameful servitude were held.

  While he was designing this, a most vexatious thing happened; for when
  he had resolved to take off the debts, and was considering the proper
  form and fit beginning for it, he told some of his friends, Conon,
  Clinias, and Hipponicus, in whom he had a great deal of confidence, that
  he would not meddle with the lands, but only free the people from their
  debts; upon which, they, using their advantage, made haste and borrowed
  some considerable sums of money, and purchased some large farms; and
  when the law was enacted, they kept the possessions, and would not
  return the money; which brought Solon into great suspicion and dislike,
  as if he himself had not been abused, but was concerned in the
  contrivance.  But he presently stopped this suspicion, by releasing his
  debtors of five talents (for he had lent so much), according to the law;
  others, as Polyzelus the Rhodian, say fifteen; his friends, however,
  were ever afterward called Chreocopidae, repudiators.

  In this he pleased neither party, for the rich were angry for their
  money, and the poor that the land was not divided, and, as Lycurgus
  ordered in his commonwealth, all men reduced to equality.  He, it is
  true, being the eleventh from Hercules, and having reigned many years in
  Lacedaemon, had got a great reputation and friends and power, which he
  could use in modeling his state; and, applying force more than
  persuasion, insomuch that he lost his eye in the scuffle, was able to
  employ the most effectual means for the safety and harmony of a state,
  by not permitting any to be poor or rich in his commonwealth.  Solon
  could not rise to that in his polity, being but a citizen of the middle
  classes; yet he acted fully up to the height of his power, having
  nothing but the good-will and good opinion of his citizens to rely on;
  and that he offended the most part, who looked for another result, he
  declares in the words,

  Formerly they boasted of me vainly; with averted eyes
  Now they look askance upon me; friends no more, but enemies.

  And yet had any other man, he says, received the same power,

  He would not have forborne, nor let alone,
  But made the fattest of the milk his own.

  Soon, however, becoming sensible of the good that was done, they laid by
  their grudges, made a public sacrifice, calling it Seisacthea, and chose
  Solon to new-model and make laws for the commonwealth, giving him the
  entire power over everything, their magistracies, their assemblies,
  courts, and councils; that he should appoint the number, times of
  meeting, and what estate they must have that could be capable of these,
  and dissolve or continue any of the present constitutions,
  according to his pleasure.

  First, then, he repealed all Draco's laws, except those concerning
  homicide, because they were too severe, and the punishments too great;
  for death was appointed for almost all offenses, insomuch that those
  that were convicted of idleness were to die, and those that stole a
  cabbage or an apple to suffer even as villains that committed sacrilege
  or murder.  So that Demades, in after time, was thought to have said
  very happily, that Draco's laws were written not with ink, but blood;
  and he himself, being once asked why he made death the punishment of
  most offenses, replied, "Small ones deserve that, and I have no higher
  for the greater crimes."

  Next, Solon, being willing to continue the magistracies in the hands of
  the rich men, and yet receive the people into the other part of the
  government, took an account of the citizens' estates, and those that
  were worth five hundred measures of fruits, dry and liquid, he placed in
  the first rank, calling them Pentacosiomedimni; those that could keep an
  horse, or were worth three hundred measures, were named Hippada
  Teluntes, and made the second class; the Zeugitae, that had two hundred
  measures, were in the third; and all the others were called Thetes, who
  were not admitted to any office, but could come to the assembly, and act
  as jurors; which at first seemed nothing, but afterwards was found an
  enormous privilege, as almost every matter of dispute came before them
  in this latter capacity.  Even in the cases which he assigned to the
  archons' cognizance, he allowed an appeal to the courts.  Besides, it is
  said that he was obscure and ambiguous in the wording of his laws, on
  purpose to increase the honor of his courts; for since their differences
  could not be adjusted by the letter, they would have to bring all their
  causes to the judges, who thus were in a manner masters of the laws.  Of
  this equalization he himself makes mention in this manner:

  Such power I gave the people as might do,
  Abridged not what they had, now lavished new.
  Those that were great in wealth and high in place,
  My counsel likewise kept from all disgrace.
  Before them both I held my shield of might,
  And let not either touch the other's right.

  And for the greater security of the weak commons, he gave general
  liberty of indicting for an act of injury; if any one was beaten,
  maimed, or suffered any violence, any man that would and was able, might
  prosecute the wrongdoer; intending by this to accustom the citizens,
  like members of the same body, to resent and be sensible of one
  another's injuries.  And there is a saying of his agreeable to this law,
  for, being asked what city was best modeled, "That," said he, "where
  those that are not injured try and punish the unjust as much as those
  that are."

  When he had constituted the Areopagus of those who had been yearly
  archons, of which he himself was a member therefore, observing that the
  people, now free from their debts, were unsettled and imperious, he
  formed another council of four hundred, a hundred out of each of the
  four tribes, which was to inspect all matters before they were
  propounded to the people, and to take care that nothing but what had
  been first examined should be brought before the general assembly.  The
  upper council, or Areopagus, he made inspectors and keepers of the laws,
  conceiving that the commonwealth, held by these two councils, like
  anchors, would be less liable to be tossed by tumults, and the people be
  more at quiet.  Such is the general statement, that Solon instituted the
  Areopagus; which seems to be confirmed, because Draco makes no mention
  of the Areopagites, but in all causes of blood refers to the Ephetae;
  yet Solon's thirteenth table contains the eighth law set down in these
  very words:  "Whoever before Solon's archonship were disfranchised, let
  them be restored, except those that, being condemned by the Areopagus,
  Ephetae, or in the Prytaneum by the kings, for homicide, murder, or
  designs against the government, were in banishment when this law was
  made;" and these words seem to show that the Areopagus existed before
  Solon's laws, for who could be condemned by that council before his
  time, if he was the first that instituted the court?  unless, which is
  probable, there is some ellipsis, or want of precision, in the language,
  and it should run thus, — "Those that are convicted of such offenses as
  belong to the cognizance of the Areopagites, Ephetae, or the Prytanes,
  when this law was made," shall remain still in disgrace, whilst others
  are restored; of this the reader must judge.

  Amongst his other laws, one is very peculiar and surprising, which
  disfranchises all who stand neuter in a sedition; for it seems he would
  not have any one remain insensible and regardless of the public good,
  and, securing his private affairs, glory that he has no feeling of the
  distempers of his country; but at once join with the good party and
  those that have the right upon their side, assist and venture with them,
  rather than keep out of harm's way and watch who would get the better.
  It seems an absurd and foolish law which permits an heiress, if her
  lawful husband fail her, to take his nearest kinsman; yet some say this
  law was well contrived against those, who, conscious of their own
  unfitness, yet, for the sake of the portion, would match with heiresses,
  and make use of law to put a violence upon nature; for now, since she
  can quit him for whom she pleases, they would either abstain from such
  marriages, or continue them with disgrace, and suffer for their
  covetousness and designed affront; it is well done, moreover, to confine
  her to her husband's nearest kinsman, that the children may be of the
  same family.  Agreeable to this is the law that the bride and bridegroom
  shall be shut into a chamber, and eat a quince together; and that the
  husband of an heiress shall consort with her thrice a month; for though
  there be no children, yet it is an honor and due affection which an
  husband ought to pay to a virtuous, chaste wife; it takes off all petty
  differences, and will not permit their little quarrels
  to proceed to a rupture.

  In all other marriages he forbade dowries to be given; the wife was to
  have three suits of clothes, a little inconsiderable household stuff,
  and that was all; for he would not have marriages contracted for gain or
  an estate, but for pure love, kind affection, and birth of children.
  When the mother of Dionysius desired him to marry her to one of his
  citizens, "Indeed," said he, "by my tyranny I have broken my country's
  laws, but cannot put a violence upon those of nature by an unseasonable
  marriage."  Such disorder is never to be suffered in a commonwealth, nor
  such unseasonable and unloving and unperforming marriages, which attain
  no due end or fruit; any provident governor or lawgiver might say to an
  old man that takes a young wife what is said to Philoctetes
  in the tragedy,—

  Truly, in a fit state thou to marry!

  and if he finds a young man, with a rich and elderly wife, growing fat
  in his place, like the partridges, remove him to a young woman of proper
  age.  And of this enough.

  Another commendable law of Solon's is that which forbids men to speak
  evil of the dead; for it is pious to think the deceased sacred, and
  just, not to meddle with those that are gone, and politic, to prevent
  the perpetuity of discord.  He likewise forbade them to speak evil of
  the living in the temples, the courts of justice, the public offices, or
  at the games, or else to pay three drachmas to the person, and two to
  the public.  For never to be able to control passion shows a weak nature
  and ill-breeding; and always to moderate it is very hard, and to some
  impossible.  And laws must look to possibilities, if the maker designs
  to punish few in order to their amendment, and not many to no purpose.

  He is likewise much commended for his law concerning wills; for before
  him none could be made, but all the wealth and estate of the deceased
  belonged to his family; but he, by permitting them, if they had no
  children, to bestow it on whom they pleased, showed that he esteemed
  friendship a stronger tie than kindred, and affection than necessity;
  and made every man's estate truly his own.  Yet he allowed not all sorts
  of legacies, but those only which were not extorted by the frenzy of a
  disease, charms, imprisonment, force, or the persuasions of a wife; with
  good reason thinking that being seduced into wrong was as bad as being
  forced, and that between deceit and necessity, flattery and compulsion,
  there was little difference, since both may equally suspend
  the exercise of reason.

  He regulated the walks, feasts, and mourning of the women, and took away
  everything that was either unbecoming or immodest; when they walked
  abroad, no more than three articles of dress were allowed them; an
  obol's worth of meat and drink; and no basket above a cubit high; and at
  night they were not to go about unless in a chariot with a torch before
  them.  Mourners tearing themselves to raise pity, and set wailings, and
  at one man's funeral to lament for another, he forbade.  To offer an ox
  at the grave was not permitted, nor to bury above three pieces of dress
  with the body, or visit the tombs of any besides their own family,
  unless at the very funeral; most of which are likewise forbidden by our
  laws, but this is further added in ours, that those that are convicted
  of extravagance in their mournings, are to be punished as soft and
  effeminate by the censors of women.

  Observing the city to be filled with persons that flocked from all parts
  into Attica for security of living, and that most of the country was
  barren and unfruitful, and that traders at sea import nothing to those
  that could give them nothing in exchange, he turned his citizens to
  trade, and made a law that no son should be obliged to relieve a father
  who had not bred him up to any calling.  It is true, Lycurgus, having a
  city free from all strangers, and land, according to Euripides,

  Large for large hosts, for twice their number much,

  and, above all, an abundance of laborers about Sparta, who should not be
  left idle, but be kept down with continual toil and work, did well to
  take off his citizens from laborious and mechanical occupations, and
  keep them to their arms, and teach them only the art of war.  But Solon,
  fitting his laws to the state of things, and not making things to suit
  his laws, and finding the ground scarce rich enough to maintain the
  husbandmen, and altogether incapable of feeding an unoccupied and
  leisurely multitude, brought trades into credit, and ordered the
  Areopagites to examine how every man got his living, and chastise the
  idle.  But that law was yet more rigid which, as Heraclides Ponticus
  delivers, declared the sons of unmarried mothers not obliged to relieve
  their fathers; for he that avoids the honorable form of union shows that
  he does not take a woman for children, but for pleasure, and thus gets
  his just reward, and has taken away from himself every title to upbraid
  his children, to whom he has made their very birth
  a scandal and reproach.

  Solon's laws in general about women are his strangest; for he permitted
  any one to kill an adulterer that found him in the act; but if any one
  forced a free woman, a hundred drachmas was the fine; if he enticed her,
  twenty; except those that sell themselves openly, that is, harlots, who
  go openly to those that hire them.  He made it unlawful to sell a
  daughter or a sister, unless, being yet unmarried, she was found wanton.
  Now it is irrational to punish the same crime sometimes very severely
  and without remorse, and sometimes very lightly, and, as it were, in
  sport, with a trivial fine; unless, there being little money then in
  Athens, scarcity made those mulcts the more grievous punishment.  In the
  valuation for sacrifices, a sheep and a bushel were both estimated at a
  drachma; the victor in the Isthmian games was to have for reward a
  hundred drachmas; the conqueror in the Olympian, five hundred; he that
  brought a wolf, five drachmas; for a whelp, one; the former sum, as
  Demetrius the Phalerian asserts, was the value of an ox, the latter, of
  a sheep.  The prices which Solon, in his sixteenth table, sets on choice
  victims, were naturally far greater; yet they, too, are very low in
  comparison of the present.  The Athenians were, from the beginning, great
  enemies to wolves, their fields being better for pasture than corn.
  Some affirm their tribes did not take their names from the sons of Ion,
  but from the different sorts of occupation that they followed; the
  soldiers were called Hoplitae, the craftsmen Ergades, and, of the
  remaining two, the farmers Gedeontes,
  and the shepherds and graziers Aegicores.

  Since the country has but few rivers, lakes, or large springs, and many
  used wells which they had dug, there was a law made, that, where there
  was a public well within a hippicon, that is, four furlongs, all should
  draw at that; but, when it was farther off, they should try and procure
  a well of their own; and, if they had dug ten fathom deep and could find
  no water, they had liberty to fetch a pitcherful of four gallons and a
  half in a day from their neighbors'; for he thought it prudent to make
  provision against want, but not to supply laziness.  He showed skill in
  his orders about planting, for any one that would plant another tree was
  not to set it within five feet of his neighbor's field; but if a fig or
  an olive, not within nine; for their roots spread farther, nor can they
  be planted near all sorts of trees without damage, for they draw away
  the nourishment, and in some cases are noxious by their effluvia.  He
  that would dig a pit or a ditch was to dig it at the distance of its own
  depth from his neighbor's ground; and he that would raise stocks of bees
  was not to place them within three hundred feet of those which another
  had already raised.

  He permitted only oil to be exported, and those that exported any other
  fruit, the archon was solemnly to curse, or else pay an hundred drachmas
  himself; and this law was written in his first table, and, therefore,
  let none think it incredible, as some affirm, that the exportation of
  figs was once unlawful, and the informer against the delinquents called
  a sycophant.  He made a law, also, concerning hurts and injuries from
  beasts, in which he commands the master of any dog that bit a man to
  deliver him up with a log about his neck, four and a half feet long; a
  happy device for men's security.  The law concerning naturalizing
  strangers is of doubtful character; he permitted only those to be made
  free of Athens who were in perpetual exile from their own country, or
  came with their whole family to trade there; this he did, not to
  discourage strangers, but rather to invite them to a permanent
  participation in the privileges of the government; and, besides, he
  thought those would prove the more faithful citizens who had been forced
  from their own country, or voluntarily forsook it.  The law of public
  entertainment (parasitein is his name for it) is, also, peculiarly
  Solon's, for if any man came often, or if he that was invited refused,
  they were punished, for he concluded that one was greedy, the other a
  contemner of the state.

  All his laws he established for an hundred years, and wrote them on
  wooden tables or rollers, named axones, which might be turned round in
  oblong cases; some of their relics were in my time still to be seen in
  the Prytaneum, or common hall, at Athens.  These, as Aristotle states,
  were called cyrbes, and there is a passage of Cratinus the comedian,

  By Solon, and by Draco, if you please,
  Whose Cyrbes make the fires that parch our peas.

  But some say those are properly cyrbes, which contain laws concerning
  sacrifices and the rites of religion, and all the others axones.  The
  council all jointly swore to confirm the laws, and every one of the
  Thesmothetae vowed for himself at the stone in the marketplace, that, if
  he broke any of the statutes, he would dedicate a golden statue, as big
  as himself, at Delphi.

  Observing the irregularity of the months, and that the moon does not
  always rise and set with the sun, but often in the same day overtakes
  and gets before him, he ordered the day should be named the Old and
  New, attributing that part of it which was before the conjunction to
  the old moon, and the rest to the new, he being the first, it seems,
  that understood that verse of Homer,

  The end and the beginning of the month,

  and the following day he called the new moon.  After the twentieth he
  did not count by addition, but, like the moon itself in its wane, by
  subtraction; thus up to the thirtieth.

  Now when these laws were enacted, and some came to Solon every day, to
  commend or dispraise them, and to advise, if possible, to leave out, or
  put in something, and many criticized, and desired him to explain, and
  tell the meaning of such and such a passage, he, knowing that to do it
  was useless, and not to do it would get him ill-will, and desirous to
  bring himself out of all straits, and to escape all displeasure and
  exceptions, it being a hard thing, as he himself says,

  In great affairs to satisfy all sides,

  as an excuse for traveling, bought a trading vessel, and, having
  obtained leave for ten years' absence, departed, hoping that by that
  time his laws would have become familiar.

  His first voyage was for Egypt, and he lived, as he himself says,

  Near Nilus' mouth, by fair Canopus' shore,

  and spent some time in study with Psenophis of Heliopolis, and Sonchis
  the Saite, the most learned of all the priests; from whom, as Plato
  says, getting knowledge of the Atlantic story, he put it into a poem,
  and proposed to bring it to the knowledge of the Greeks.  From thence he
  sailed to Cyprus, where he was made much of by Philocyprus, one of the
  kings there, who had a small city built by Demophon, Theseus's son, near
  the river Clarius, in a strong situation, but incommodious and uneasy of
  access.  Solon persuaded him, since there lay a fair plain below, to
  remove, and build there a pleasanter and more spacious city.  And he
  stayed himself, and assisted in gathering inhabitants, and in fitting it
  both for defense and convenience of living; insomuch that many flocked
  to Philocyprus, and the other kings imitated the design; and, therefore,
  to honor Solon, he called the city Soli, which was formerly named Aepea.
  And Solon himself, in his Elegies, addressing Philocyprus, mentions this
  foundation in these words—

  Long may you live, and fill the Solian throne,
  Succeeded still by children of your own;
  And from your happy island while I sail,
  Let Cyprus send for me a favoring gale;
  May she advance, and bless your new command,
  Prosper your town, and send me safe to land.

  That Solon should discourse with Croesus, some think not agreeable with
  chronology; but I cannot reject so famous and well-attested a narrative,
  and, what is more, so agreeable to Solon's temper, and so worthy his
  wisdom and greatness of mind, because, forsooth, it does not agree with
  some chronological canons, which thousands have endeavored to regulate,
  and yet, to this day, could never bring their differing opinions to any
  agreement.  They say, therefore, that Solon, coming to Croesus at his
  request, was in the same condition as an inland man when first he goes
  to see the sea; for as he fancies every river he meets with to be the
  ocean, so Solon, as he passed through the court, and saw a great many
  nobles richly dressed, and proudly attended with a multitude of guards
  and footboys, thought every one had been the king, till he was brought
  to Croesus, who was decked with every possible rarity and curiosity, in
  ornaments of jewels, purple, and gold, that could make a grand and
  gorgeous spectacle of him.  Now when Solon came before him, and seemed
  not at all surprised, nor gave Croesus those compliments he expected,
  but showed himself to all discerning eyes to be a man that despised the
  gaudiness and petty ostentation of it, he commanded them to open all his
  treasure houses, and carry him to see his sumptuous furniture and
  luxuries though he did not wish it; Solon could judge of him well enough
  by the first sight of him; and, when he returned from viewing all,
  Croesus asked him if ever he had known a happier man than he.  And when
  Solon answered that he had known one Tellus, a fellow-citizen of his
  own, and told him that this Tellus had been an honest man, had had good
  children, a competent estate, and died bravely in battle for his
  country, Croesus took him for an ill-bred fellow and a fool, for not
  measuring happiness by the abundance of gold and silver, and preferring
  the life and death of a private and mean man before so much power and
  empire.  He asked him, however, again, if, besides Tellus, he knew any
  other man more happy.  And Solon replying, Yes, Cleobis and Biton, who
  were loving brothers, and extremely dutiful sons to their mother, and,
  when the oxen delayed her, harnessed themselves to the wagon, and drew
  her to Juno's temple, her neighbors all calling her happy, and she
  herself rejoicing; then, after sacrificing and feasting, they went to
  rest, and never rose again, but died in the midst of their honor a
  painless and tranquil death, "What," said Croesus, angrily, "and dost
  not thou reckon us amongst the happy men at all?"  Solon, unwilling
  either to flatter or exasperate him more, replied, "The gods, O king,
  have given the Greeks all other gifts in moderate degree; and so our
  wisdom, too, is a cheerful and a homely, not a noble and kingly wisdom;
  and this, observing the numerous misfortunes that attend all conditions,
  forbids us to grow insolent upon our present enjoyments, or to admire
  any man's happiness that may yet, in course of time, suffer change.  For
  the uncertain future has yet to come, with every possible variety of
  fortune; and him only to whom the divinity has continued happiness unto
  the end, we call happy; to salute as happy one that is still in the
  midst of life and hazard, we think as little safe and conclusive as to
  crown and proclaim as victorious the wrestler that is yet in the ring."
  After this, he was dismissed, having given Croesus some pain,
  but no instruction.

  Aesop, who wrote the fables, being then at Sardis upon Croesus's
  invitation, and very much esteemed, was concerned that Solon was so ill-
  received, and gave him this advice: "Solon, let your converse with kings
  be either short or seasonable."  "Nay, rather," replied Solon, "either
  short or reasonable."  So at this time Croesus despised Solon; but when
  he was overcome by Cyrus, had lost his city, was taken alive, condemned
  to be burnt, and laid bound upon the pile before all the Persians and
  Cyrus himself, he cried out as loud as possibly he could three times, "O
  Solon!" and Cyrus being surprised, and sending some to inquire what man
  or god this Solon was, whom alone he invoked in this extremity, Croesus
  told him the whole story, saying, "He was one of the wise men of Greece,
  whom I sent for, not to be instructed, or to learn any thing that I
  wanted, but that he should see and be a witness of my happiness; the
  loss of which was, it seems, to be a greater evil than the enjoyment was
  a good; for when I had them they were goods only in opinion, but now the
  loss of them has brought upon me intolerable and real evils.  And he,
  conjecturing from what then was, this that now is, bade me look to the
  end of my life, and not rely and grow proud upon uncertainties."  When
  this was told Cyrus, who was a wiser man than Croesus, and saw in the
  present example Solon's maxim confirmed, he not only freed Croesus from
  punishment, but honored him as long as he lived; and Solon had the
  glory, by the same saying, to save one king and instruct another.

  When Solon was gone, the citizens began to quarrel; Lycurgus headed the
  Plain; Megacles, the son of Alcmaeon, those to the Sea-side; and
  Pisistratus the Hill-party, in which were the poorest people, the
  Thetes, and greatest enemies to the rich; insomuch that, though the city
  still used the new laws, yet all looked for and desired a change of
  government, hoping severally that the change would be better for them,
  and put them above the contrary faction.  Affairs standing thus, Solon
  returned, and was reverenced by all, and honored; but his old age would
  not permit him to be as active, and to speak in public, as formerly;
  yet, by privately conferring with the heads of the factions, he
  endeavored to compose the differences, Pisistratus appearing the most
  tractable; for he was extremely smooth and engaging in his language, a
  great friend to the poor, and moderate in his resentments; and what
  nature had not given him, he had the skill to imitate; so that he was
  trusted more than the others, being accounted a prudent and orderly man,
  one that loved equality, and would be an enemy to any that moved against
  the present settlement.  Thus he deceived the majority of people; but
  Solon quickly discovered his character, and found out his design before
  any one else; yet did not hate him upon this, but endeavored to humble
  him, and bring him off from his ambition, and often told him and others,
  that if any one could banish the passion for preeminence from his mind,
  and cure him of his desire of absolute power, none would make a more
  virtuous man or a more excellent citizen.  Thespis, at this time,
  beginning to act tragedies, and the thing, because it was new, taking
  very much with the multitude, though it was not yet made a matter of
  competition, Solon, being by nature fond of hearing and learning
  something new, and now, in his old age, living idly, and enjoying
  himself, indeed, with music and with wine, went to see Thespis himself,
  as the ancient custom was, act; and after the play was done, he
  addressed him, and asked him if he was not ashamed to tell so many lies
  before such a number of people; and Thespis replying that it was no harm
  to say or do so in play, Solon vehemently struck his staff against the
  ground: "Ay," said he, "if we honor and commend such play as this, we
  shall find it some day in our business."

  Now when Pisistratus, having wounded himself, was brought into the
  marketplace in a chariot, and stirred up the people, as if he had been
  thus treated by his opponents because of his political conduct, and a
  great many were enraged and cried out, Solon, coming close to him, said,
  "This, O son of Hippocrates, is a bad copy of Homer's Ulysses; you do,
  to trick your countrymen, what he did to deceive his enemies."  After
  this, the people were eager to protect Pisistratus, and met in an
  assembly, where one Ariston making a motion that they should allow
  Pisistratus fifty clubmen for a guard to his person, Solon opposed it,
  and said, much to the same purport as what he has left us in his poems,

  You dote upon his words and taking phrase;

  and again,—

  True, you are singly each a crafty soul,
  But all together make one empty fool.

  But observing the poor men bent to gratify Pisistratus, and tumultuous,
  and the rich fearful and getting out of harm's way, he departed, saying
  he was wiser than some and stouter than others; wiser than those that
  did not understand the design, stouter than those that, though they
  understood it, were afraid to oppose the tyranny.  Now, the people,
  having passed the law, were not nice with Pisistratus about the number
  of his clubmen, but took no notice of it, though he enlisted and kept as
  many as he would, until he seized the Acropolis.  When that was done,
  and the city in an uproar, Megacles, with all his family, at once fled;
  but Solon, though he was now very old, and had none to back him, yet
  came into the marketplace and made a speech to the citizens, partly
  blaming their inadvertency and meanness of spirit, and in part urging
  and exhorting them not thus tamely to lose their liberty; and likewise
  then spoke that memorable saying, that, before, it was an easier task to
  stop the rising tyranny, but now the greater and more glorious action to
  destroy it, when it was begun already, and had gathered strength.  But
  all being afraid to side with him, he returned home, and, taking his
  arms, he brought them out and laid them in the porch before his door,
  with these words: "I have done my part to maintain my country and my
  laws," and then he busied himself no more.  His friends advising him to
  fly, he refused; but wrote poems,
  and thus reproached the Athenians in them,—

  If now you suffer, do not blame the Powers,
  For they are good, and all the fault was ours.
  All the strongholds you put into his hands,
  And now his slaves must do what he commands.

  And many telling him that the tyrant would take his life for this, and
  asking what he trusted to, that he ventured to speak so boldly, he
  replied, "To my old age."  But Pisistratus, having got the command, so
  extremely courted Solon, so honored him, obliged him, and sent to see
  him, that Solon gave him his advice, and approved many of his actions;
  for he retained most of Solon's laws, observed them himself, and
  compelled his friends to obey.  And he himself, though already absolute
  ruler, being accused of murder before the Areopagus, came quietly to
  clear himself; but his accuser did not appear.  And he added other laws,
  one of which is that the maimed in the wars should be maintained at the
  public charge; this Heraclides Ponticus records, and that Pisistratus
  followed Solon's example in this, who had decreed it in the case of one
  Thersippus, that was maimed; and Theophrastus asserts that it was
  Pisistratus, not Solon, that made that law against laziness, which was
  the reason that the country was more productive,
  and the city tranquiller.

  Now Solon, having begun the great work in verse, the history or fable of
  the Atlantic Island, which he had learned from the wise men in Sais, and
  thought convenient for the Athenians to know, abandoned it; not, as
  Plato says, by reason of want of time, but because of his age, and being
  discouraged at the greatness of the task; for that he had leisure
  enough, such verses testify, as

  Each day grow older, and learn something new

  and again,—

  But now the Powers of Beauty, Song, and Wine,
  Which are most men's delights, are also mine.

  Plato, willing to improve the story of the Atlantic Island, as if it
  were a fair estate that wanted an heir and came with some title to him,
  formed, indeed, stately entrances, noble enclosures, large courts, such
  as never yet introduced any story, fable, or poetic fiction; but,
  beginning it late, ended his life before his work; and the reader's
  regret for the unfinished part is the greater, as the satisfaction he
  takes in that which is complete is extraordinary.  For as the city of
  Athens left only the temple of Jupiter Olympius unfinished, so Plato,
  amongst all his excellent works, left this only piece about the Atlantic
  Island imperfect.  Solon lived after Pisistratus seized the government,
  as Heraclides Ponticus asserts, a long time; but Phanias the Eresian
  says not two full years; for Pisistratus began his tyranny when Comias
  was archon, and Phanias says Solon died under Hegestratus, who succeeded
  Comias.  The story that his ashes were scattered about the island
  Salamis is too strange to be easily believed, or be thought anything
  but a mere fable; and yet it is given, amongst other good authors, by
  Aristotle, the philosopher.





POPLICOLA

  Such was Solon.  To him we compare Poplicola, who received this later
  title from the Roman people for his merit, as a noble accession to his
  former name, Publius Valerius.  He descended from Valerius, a man
  amongst the early citizens, reputed the principal reconciler of the
  differences betwixt the Romans and Sabines, and one that was most
  instrumental in persuading their kings to assent to peace and union.
  Thus descended, Publius Valerius, as it is said, whilst Rome remained
  under its kingly government, obtained as great a name from his eloquence
  as from his riches, charitably employing the one in liberal aid to the
  poor, the other with integrity and freedom in the service of justice;
  thereby giving assurance, that, should the government fall into a
  republic, he would become a chief man in the community.  The illegal and
  wicked accession of Tarquinius Superbus to the crown, with his making
  it, instead of kingly rule, the instrument of insolence and tyranny,
  having inspired the people with a hatred to his reign, upon the death of
  Lucretia (she killing herself after violence had been done to her), they
  took an occasion of revolt; and Lucius Brutus, engaging in the change,
  came to Valerius before all others, and, with his zealous assistance,
  deposed the kings.  And whilst the people inclined towards the electing
  one leader instead of their king, Valerius acquiesced, that to rule was
  rather Brutus's due, as the author of the democracy.  But when the name
  of monarchy was odious to the people, and a divided power appeared more
  grateful in the prospect, and two were chosen to hold it, Valerius,
  entertaining hopes that he might be elected consul with Brutus, was
  disappointed; for, instead of Valerius, notwithstanding the endeavors of
  Brutus, Tarquinius Collatinus was chosen, the husband of Lucretia, a man
  noways his superior in merit.  But the nobles, dreading the return of
  their kings, who still used all endeavors abroad and solicitations at
  home, were resolved upon a chieftain of an intense hatred to them, and
  noways likely to yield.

  Now Valerius was troubled, that his desire to serve his country should
  be doubted, because he had sustained no private injury from the
  insolence of the tyrants.  He withdrew from the senate and practice of
  the bar, quitting all public concerns; which gave an occasion of
  discourse, and fear, too, lest his anger should reconcile him to the
  king's side, and he should prove the ruin of the state, tottering as yet
  under the uncertainties of a change.  But Brutus being doubtful of some
  others, and determining to give the test to the senate upon the altars,
  upon the day appointed Valerius came with cheerfulness into the forum,
  and was the first man that took the oath, in no way to submit or yield
  to Tarquin's propositions, but rigorously to maintain liberty; which
  gave great satisfaction to the senate and assurance to the consuls, his
  actions soon after showing the sincerity of his oath.  For ambassadors
  came from Tarquin, with popular and specious proposals, whereby they
  thought to seduce the people, as though the king had cast off all
  insolence, and made moderation the only measure of his desires.  To this
  embassy the consuls thought fit to give public audience, but Valerius
  opposed it, and would not permit that the poorer people, who entertained
  more fear of war than of tyranny, should have any occasion offered them,
  or any temptations to new designs.  Afterwards other ambassadors
  arrived, who declared their king would recede from his crown, and lay
  down his arms, only capitulating for a restitution to himself, his
  friends, and allies, of their moneys and estates to support them in
  their banishment.  Now, several inclining to the request, and
  Collatinus in particular favoring it, Brutus, a man of vehement and
  unbending nature, rushed into the forum, there proclaiming his fellow-
  consul to be a traitor, in granting subsidies to tyranny, and supplies
  for a war to those to whom it was monstrous to allow so much as
  subsistence in exile.  This caused an assembly of the citizens, amongst
  whom the first that spake was Caius Minucius, a private man, who advised
  Brutus, and urged the Romans to keep the property, and employ it against
  the tyrants, rather than to remit it to the tyrants, to be used against
  themselves.  The Romans, however, decided that whilst they enjoyed the
  liberty they had fought for, they should not sacrifice peace for the
  sake of money, but send out the tyrants' property after them.  This
  question, however, of his property, was the least part of Tarquin's
  design; the demand sounded the feelings of the people, and was
  preparatory to a conspiracy which the ambassadors endeavored to excite,
  delaying their return, under pretense of selling some of the goods and
  reserving others to be sent away, till, in fine, they corrupted two of
  the most eminent families in Rome, the Aquillian, which had three, and
  the Vitellian, which had two senators.  These all were, by the mother's
  side, nephews to Collatinus; besides which Brutus had a special alliance
  to the Vitellii from his marriage with their sister, by whom he had
  several children; two of whom, of their own age, their near relations
  and daily companions, the Vitellii seduced to join in the plot, to ally
  themselves to the great house and royal hopes of the Tarquins, and gain
  emancipation from the violence and imbecility united of their father,
  whose austerity to offenders they termed violence, while the imbecility
  which he had long feigned, to protect himself from the tyrants, still,
  it appears, was, in name at least, ascribed to him.  When upon these
  inducements the youths came to confer with the Aquillii, all thought it
  convenient to bind themselves in a solemn and dreadful oath, by tasting
  the blood of a murdered man, and touching his entrails.  For which
  design they met at the house of the Aquillii.  The building chosen for
  the transaction was, as was natural, dark and unfrequented, and a slave
  named Vindicius had, as it chanced, concealed himself there, not out of
  design or any intelligence of the affair, but, accidentally being
  within, seeing with how much haste and concern they came in, he was
  afraid to be discovered, and placed himself behind a chest, where he was
  able to observe their actions and overhear their debates.  Their
  resolutions were to kill the consuls, and they wrote letters to Tarquin
  to this effect, and gave them to the ambassadors, who were lodging upon
  the spot with the Aquillii, and were present at the consultation.

  Upon their departure, Vindicius secretly quitted the house, but was at a
  loss what to do in the matter, for to arraign the sons before the father
  Brutus, or the nephews before the uncle Collatinus, seemed equally (as
  indeed it was) shocking; yet he knew no private Roman to whom he could
  entrust secrets of such importance.  Unable, however, to keep silence,
  and burdened with his knowledge, he went and addressed himself to
  Valerius, whose known freedom and kindness of temper were an inducement;
  as he was a person to whom the needy had easy access, and who never shut
  his gates against the petitions or indigences of humble people.  But
  when Vindicius came and made a complete discovery to him, his brother
  Marcus and his own wife being present, Valerius was struck with
  amazement, and by no means would dismiss the discoverer, but confined
  him to the room, and placed his wife as a guard to the door, sending his
  brother in the interim to beset the king's palace, and seize, if
  possible, the writings there, and secure the domestics, whilst he, with
  his constant attendance of clients and friends, and a great retinue of
  attendants, repaired to the house of the Aquillii, who were, as it
  chanced, absent from home; and so, forcing an entrance through the
  gates, they lit upon the letters then lying in the lodgings of the
  ambassadors.  Meantime the Aquillii returned in all haste, and, coming to
  blows about the gate, endeavored a recovery of the letters.  The other
  party made a resistance, and, throwing their gowns round their
  opponents' necks, at last, after much struggling on both sides, made
  their way with their prisoners through the streets into the forum.  The
  like engagement happened about the king's palace, where Marcus seized
  some other letters which it was designed should be conveyed away in the
  goods, and, laying hands on such of the king's people as he could find,
  dragged them also into the forum.  When the consuls had quieted the
  tumult, Vindicius was brought out by the orders of Valerius, and the
  accusation stated, and the letters were opened, to which the traitors
  could make no plea.  Most of the people standing mute and sorrowful,
  some only, out of kindness to Brutus, mentioning banishment, the tears
  of Collatinus, attended with Valerius's silence, gave some hopes of
  mercy.  But Brutus, calling his two sons by their names, "Canst not
  thou," said he, "O Titus, or thou, Tiberius, make any defense against
  the indictment?"  The question being thrice proposed, and no reply made,
  he turned himself to the lictors, and cried, "What remains is your
  duty."  They immediately seized the youths, and, stripping them of their
  clothes, bound their hands behind them, and scourged their bodies with
  their rods; too tragical a scene for others to look at; Brutus, however,
  is said not to have turned aside his face, nor allowed the least glance
  of pity to soften and smooth his aspect of rigor and austerity; but
  sternly watched his children suffer, even till the lictors, extending
  them on the ground, cut off their heads with an axe; then departed,
  committing the rest to the judgment of his colleague.  An action truly
  open alike to the highest commendation and the strongest censure; for
  either the greatness of his virtue raised him above the impressions of
  sorrow, or the extravagance of his misery took away all sense of it; but
  neither seemed common, or the result of humanity, but either divine or
  brutish.  Yet it is more reasonable that our judgment should yield to
  his reputation, than that his merit should suffer detraction by the
  weakness of our judgment; in the Romans' opinion, Brutus did a greater
  work in the establishment of the government than Romulus in the
  foundation of the city.

  Upon Brutus's departure out of the forum, consternation, horror, and
  silence for some time possessed all that reflected on what was done; the
  easiness and tardiness, however, of Collatinus, gave confidence to the
  Aquillii to request some time to answer their charge, and that
  Vindicius, their servant, should be remitted into their hands, and no
  longer harbored amongst their accusers.  The consul seemed inclined to
  their proposal, and was proceeding to dissolve the assembly; but
  Valerius would not suffer Vindicius, who was surrounded by his people,
  to be surrendered, nor the meeting to withdraw without punishing the
  traitors; and at length laid violent hands upon the Aquillii, and,
  calling Brutus to his assistance, exclaimed against the unreasonable
  course of Collatinus, to impose upon his colleague the necessity of
  taking away the lives of his own sons, and yet have thoughts of
  gratifying some women with the lives of traitors and public enemies.
  Collatinus, displeased at this, and commanding Vindicius to be taken
  away, the lictors made their way through the crowd and seized their man,
  and struck all who endeavored a rescue.  Valerius's friends headed the
  resistance, and the people cried out for Brutus, who, returning, on
  silence being made, told them he had been competent to pass sentence by
  himself upon his own sons, but left the rest to the suffrages of the
  free citizens:  "Let every man speak that wishes, and persuade whom he
  can."  But there was no need of oratory, for, it being referred to the
  vote, they were returned condemned by all the suffrages, and were
  accordingly beheaded.

  Collatinus's relationship to the kings had, indeed, already rendered him
  suspicious, and his second name, too, had made him obnoxious to the
  people, who were loath to hear the very sound of Tarquin; but after this
  had happened, perceiving himself an offense to every one, he
  relinquished his charge and departed from the city.  At the new
  elections in his room, Valerius obtained, with high honor, the
  consulship, as a just reward of his zeal; of which he thought Vindicius
  deserved a share, whom he made, first of all freedmen, a citizen of
  Rome, and gave him the privilege of voting in what tribe soever he was
  pleased to be enrolled; other freedmen received the right of suffrage a
  long time after from Appius, who thus courted popularity; and from this
  Vindicius, a perfect manumission is called to this day vindicta.  This
  done, the goods of the kings were exposed to plunder, and the palace to
  ruin.

  The pleasantest part of the field of Mars, which Tarquin had owned, was
  devoted to the service of that god; it happening to be harvest season,
  and the sheaves yet being on the ground, they thought it not proper to
  commit them to the flail, or unsanctify them with any use; and,
  therefore, carrying them to the river side, and trees withal that were
  cut down, they cast all into the water, dedicating the soil, free from
  all occupation, to the deity.  Now, these thrown in, one upon another,
  and closing together, the stream did not bear them far, but where the
  first were carried down and came to a bottom, the remainder, finding no
  farther conveyance, were stopped and interwoven one with another; the
  stream working the mass into a firmness, and washing down fresh mud.
  This, settling there, became an accession of matter, as well as cement,
  to the rubbish, insomuch that the violence of the waters could not
  remove it, but forced and compressed it all together.  Thus its bulk and
  solidity gained it new subsidies, which gave it extension enough to stop
  on its way most of what the stream brought down.  This is now a sacred
  island, lying by the city, adorned with temples of the gods, and walks,
  and is called in the Latin tongue inter duos pontes.  Though some say
  this did not happen at the dedication of Tarquin's field, but in after-
  times, when Tarquinia, a vestal priestess, gave an adjacent field to the
  public, and obtained great honors in consequence, as, amongst the rest,
  that of all women her testimony alone should be received; she had also
  the liberty to marry, but refused it; thus some tell the story.

  Tarquin, despairing of a return to his kingdom by the conspiracy, found
  a kind reception amongst the Tuscans, who, with a great army, proceeded
  to restore him.  The consuls headed the Romans against them, and made
  their rendezvous in certain holy places, the one called the Arsian
  grove, the other the Aesuvian meadow.  When they came into action,
  Aruns, the son of Tarquin, and Brutus, the Roman consul, not
  accidentally encountering each other, but out of hatred and rage, the
  one to avenge tyranny and enmity to his country, the other his
  banishment, set spurs to their horses, and, engaging with more fury than
  forethought, disregarding their own security, fell together in the
  combat.  This dreadful onset hardly was followed by a more favorable
  end; both armies, doing and receiving equal damage, were separated by a
  storm.  Valerius was much concerned, not knowing what the result of the
  day was, and seeing his men as well dismayed at the sight of their own
  dead, as rejoiced at the loss of the enemy; so apparently equal in the
  number was the slaughter on either side.  Each party, however, felt
  surer of defeat from the actual sight of their own dead, than they could
  feel of victory from conjecture about those of their adversaries.  The
  night being come (and such as one may presume must follow such a
  battle), and the armies laid to rest, they say that the grove shook, and
  uttered a voice, saying that the Tuscans had lost one man more than the
  Romans; clearly a divine announcement; and the Romans at once received
  it with shouts and expressions of joy; whilst the Tuscans, through fear
  and amazement, deserted their tents, and were for the most part
  dispersed.  The Romans, falling upon the remainder, amounting to nearly
  five thousand, took them prisoners, and plundered the camp; when they
  numbered the dead, they found on the Tuscans' side eleven thousand and
  three hundred, exceeding their own loss but by one man.  This fight
  happened upon the last day of February, and Valerius triumphed in honor
  of it, being the first consul that drove in with a four-horse chariot;
  which sight both appeared magnificent, and was received with an
  admiration free from envy or offense (as some suggest) on the part of
  the spectators; it would not otherwise have been continued with so much
  eagerness and emulation through all the after ages.  The people
  applauded likewise the honors he did to his colleague, in adding to his
  obsequies a funeral oration; which was so much liked by the Romans, and
  found so good a reception, that it became customary for the best men to
  celebrate the funerals of great citizens with speeches in their
  commendation; and their antiquity in Rome is affirmed to be greater than
  in Greece, unless, with the orator Anaximenes, we make Solon the first
  author.

  Yet some part of Valerius's behavior did give offense and disgust to the
  people, because Brutus, whom they esteemed the father of their liberty,
  had not presumed to rule without a colleague, but united one and then
  another to him in his commission; while Valerius, they said, centering
  all authority in himself, seemed not in any sense a successor to Brutus
  in the consulship, but to Tarquin in the tyranny; he might make verbal
  harangues to Brutus's memory, yet, when he was attended with all the
  rods and axes, proceeding down from a house than which the king's house
  that he had demolished had not been statelier, those actions showed him
  an imitator of Tarquin.  For, indeed, his dwelling house on the Velia
  was somewhat imposing in appearance, hanging over the forum, and
  overlooking all transactions there; the access to it was hard, and to
  see him far of coming down, a stately and royal spectacle.  But Valerius
  showed how well it were for men in power and great offices to have ears
  that give admittance to truth before flattery; for upon his friends
  telling him that he displeased the people, he contended not, neither
  resented it, but while it was still night, sending for a number of
  workpeople, pulled down his house and leveled it with the ground; so
  that in the morning the people, seeing and flocking together, expressed
  their wonder and their respect for his magnanimity, and their sorrow, as
  though it had been a human being, for the large and beautiful house
  which was thus lost to them by an unfounded jealousy, while its owner,
  their consul, without a roof of his own, had to beg a lodging with his
  friends.  For his friends received him, till a place the people gave him
  was furnished with a house, though less stately than his own, where now
  stands the temple, as it is called, of Vica Pota.

  He resolved to render the government, as well as himself, instead of
  terrible, familiar and pleasant to the people, and parted the axes from
  the rods, and always, upon his entrance into the assembly, lowered these
  also to the people, to show, in the strongest way, the republican
  foundation of the government; and this the consuls observe to this day.
  But the humility of the man was but a means, not, as they thought, of
  lessening himself, but merely to abate their envy by this moderation;
  for whatever he detracted from his authority he added to his real
  power, the people still submitting with satisfaction, which they
  expressed by calling him Poplicola, or people-lover, which name had the
  preeminence of the rest, and, therefore, in the sequel of this narrative
  we shall use no other.

  He gave free leave to any to sue for the consulship; but before the
  admittance of a colleague, mistrusting the chances, lest emulation or
  ignorance should cross his designs, by his sole authority enacted his
  best and most important measures.  First, he supplied the vacancies of
  the senators, whom either Tarquin long before had put to death, or the
  war lately cut off; those that he enrolled, they write, amounted to a
  hundred and sixty-four; afterwards he made several laws which added much
  to the people's liberty, in particular one granting offenders the
  liberty of appealing to the people from the judgment of the consuls; a
  second, that made it death to usurp any magistracy without the people's
  consent; a third, for the relief of poor citizens, which, taking off
  their taxes, encouraged their labors; another, against disobedience to
  the consuls, which was no less popular than the rest, and rather to the
  benefit of the commonalty than to the advantage of the nobles, for it
  imposed upon disobedience the penalty of ten oxen and two sheep; the
  price of a sheep being ten obols, of an ox, a hundred.  For the use of
  money was then infrequent amongst the Romans, but their wealth in cattle
  great; even now pieces of property are called peculia, from pecus,
  cattle; and they had stamped upon their most ancient money an ox, a
  sheep, or a hog; and surnamed their sons Suillii, Bubulci, Caprarii,
  and Porcii, from caprae, goats, and porci, hogs.

  Amidst this mildness and moderation, for one excessive fault he
  instituted one excessive punishment; for he made it lawful without trial
  to take away any man's life that aspired to a tyranny, and acquitted the
  slayer, if he produced evidence of the crime; for though it was not
  probable for a man, whose designs were so great, to escape all notice;
  yet because it was possible he might, although observed, by force
  anticipate judgment, which the usurpation itself would then preclude, he
  gave a license to any to anticipate the usurper.  He was honored
  likewise for the law touching the treasury; for because it was necessary
  for the citizens to contribute out of their estates to the maintenance
  of wars, and he was unwilling himself to be concerned in the care of it,
  or to permit his friends, or indeed to let the public money pass into
  any private house, he allotted the temple of Saturn for the treasury, in
  which to this day they deposit the tribute-money, and granted the people
  the liberty of choosing two young men as quaestors, or treasurers.  The
  first were Publius Veturius and Marcus Minucius; and a large sum was
  collected, for they assessed one hundred and thirty thousand, excusing
  orphans and widows from the payment.  After these dispositions, he
  admitted Lucretius, the father of Lucretia, as his colleague, and gave
  him the precedence in the government, by resigning the fasces to him,
  as due to his years, which privilege of seniority continued to our time.
  But within a few days Lucretius died, and in a new election Marcus
  Horatius succeeded in that honor, and continued consul for the remainder
  of the year.

  Now, whilst Tarquin was making preparations in Tuscany for a second war
  against the Romans, it is said a great portent occurred.  When Tarquin
  was king, and had all but completed the buildings of the Capitol,
  designing, whether from oracular advice or his own pleasure, to erect an
  earthen chariot upon the top, he entrusted the workmanship to Tuscans of
  the city Veii, but soon after lost his kingdom.  The work thus modeled,
  the Tuscans set in a furnace, but the clay showed not those passive
  qualities which usually attend its nature, to subside and be condensed
  upon the evaporation of the moisture, but rose and swelled out to that
  bulk, that, when solid and firm, notwithstanding the removal of the roof
  and opening the walls of the furnace, it could not be taken out without
  much difficulty.  The soothsayers looked upon this as a divine
  prognostic of success and power to those that should possess it; and the
  Tuscans resolved not to deliver it to the Romans, who demanded it, but
  answered that it rather belonged to Tarquin than to those who had sent
  him into exile.  A few days after, they had a horse-race there, with the
  usual shows and solemnities, and as the charioteer, with his garland on
  his head, was quietly driving the victorious chariot out of the ring,
  the horses, upon no apparent occasion, taking fright, either by divine
  instigation or by accident, hurried away their driver at full speed to
  Rome; neither did his holding them in prevail, nor his voice, but he was
  forced along with violence till, coming to the Capitol, he was thrown
  out by the gate called Ratumena.  This occurrence raised wonder and fear
  in the Veientines, who now permitted the delivery of the chariot.

  The building of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter had been vowed by
  Tarquin, the son of Demaratus, when warring with the Sabines; Tarquinius
  Superbus, his son or grandson, built, but could not dedicate it, because
  he lost his kindom before it was quite finished.  And now that it was
  completed with all its ornaments, Poplicola was ambitious to dedicate
  it; but the nobility envied him that honor, as, indeed, also, in some
  degree, those his prudence in making laws and conduct in wars entitled
  him to.  Grudging him, at any rate, the addition of this, they urged
  Horatius to sue for the dedication and, whilst Poplicola was engaged in
  some military expedition, voted it to Horatius, and conducted him to the
  Capitol, as though, were Poplicola present, they could not have carried
  it.  Yet, some write, Poplicola was by lot destined against his will to
  the expedition, the other to the dedication; and what happened in the
  performance seems to intimate some ground for this conjecture; for, upon
  the Ides of September, which happens about the full moon of the month
  Metagitnion, the people having assembled at the Capitol and silence
  being enjoined, Horatius, after the performance of other ceremonies,
  holding the doors, according to custom, was proceeding to pronounce the
  words of dedication, when Marcus, the brother of Poplicola, who had got
  a place on purpose beforehand near the door, observing his opportunity,
  cried, "O consul, thy son lies dead in the camp;" which made a great
  impression upon all others who heard it, yet in nowise discomposed
  Horatius, who returned merely the reply, "Cast the dead out whither you
  please; I am not a mourner;" and so completed the dedication.  The news
  was not true, but Marcus thought the lie might avert him from his
  performance; but it argues him a man of wonderful self-possession,
  whether he at once saw through the cheat, or, believing it as true,
  showed no discomposure.

  The same fortune attended the dedication of the second temple; the
  first, as has been said, was built by Tarquin and dedicated by Horatius;
  it was burnt down in the civil wars.  The second, Sylla built, and,
  dying before the dedication, left that honor to Catulus; and when this
  was demolished in the Vitellian sedition, Vespasian, with the same
  success that attended him in other things, began a third, and lived to
  see it finished, but did not live to see it again destroyed, as it
  presently was; but was as fortunate in dying before its destruction, as
  Sylla was the reverse in dying before the dedication of his.  For
  immediately after Vespasian's death it was consumed by fire.  The
  fourth, which now exists, was both built and dedicated by Domitian.  It
  is said Tarquin expended forty thousand pounds of silver in the very
  foundations; but the whole wealth of the richest private man in Rome
  would not discharge the cost of the gilding of this temple in our days,
  it amounting to above twelve thousand talents; the pillars were cut out
  of Pentelican marble, of a length most happily proportioned to their
  thickness; these we saw at Athens; but when they were cut anew at Rome
  and polished, they did not gain so much in embellishment, as they lost
  in symmetry, being rendered too taper and slender.  Should any one who
  wonders at the costliness of the Capitol visit any one gallery in
  Domitian's palace, or hall, or bath, or the apartments of his
  concubines, Epicharmus's remark upon the prodigal, that

  'Tis not beneficence, but, truth to say,
  A mere disease of giving things away,

  would be in his mouth in application to Domitian.  It is neither piety,
  he would say, nor magnificence, but, indeed, a mere disease of building,
  and a desire, like Midas, of converting every thing into gold or stone.
  And thus much for this matter.

  Tarquin, after the great battle wherein he lost his son in combat with
  Brutus, fled to Clusium, and sought aid from Lars Porsenna, then one of
  the most powerful princes of Italy, and a man of worth and generosity;
  who assured him of assistance, immediately sending his commands to Rome
  that they should receive Tarquin as their king, and, upon the Romans'
  refusal, proclaimed war, and, having signified the time and place where
  he intended his attack, approached with a great army.  Poplicola was, in
  his absence, chosen consul a second time, and Titus Lucretius his
  colleague, and, returning to Rome, to show a spirit yet loftier than
  Porsenna's, built the city Sigliuria when Porsenna was already in the
  neighborhood; and, walling it at great expense, there placed a colony of
  seven hundred men, as being little concerned at the war.  Nevertheless,
  Porsenna, making a sharp assault, obliged the defendants to retire to
  Rome, who had almost in their entrance admitted the enemy into the city
  with them; only Poplicola by sallying out at the gate prevented them,
  and, joining battle by Tiber side, opposed the enemy, that pressed on
  with their multitude, but at last, sinking under desperate wounds, was
  carried out of the fight.  The same fortune fell upon Lucretius, so that
  the Romans, being dismayed, retreated into the city for their security,
  and Rome was in great hazard of being taken, the enemy forcing their way
  on to the wooden bridge, where Horatius Cocles, seconded by two of the
  first men in Rome, Herminius and Lartius, made head against them.
  Horatius obtained this name from the loss of one of his eyes in the
  wars, or, as others write, from the depressure of his nose, which,
  leaving nothing in the middle to separate them, made both eyes appear
  but as one; and hence, intending to say Cyclops, by a mispronunciation
  they called him Cocles.  This Cocles kept the bridge, and held back the
  enemy, till his own party broke it down behind, and then with his armor
  dropped into the river, and swam to the hither side, with a wound in his
  hip from a Tuscan spear.  Poplicola, admiring his courage, proposed at
  once that the Romans should every one make him a present of a day's
  provisions, and afterwards gave him as much land as he could plow round
  in one day, and besides erected a brazen statue to his honor in the
  temple of Vulcan, as a requital for the lameness caused by his wound.

  But Porsenna laying close siege to the city, and a famine raging amongst
  the Romans, also a new army of the Tuscans making incursions into the
  country, Poplicola, a third time chosen consul, designed to make,
  without sallying out, his defense against Porsenna, but, privately
  stealing forth against the new army of the Tuscans, put them to flight,
  and slew five thousand.  The story of Mucius is variously given; we,
  like others, must follow the commonly received statement.  He was a man
  endowed with every virtue, but most eminent in war; and, resolving to
  kill Porsenna, attired himself in the Tuscan habit, and, using the
  Tuscan language, came to the camp, and approaching the seat where the
  king sat amongst his nobles, but not certainly knowing the king, and
  fearful to inquire, drew out his sword, and stabbed one who he thought
  had most the appearance of king.  Mucius was taken in the act, and
  whilst he was under examination, a pan of fire was brought to the king,
  who intended to sacrifice; Mucius thrust his right hand into the flame,
  and whilst it burnt stood looking at Porsenna with a steadfast and
  undaunted countenance; Porsenna at last in admiration dismissed him, and
  returned his sword, reaching it from his seat; Mucius received it in his
  left hand, which occasioned the name of Scaevola, left-handed, and said,
  "I have overcome the terrors of Porsenna, yet am vanquished by his
  generosity, and gratitude obliges me to disclose what no punishment
  could extort;" and assured him then, that three hundred Romans, all of
  the same resolution, lurked about his camp, only waiting for an
  opportunity; he, by lot appointed to the enterprise, was not sorry that
  he had miscarried in it, because so brave and good a man deserved rather
  to be a friend to the Romans than an enemy.  To this Porsenna gave
  credit, and thereupon expressed an inclination to a truce, not, I
  presume, so much out of fear of the three hundred Romans, as in
  admiration of the Roman courage.  All other writers call this man Mucius
  Scaevola, yet Athenodorus, son of Sandon, in a book addressed to
  Octavia, Caesar's sister, avers he was also called Postumus.

  Poplicola, not so much esteeming Porsenna's enmity dangerous to Rome as
  his friendship and alliance serviceable, was induced to refer the
  controversy with Tarquin to his arbitration, and several times undertook
  to prove Tarquin the worst of men, and justly deprived of his kingdom.
  But Tarquin proudly replied he would admit no judge, much less Porsenna,
  that had fallen away from his engagements; and Porsenna, resenting this
  answer, and mistrusting the equity of his cause, moved also by the
  solicitations of his son Aruns, who was earnest for the Roman interest,
  made a peace on these conditions, that they should resign the land they
  had taken from the Tuscans, and restore all prisoners and receive back
  their deserters.  To confirm the peace, the Romans gave as hostages ten
  sons of patrician parents, and as many daughters, amongst whom was
  Valeria, the daughter of Poplicola.

  Upon these assurances, Porsenna ceased from all acts of hostility, and
  the young girls went down to the river to bathe, at that part where the
  winding of the bank formed a bay and made the waters stiller and
  quieter; and, seeing no guard, nor any one coming or going over, they
  were encouraged to swim over, notwithstanding the depth and violence of
  the stream.  Some affirm that one of them, by name Cloelia, passing over
  on horseback, persuaded the rest to swim after; but, upon their safe
  arrival, presenting themselves to Poplicola, he neither praised nor
  approved their return, but was concerned lest he should appear less
  faithful than Porsenna, and this boldness in the maidens should argue
  treachery in the Romans; so that, apprehending them, he sent them back
  to Porsenna.  But Tarquin's men, having intelligence of this, laid a
  strong ambuscade on the other side for those that conducted them; and
  while these were skirmishing together, Valeria, the daughter of
  Poplicola, rushed through the enemy and fled, and with the assistance of
  three of her attendants made good her escape, whilst the rest were
  dangerously hedged in by the soldiers; but Aruns, Porsenna's son, upon
  tidings of it, hastened to their rescue, and, putting the enemy to
  flight, delivered the Romans.  When Porsenna saw the maidens returned,
  demanding who was the author and adviser of the act, and understanding
  Cloelia to be the person, he looked on her with a cheerful and benignant
  countenance, and, commanding one of his horses to be brought,
  sumptuously adorned, made her a present of it.  This is produced as
  evidence by those who affirm that only Cloelia passed the river or.
  horseback; those who deny it call it only the honor the Tuscan did to
  her courage; a figure, however, on horseback stands in the Via Sacra, as
  you go to the Palatium, which some say is the statue of Cloelia, others
  of Valeria.  Porsenna, thus reconciled to the Romans, gave them a fresh
  instance of his generosity, and commanded his soldiers to quit the camp
  merely with their arms, leaving their tents, full of corn and other
  stores, as a gift to the Romans.  Hence, even down to our time, when
  there is a public sale of goods, they cry Porsenna's first, by way of
  perpetual commemoration of his kindness.  There stood, also, by the
  senate-house, a brazen statue of him, of plain and antique workmanship.

  Afterwards, the Sabines making incursions upon the Romans, Marcus
  Valerius, brother to Poplicola, was made consul, and with him Postumius
  Tubertus.  Marcus, through the management of affairs by the conduct and
  direct assistance of Poplicola, obtained two great victories, in the
  latter of which he slew thirteen thousand Sabines without the loss of
  one Roman, and was honored, as all accession to his triumph, with an
  house built in the Palatium at the public charge; and whereas the doors
  of other houses opened inward into the house, they made this to open
  outward into the street, to intimate their perpetual public recognition
  of his merit by thus continually making way for him.  The same fashion
  in their doors the Greeks, they say, had of old universally, which
  appears from their comedies, where those that are going out make a noise
  at the door within, to give notice to those that pass by or stand near
  the door, that the opening the door into the street might occasion no
  surprisal.

  The year after, Poplicola was made consul the fourth time, when a
  confederacy of the Sabines and Latins threatened a war; a superstitious
  fear also overran the city on the occasion of general miscarriages of
  their women, no single birth coming to its due time.  Poplicola, upon
  consultation of the Sibylline books, sacrificing to Pluto, and renewing
  certain games commanded by Apollo, restored the city to more cheerful
  assurance in the gods, and then prepared against the menaces of men.
  There were appearances of treat preparation, and of a formidable
  confederacy.  Amongst the Sabines there was one Appius Clausus, a man of
  a great wealth and strength of body, but most eminent for his high
  character and for his eloquence; yet, as is usually the fate of great
  men, he could not escape the envy of others, which was much occasioned
  by his dissuading the war, and seeming to promote the Roman interest,
  with a view, it was thought, to obtaining absolute power in his own
  country for himself.  Knowing how welcome these reports would be to the
  multitude, and how offensive to the army and the abettors of the war, he
  was afraid to stand a trial, but, having a considerable body of friends
  and allies to assist him, raised a tumult amongst the Sabines, which
  delayed the war.  Neither was Poplicola wanting, not only to understand
  the grounds of the sedition, but to promote and increase it, and he
  dispatched emissaries with instructions to Clausus, that Poplicola was
  assured of his goodness and justice, and thought it indeed unworthy in
  any man, however injured, to seek revenge upon his fellow-citizens; yet
  if he pleased, for his own security, to leave his enemies and come to
  Rome, he should be received, both in public and private, with the honor
  his merit deserved, and their own glory required.  Appius, seriously
  weighing the matter, came to the conclusion that it was the best
  resource which necessity left him, and advising with his friends; and
  they inviting again others in the same manner, he came to Rome, bringing
  five thousand families, with their wives and children; people of the
  quietest and steadiest temper of all the Sabines.  Poplicola, informed
  of their approach, received them with all the kind offices of a friend,
  and admitted them at once to the franchise, allotting to every one two
  acres of land by the river Anio, but to Clausus twenty-five acres, and
  gave him a place in the senate; a commencement of political power which
  he used so wisely, that he rose to the highest reputation, was very
  influential, and left the Claudian house behind him, inferior to none in
  Rome.

  The departure of these men rendered things quiet amongst the Sabines;
  yet the chief of the community would not suffer them to settle into
  peace, but resented that Clausus now, by turning deserter, should
  disappoint that revenge upon the Romans, which, while at home, he had
  unsuccessfully opposed.  Coming with a great army, they sat down before
  Fidenae, and placed an ambuscade of two thousand men near Rome, in
  wooded and hollow spots, with a design that some few horsemen, as soon
  as it was day, should go out and ravage the country, commanding them
  upon their approach to the town so to retreat as to draw the enemy into
  the ambush.  Poplicola, however, soon advertised of these designs by
  deserters, disposed his forces to their respective charges.  Postumius
  Balbus, his son-in-law, going out with three thousand men in the
  evening, was ordered to take the hills, under which the ambush lay,
  there to observe their motions; his colleague, Lucretius, attended with
  a body of the lightest and boldest men, was appointed to meet the Sabine
  horse; whilst he, with the rest of the army, encompassed the enemy.  And
  a thick mist rising accidentally, Postumius, early in the morning, with
  shouts from the hills, assailed the ambuscade, Lucretius charged the
  light-horse, and Poplicola besieged the camp; so that on all sides
  defeat and ruin came upon the Sabines, and without any resistance the
  Romans killed them in their flight, their very hopes leading them to
  their death, for each division, presuming that the other was safe, gave
  up all thought of fighting or keeping their ground; and these quitting
  the camp to retire to the ambuscade, and the ambuscade flying; to the
  camp, fugitives thus met fugitives, and found those from whom they
  expected succor as much in need of succor from themselves.  The
  nearness, however, of the city Fidenae was the preservation of the
  Sabines, especially those that fled from the camp; those that could not
  gain the city either perished in the field, or were taken prisoners.
  This victory, the Romans, though usually ascribing such success to some
  god, attributed to the conduct of one captain; and it was observed to be
  heard amongst the soldiers, that Poplicola had delivered their enemies
  lame and blind, and only not in chains, to be dispatched by their
  swords.  From the spoil and prisoners great wealth accrued to the
  people.

  Poplicola, having completed his triumph, and bequeathed the city to the
  care of the succeeding consuls, died; thus closing a life which, so far
  as human life may be, had been full of all that is good and honorable.
  The people, as though they had not duly rewarded his deserts when alive,
  but still were in his debt, decreed him a public interment, every one
  contributing his quadrans towards the charge; the women, besides, by
  private consent, mourned a whole year, a signal mark of honor to his
  memory.  He was buried, by the people's desire, within the city, in the
  part called Velia, where his posterity had likewise privilege of burial;
  now, however, none of the family are interred there, but the body is
  carried thither and set down, and someone places a burning torch under
  it, and immediately takes it away, as an attestation of the deceased's
  privilege, and his receding from his honor; after which the body is
  removed.





COMPARISON OF POPLICOLA WITH SOLON

  There is something singular in the present parallel, which has not
  occurred in any other of the lives; that the one should be the imitator
  of the other, and the other his best evidence.  Upon the survey of
  Solon's sentence to Croesus in favor of Tellus's happiness, it seems
  more applicable to Poplicola; for Tellus, whose virtuous life and dying
  well had gained him the name of the happiest man, yet was never
  celebrated in Solon's poems for a good man, nor have his children or any
  magistracy of his deserved a memorial; but Poplicola's life was the most
  eminent amongst the Romans, as well for the greatness of his virtue as
  his power, and also since his death many amongst the distinguished
  families, even in our days, the Poplicolae, Messalae, and Valerii, after
  a lapse of six hundred years, acknowledge him as the fountain of their
  honor.  Besides, Tellus, though keeping his post and fighting like a
  valiant soldier, was yet slain by his enemies; but Poplicola, the better
  fortune, slew his, and saw his country victorious under his command.
  And his honors and triumphs brought him, which was Solon's ambition, to
  a happy end; the ejaculation which, in his verses against Mimnermus
  about the continuance of man's life, he himself made,

  Mourned let me die; and may I, when life ends,
  Occasion sighs and sorrows to my friends,

  is evidence to Poplicola's happiness; his death did not only draw tears
  from his friends and acquaintance, but was the object of universal
  regret and sorrow through the whole city; the women deplored his loss as
  that of a son, brother, or common father.  "Wealth I would have," said
  Solon, "but wealth by wrong procure would not," because punishment would
  follow.  But Poplicola's riches were not only justly his, but he spent
  them nobly in doing good to the distressed.  So that if Solon was
  reputed the wisest man, we must allow Poplicola to be the happiest; for
  what Solon wished for as the greatest and most perfect good, this
  Poplicola had, and used and enjoyed to his death.

  And as Solon may thus be said to have contributed to Poplicola's glory,
  so did also Poplicola to his, by his choice of him as his model in the
  formation of republican institutions; in reducing, for example, the
  excessive powers and assumption of the consulship.  Several of his laws,
  indeed, he actually transferred to Rome, as his empowering the people to
  elect their officers, and allowing offenders the liberty of appealing to
  the people, as Solon did to the jurors.  He did not, indeed, create a
  new senate, as Solon did, but augmented the old to almost double its
  number.  The appointment of treasurers again, the quaestors, has a like
  origin; with the intent that the chief magistrate should not, if of good
  character, be withdrawn from greater matters; or, if bad, have the
  greater temptation to injustice, by holding both the government and
  treasury in his hands.  The aversion to tyranny was stronger in
  Poplicola; any one who attempted usurpation could, by Solon's law, only
  be punished upon conviction; but Poplicola made it death before a trial.
  And though Solon justly gloried, that, when arbitrary power was
  absolutely offered to him by circumstances, and when his countrymen
  would have willingly seen him accept it, he yet declined it; still
  Poplicola merited no less, who, receiving a despotic command, converted
  it to a popular office, and did not employ the whole legal power which
  he held.  We must allow, indeed, that Solon was before Poplicola in
  observing that

  A people always minds its rulers best
  When it is neither humored nor oppressed.

  The remission of debts was peculiar to Solon; it was his great means for
  confirming the citizens' liberty; for a mere law to give all men equal
  rights is but useless, if the poor must sacrifice those rights to their
  debts, and, in the very seats and sanctuaries of equality, the courts of
  justice, the offices of state, and the public discussions, be more than
  anywhere at the beck and bidding of the rich.  A yet more extraordinary
  success was, that, although usually civil violence is caused by any
  remission of debts, upon this one occasion this dangerous but powerful
  remedy actually put an end to civil violence already existing, Solon's
  own private worth and reputation overbalancing all the ordinary ill-
  repute and discredit of the change.  The beginning of his government was
  more glorious, for he was entirely original, and followed no man's
  example, and, without the aid of any ally, achieved his most important
  measures by his own conduct; yet the close of Poplicola's life was more
  happy and desirable, for Solon saw the dissolution of his own
  commonwealth, Poplicola's maintained the state in good order down to the
  civil wars.  Solon, leaving his laws, as soon as he had made them,
  engraven in wood, but destitute of a defender, departed from Athens;
  whilst Poplicola, remaining, both in and out of office, labored to
  establish the government Solon, though he actually knew of Pisistratus's
  ambition, yet was not able to suppress it, but had to yield to
  usurpation in its infancy; whereas Poplicola utterly subverted and
  dissolved a potent monarchy, strongly settled by long continuance;
  uniting thus to virtues equal to those, and purposes identical with
  those of Solon, the good fortune and the power that alone could make
  them effective.

  In military exploits, Daimachus of Plataea will not even allow Solon the
  conduct of the war against the Megarians, as was before intimated; but
  Poplicola was victorious in the most important conflicts, both as a
  private soldier and commander.  In domestic politics, also, Solon, in
  play, as it were, and by counterfeiting madness, induced the enterprise
  against Salamis; whereas Poplicola, in the very beginning, exposed
  himself to the greatest risk, took arms against Tarquin, detected the
  conspiracy, and, being principally concerned both in preventing the
  escape of and afterwards punishing the traitors, not only expelled the
  tyrants from the city, but extirpated their very hopes.  And as, in
  cases calling for contest and resistance and manful opposition, he
  behaved with courage and resolution, so, in instances where peaceable
  language, persuasion, and concession were requisite, he was yet more to
  be commended; and succeeded in gaining happily to reconciliation and
  friendship, Porsenna, a terrible and invincible enemy.  Some may,
  perhaps, object, that Solon recovered Salamis, which they had lost, for
  the Athenians; whereas Poplicola receded from part of what the Romans
  were at that time possessed of; but judgment is to be made of actions
  according to the times in which they were performed.  The conduct of a
  wise politician is ever suited to the present posture of affairs; often
  by foregoing a part he saves the whole, and by yielding in a small
  matter secures a greater; and so Poplicola, by restoring what the Romans
  had lately usurped, saved their undoubted patrimony, and procured,
  moreover, the stores of the enemy for those who were only too thankful
  to secure their city.  Permitting the decision of the controversy to his
  adversary, he not only got the victory, but likewise what he himself
  would willingly have given to purchase the victory, Porsenna putting an
  end to the war, and leaving them all the provision of his camp, from the
  sense of the virtue and gallant disposition of the Romans which their
  consul had impressed upon him.





THEMISTOCLES

  The birth of Themistocles was somewhat too obscure to do him honor.  His
  father, Neocles, was not of the distinguished people of Athens, but of
  the township of Phrearrhi, and of the tribe Leontis; and by his mother's
  side, as it is reported, he was base-born.

  I am not of the noble Grecian race,
  I'm poor Abrotonon, and born in Thrace;
  Let the Greek women scorn me, if they please,
  I was the mother of Themistocles.

  Yet Phanias writes that the mother of Themistocles was not of Thrace,
  but of Caria, and that her name was not Abrotonon, but Euterpe; and
  Neanthes adds farther that she was of Halicarnassus in Caria.  And, as
  illegitimate children, including those that were of the half-blood or
  had but one parent an Athenian, had to attend at the Cynosarges (a
  wrestling-place outside the gates, dedicated to Hercules, who was also
  of half-blood amongst the gods, having had a mortal woman for his
  mother), Themistocles persuaded several of the young men of high birth
  to accompany him to anoint and exercise themselves together at
  Cynosarges; an ingenious device for destroying the distinction between
  the noble and the base-born, and between those of the whole and those of
  the half blood of Athens.  However, it is certain that he was related to
  the house of the Lycomedae; for Simonides records, that he rebuilt the
  chapel of Phlya, belonging to that family, and beautified it with
  pictures and other ornaments, after it had been burnt by the Persians.

  It is confessed by all that from his youth he was of a vehement and
  impetuous nature, of a quick apprehension, and a strong and aspiring
  bent for action and great affairs.  The holidays and intervals in his
  studies he did not spend in play or idleness, as other children, but
  would be always inventing or arranging some oration or declamation to
  himself, the subject of which was generally the excusing or accusing his
  companions, so that his master would often say to him, "You, my boy,
  will be nothing small, but great one way or other, for good or else for
  bad."  He received reluctantly and carelessly instructions given him to
  improve his manners and behavior, or to teach him any pleasing or
  graceful accomplishment, but whatever was said to improve him in
  sagacity, or in management of affairs, he would give attention to,
  beyond one of his years, from confidence in his natural capacities for
  such things.  And thus afterwards, when in company where people engaged
  themselves in what are commonly thought the liberal and elegant
  amusements, he was obliged to defend himself against the observations of
  those who considered themselves highly accomplished, by the somewhat
  arrogant retort, that he certainly could not make use of any stringed
  instrument, could only, were a small and obscure city put into his
  hands, make it great and glorious.  Notwithstanding this, Stesimbrotus
  says that Themistocles was a hearer of Anaxagoras, and that he studied
  natural philosophy under Melissus, contrary to chronology; for Melissus
  commanded the Samians in their siege by Pericles, who was much
  Themistocles's junior; and with Pericles, also, Anaxagoras was intimate.
  They, therefore, might rather be credited, who report, that Themistocles
  was an admirer of Mnesiphilus the Phrearrhian, who was neither
  rhetorician nor natural philosopher, but a professor of that which was
  then called wisdom, consisting in a sort of political shrewdness and
  practical sagacity, which had begun and continued, almost like a sect of
  philosophy, from Solon; but those who came afterwards, and mixed it with
  pleadings and legal artifices, and transformed the practical part of it
  into a mere art of speaking and an exercise of words, were generally
  called sophists.  Themistocles resorted to Mnesiphilus when he had
  already embarked in politics.

  In the first essays of his youth he was not regular nor happily
  balanced; he allowed himself to follow mere natural character, which,
  without the control of reason and instruction, is apt to hurry, upon
  either side, into sudden and violent courses, and very often to break
  away and determine upon the worst; as he afterwards owned himself,
  saying, that the wildest colts make the best horses, if they only get
  properly trained and broken in.  But those who upon this fasten stories
  of their own invention, as of his being disowned by his father, and that
  his mother died for grief of her son's ill fame, certainly calumniate
  him; and there are others who relate, on the contrary, how that to deter
  him from public business, and to let him see how the vulgar behave
  themselves towards their leaders when they have at last no farther use
  of them, his father showed him the old galleys as they lay forsaken and
  cast about upon the sea-shore.

  Yet it is evident that his mind was early imbued with the keenest
  interest in public affairs, and the most passionate ambition for
  distinction.  Eager from the first to obtain the highest place, he
  unhesitatingly accepted the hatred of the most powerful and influential
  leaders in the city, but more especially of Aristides, the son of
  Lysimachus, who always opposed him.  And yet all this great enmity
  between them arose, it appears, from a very boyish occasion, both being
  attached to the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos, as Ariston the philosopher
  tells us; ever after which, they took opposite sides, and were rivals in
  politics.  Not but that the incompatibility of their lives and manners
  may seem to have increased the difference, for Aristides was of a mild
  nature, and of a nobler sort of character, and, in public matters,
  acting always with a view, not to glory or popularity, but to the best
  interests of the state consistently with safety and honesty, he was
  often forced to oppose Themistocles, and interfere against the increase
  of his influence, seeing him stirring up the people to all kinds of
  enterprises, and introducing various innovations.  For it is said that
  Themistocles was so transported with the thoughts of glory, and so
  inflamed with the passion for great actions, that, though he was still
  young when the battle of Marathon was fought against the Persians, upon
  the skillful conduct of the general, Miltiades, being everywhere talked
  about, he was observed to be thoughtful, and reserved, alone by him
  self; he passed the nights without sleep, and avoided all his usual
  places of recreation, and to those who wondered at the change, and
  inquired the reason of it, he gave the answer, that "the trophy of
  Miltiades would not let him sleep."  And when others were of opinion
  that the battle of Marathon would be an end to the war, Themistocles
  thought that it was but the beginning of far greater conflicts, and for
  these, to the benefit of all Greece, he kept himself in continual
  readiness, and his city also in proper training, foreseeing from far
  before what would happen.

  And, first of all, the Athenians being accustomed to divide amongst
  themselves the revenue proceeding from the silver mines at Laurium, he
  was the only man that dared propose to the people that this distribution
  should cease, and that with the money ships should be built to make war
  against the Aeginetans, who were the most flourishing people in all
  Greece, and by the number of their ships held the sovereignty of the
  sea; and Themistocles thus was more easily able to persuade them,
  avoiding all mention of danger from Darius or the Persians, who were at
  a great distance, and their coming very uncertain, and at that time not
  much to be feared; but, by a seasonable employment of the emulation and
  anger felt by the Athenians against the Aeginetans, he induced them to
  preparation.  So that with this money a hundred ships were built, with
  which they afterwards fought against Xerxes.  And, henceforward, little
  by little, turning and drawing the city down towards the sea, in the
  belief, that, whereas by land they were not a fit match for their next
  neighbors, with their ships they might be able to repel the Persians and
  command Greece, thus, as Plato says, from steady soldiers he turned them
  into mariners and seamen tossed about the sea, and gave occasion for the
  reproach against him, that he took away from the Athenians the spear and
  the shield, and bound them to the bench and the oar.  These measures he
  carried in the assembly, against the opposition, as Stesimbrotus
  relates, of Miltiades; and whether or no he hereby injured the purity
  and true balance of government, may be a question for philosophers, but
  that the deliverance of Greece came at that time from the sea, and that
  these galleys restored Athens again after it was destroyed, were others
  wanting, Xerxes himself would be sufficient evidence, who, though his
  land-forces were still entire, after his defeat at sea, fled away, and
  thought himself no longer able to encounter the Greeks; and, as it seems
  to me, left Mardonius behind him, not out of any hopes he could have to
  bring them into subjection, but to hinder them from pursuing him.

  Themistocles is said to have been eager in the acquisition of riches,
  according to some, that he might be the more liberal; for loving to
  sacrifice often, and to be splendid in his entertainment of strangers,
  he required a plentiful revenue; yet he is accused by others of having
  been parsimonious and sordid to that degree that he would sell
  provisions which were sent to him as a present.  He desired Diphilides,
  who was a breeder of horses, to give him a colt, and when he refused it,
  threatened that in a short time he would turn his house into a wooden
  horse, intimating that he would stir up dispute and litigation between
  him and some of his relations.

  He went beyond all men in the passion for distinction.  When he was
  still young and unknown in the world, he entreated Epicles of Hermione,
  who had a good hand at the lute and was much sought after by the
  Athenians, to come and practice at home with him, being ambitious of
  having people inquire after his house and frequent his company.  When he
  came to the Olympic games, and was so splendid in his equipage and
  entertainments, in his rich tents and furniture, that he strove to outdo
  Cimon, he displeased the Greeks, who thought that such magnificence
  might be allowed in one who was a young man and of a great family but
  was a great piece of insolence in one as yet undistinguished, and
  without title or means for making any such display.  In a dramatic
  contest, the play he paid for won the prize, which was then a matter
  that excited much emulation; he put up a tablet in record of it, with
  the inscription, "Themistocles of Phrearrhi was at the charge of it;
  Phrynichus made it; Adimantus was archon."  He was well liked by the
  common people, would salute every particular citizen by his own name,
  and always show himself a just judge in questions of business between
  private men; he said to Simonides, the poet of Ceos, who desired
  something of him, when he was commander of the army, that was not
  reasonable, "Simonides, you would be no good poet if you wrote false
  measure, nor should I be a good magistrate if for favor I made false
  law."  And at another time, laughing at Simonides, he said, that he was
  a man of little judgment to speak against the Corinthians, who were
  inhabitants of a great city, and to have his own picture drawn so often,
  having so ill-looking a face.

  Gradually growing to be great, and winning the favor of the people, he
  at last gained the day with his faction over that of Aristides, and
  procured his banishment by ostracism.  When the king of Persia was now
  advancing against Greece, and the Athenians were in consultation who
  should be general, and many withdrew themselves of their own accord,
  being terrified with the greatness of the danger, there was one
  Epicydes, a popular speaker, son to Euphemides, a man of an eloquent
  tongue, but of a faint heart, and a slave to riches, who was desirous of
  the command, and was looked upon to be in a fair way to carry it by the
  number of votes; but Themistocles, fearing that, if the command should
  fall into such hands, all would be lost, bought off Epicydes and his
  pretensions, it is said, for a sum of money.

  When the king of Persia sent messengers into Greece, with an
  interpreter, to demand earth and water, as an acknowledgment of
  subjection, Themistocles, by the consent of the people, seized upon the
  interpreter, and put him to death, for presuming to publish the
  barbarian orders and decrees in the Greek language; this is one of the
  actions he is commended for, as also for what he did to Arthmius of
  Zelea, who brought gold from the king of Persia to corrupt the Greeks,
  and was, by an order from Themistocles, degraded and disfranchised, he
  and his children and his posterity; but that which most of all redounded
  to his credit was, that he put an end to all the civil wars of Greece,
  composed their differences, and persuaded them to lay aside all enmity
  during the war with the Persians; and in this great work, Chileus the
  Arcadian was, it is said, of great assistance to him.

  Having taken upon himself the command of the Athenian forces, he
  immediately endeavored to persuade the citizens to leave the city, and
  to embark upon their galleys, and meet with the Persians at a great
  distance from Greece; but many being against this, he led a large force,
  together with the Lacedaemonians, into Tempe, that in this pass they
  might maintain the safety of Thessaly, which had not as yet declared for
  the king; but when they returned without performing anything; and it
  was known that not only the Thessalians, but all as far as Boeotia, was
  going over to Xerxes, then the Athenians more willingly hearkened to the
  advice of Themistocles to fight by sea, and sent him with a fleet to
  guard the straits of Artemisium.

  When the contingents met here, the Greeks would have the Lacedaemonians
  to command, and Eurybiades to be their admiral; but the Athenians, who
  surpassed all the rest together in number of vessels, would not submit
  to come after any other, till Themistocles, perceiving the danger of
  this contest, yielded his own command to Eurybiades, and got the
  Athenians to submit, extenuating the loss by persuading them, that if in
  this war they behaved themselves like men, he would answer for it after
  that, that the Greeks, of their own will, would submit to their command.
  And by this moderation of his, it is evident that he was the chief means
  of the deliverance of Greece, and gained the Athenians the glory of
  alike surpassing their enemies in valor, and their confederates in
  wisdom.

  As soon as the Persian armada arrived at Aphetae, Eurybiades was
  astonished to see such a vast number of vessels before him, and, being
  informed that two hundred more were sailing round behind the island of
  Sciathus, he immediately determined to retire farther into Greece, and
  to sail back into some part of Peloponnesus, where their land army and
  their fleet might join, for he looked upon the Persian forces to be
  altogether unassailable by sea.  But the Euboeans, fearing that the
  Greeks would forsake them, and leave them to the mercy of the enemy,
  sent Pelagon to confer privately with Themistocles, taking with him a
  good sum of money, which, as Herodotus reports, he accepted and gave to
  Eurybiades.  In this affair none of his own countrymen opposed him so
  much as Architeles, captain of the sacred galley, who, having no money
  to supply his seamen, was eager to go home; but Themistocles so incensed
  the Athenians against him, that they set upon him and left him not so
  much as his supper, at which Architeles was much surprised, and took it
  very ill; but Themistocles immediately sent him in a chest a service of
  provisions, and at the bottom of it a talent of silver, desiring him to
  sup tonight, and tomorrow provide for his seamen; if not, he would
  report it amongst the Athenians that he had received money from the
  enemy.  So Phanias the Lesbian tells the story.

  Though the fights between the Greeks and Persians in the straits of
  Euboea were not so important as to make any final decision of the war,
  yet the experience which the Greeks obtained in them was of great
  advantage, for thus, by actual trial and in real danger, they found out
  that neither number of ships, nor riches and ornaments, nor boasting
  shouts, nor barbarous songs of victory, were any way terrible to men
  that knew how to fight, and were resolved to come hand to hand with
  their enemies; these things they were to despise, and to come up close
  and grapple with their foes.  This, Pindar appears to have seen, and
  says justly enough of the fight at Artemisium, that

  There the sons of Athens set
  The stone that freedom stands on yet.

  For the first step towards victory undoubtedly is to gain courage.
  Artemisium is in Euboea, beyond the city of Histiaea, a sea-beach open
  to the north; most nearly opposite to it stands Olizon, in the country
  which formerly was under Philoctetes; there is a small temple there,
  dedicated to Diana, surnamed of the Dawn, and trees about it, around
  which again stand pillars of white marble; and if you rub them with your
  hand, they send forth both the smell and color of saffron.  On one of
  the pillars these verses are engraved,—

  With numerous tribes from Asia's regions brought
  The sons of Athens on these waters, fought;
  Erecting, after they had quelled the Mede,
  To Artemis this record of the deed.

  There is a place still to be seen upon this shore, where, in the middle
  of a great heap of sand, they take out from the bottom a dark powder
  like ashes, or something that has passed the fire; and here, it is
  supposed, the shipwrecks and bodies of the dead were burnt.

  But when news came from Thermopylae to Artemisium, informing them that
  king Leonidas was slain, and that Xerxes had made himself master of all
  the passages by land, they returned back to the interior of Greece, the
  Athenians having the command of the rear, the place of honor and danger,
  and much elated by what had been done.

  As Themistocles sailed along the coast, he took notice of the harbors
  and fit places for the enemies' ships to come to land at, and engraved
  large letters in such stones as he found there by chance, as also in
  others which he set up on purpose near to the landing-places, or where
  they were to water; in which inscriptions he called upon the Ionians to
  forsake the Medes, if it were possible, and come over to the Greeks, who
  were their proper founders and fathers, and were now hazarding all for
  their liberties; but, if this could not be done, at any rate to impede
  and disturb the Persians in all engagements.  He hoped that these
  writings would prevail with the Ionians to revolt, or raise some trouble
  by making their fidelity doubtful to the Persians.

  Now, though Xerxes had already passed through Doris and invaded the
  country of Phocis, and was burning and destroying the cities of the
  Phocians, yet the Greeks sent them no relief; and, though the Athenians
  earnestly desired them to meet the Persians in Boeotia, before they
  could come into Attica, as they themselves had come forward by sea at
  Artemisium, they gave no ear to their request, being wholly intent upon
  Peloponnesus, and resolved to gather all their forces together within
  the Isthmus, and to build a wall from sea to sea in that narrow neck of
  land; so that the Athenians were enraged to see themselves betrayed, and
  at the same time afflicted and dejected at their own destitution.  For
  to fight alone against such a numerous army was to no purpose, and the
  only expedient now left them was to leave their city and cling to their
  ships; which the people were very unwilling to submit to, imagining that
  it would signify little now to gain a victory, and not understanding how
  there could be deliverance any longer after they had once forsaken the
  temples of their gods and exposed the tombs and monuments of their
  ancestors to the fury of their enemies.

  Themistocles, being at a loss, and not able to draw the people over to
  his opinion by any human reason, set his machines to work, as in a
  theater, and employed prodigies and oracles.  The serpent of Minerva,
  kept in the inner part of her temple, disappeared; the priests gave it
  out to the people that the offerings which were set for it were found
  untouched, and declared, by the suggestion of Themistocles, that the
  goddess had left the city, and taken her flight before them towards the
  sea.  And he often urged them with the oracle which bade them trust to
  walls of wood, showing them that walls of wood could signify nothing
  else but ships; and that the island of Salamis was termed in it, not
  miserable or unhappy, but had the epithet of divine, for that it should
  one day be associated with a great good fortune of the Greeks.  At
  length his opinion prevailed, and he obtained a decree that the city
  should be committed to the protection of Minerva, "queen of Athens;"
  that they who were of age to bear arms should embark, and that each
  should see to sending away his children, women, and slaves where he
  could.  This decree being confirmed, most of the Athenians removed their
  parents, wives, and children to Troezen, where they were received with
  eager good-will by the Troezenians, who passed a vote that they should
  be maintained at the public charge, by a daily payment of two obols to
  every one, and leave be given to the children to gather fruit where they
  pleased, and schoolmasters paid to instruct them.  This vote was
  proposed by Nicagoras.

  There was no public treasure at that time in Athens; but the council of
  Areopagus, as Aristotle says, distributed to every one that served,
  eight drachmas, which was a great help to the manning of the fleet; but
  Clidemus ascribes this also to the art of Themistocles.  When the
  Athenians were on their way down to the haven of Piraeus, the shield
  with the head of Medusa was missing; and he, under the pretext of
  searching for it, ransacked all places, and found among their goods
  considerable sums of money concealed, which he applied to the public
  use; and with this the soldiers and seamen were well provided for their
  voyage.

  When the whole city of Athens were going on board, it afforded a
  spectacle worthy of pity alike and admiration, to see them thus send
  away their fathers and children before them, and, unmoved with their
  cries and tears, pass over into the island.  But that which stirred
  compassion most of all was, that many old men, by reason of their
  great age, were left behind; and even the tame domestic animals could
  not be seen without some pity, running about the town and howling, as
  desirous to be carried along with their masters that had kept them;
  among which it is reported that Xanthippus, the father of Pericles, had
  a dog that would not endure to stay behind, but leaped into the sea, and
  swam along by the galley's side till he came to the island of Salamis,
  where he fainted away and died, and that spot in the island, which is
  still called the Dog's Grave, is said to be his.

  Among the great actions of Themistocles at this crisis, the recall of
  Aristides was not the least, for, before the war, he had been ostracized
  by the party which Themistocles headed, and was in banishment; but now,
  perceiving that the people regretted his absence, and were fearful that
  he might go over to the Persians to revenge himself, and thereby ruin
  the affairs of Greece, Themistocles proposed a decree that those who
  were banished for a time might return again, to give assistance by word
  and deed to the cause of Greece with the rest of their fellow-citizens.

  Eurybiades, by reason of the greatness of Sparta, was admiral of the
  Greek fleet, but yet was faint-hearted in time of danger, and willing to
  weigh anchor and set sail for the isthmus of Corinth, near which the
  land army lay encamped; which Themistocles resisted; and this was the
  occasion of the well-known words, when Eurybiades, to check his
  impatience, told him that at the Olympic games they that start up before
  the rest are lashed; "And they," replied Themistocles, "that are left
  behind are not crowned."  Again, Eurybiades lifting up his staff as if
  he were going to strike, Themistocles said, "Strike if you will, but
  hear;" Eurybiades, wondering much at his moderation, desired him to
  speak, and Themistocles now brought him to a better understanding.  And
  when one who stood by him told him that it did not become those who had
  neither city nor house to lose, to persuade others to relinquish their
  habitations and forsake their countries, Themistocles gave this reply:
  "We have indeed left our houses and our walls, base fellow, not thinking
  it fit to become slaves for the sake of things that have no life nor
  soul; and yet our city is the greatest of all Greece, consisting of two
  hundred galleys, which are here to defend you, if you please; but if you
  run away and betray us, as you did once before, the Greeks shall soon
  hear news of the Athenians possessing as fair a country, and as large
  and free a city, as that they have lost."  These expressions of
  Themistocles made Eurybiades suspect that if he retreated the Athenians
  would fall off from him.  When one of Eretria began to oppose him, he
  said, "Have you anything to say of war, that are like an ink-fish? you
  have a sword, but no heart."  Some say that while Themistocles was
  thus speaking things upon the deck, an owl was seen flying to the right
  hand of the fleet, which came and sat upon the top of the mast; and
  this happy omen so far disposed the Greeks to follow his advice, that
  they presently prepared to fight.  Yet, when the enemy's fleet was
  arrived at the haven of Phalerum, upon the coast of Attica, and with the
  number of their ships concealed all the shore, and when they saw the
  king himself in person come down with his land army to the seaside, with
  all his forces united, then the good counsel of Themistocles was soon
  forgotten, and the Peloponnesians cast their eyes again towards the
  isthmus, and took it very ill if any one spoke against their returning
  home; and, resolving to depart that night, the pilots had order what
  course to steer.
   The Teuthis, loligo, or cuttlefish, is said to have a bone or
  cartilage shaped like a sword, and was conceived to have no heart.

  Themistocles, in great distress that the Greeks should retire, and lose
  the advantage of the narrow seas and strait passage, and slip home every
  one to his own city, considered with himself, and contrived that
  stratagem that was carried out by Sicinnus.  This Sicinnus was a Persian
  captive, but a great lover of Themistocles, and the attendant of his
  children.  Upon this occasion, he sent him privately to Xerxes,
  commanding him to tell the king, that Themistocles, the admiral of the
  Athenians, having espoused his interest, wished to be the first to
  inform him that the Greeks were ready to make their escape, and that he
  counseled him to hinder their flight, to set upon them while they were
  in this confusion and at a distance from their land army, and hereby
  destroy all their forces by sea.  Xerxes was very joyful at this
  message, and received it as from one who wished him all that was good,
  and immediately issued instructions to the commanders of his ships, that
  they should instantly Yet out with two hundred galleys to encompass all
  the islands, and enclose all the straits and passages, that none of the
  Greeks might escape, and that they should afterwards follow with the
  rest of their fleet at leisure.  This being done, Aristides, the son of
  Lysimachus, was the first man that perceived it, and went to the tent of
  Themistocles, not out of any friendship, for he had been formerly
  banished by his means, as has been related, but to inform him how they
  were encompassed by their enemies.  Themistocles, knowing the generosity
  of Aristides, and much struck by his visit at that time, imparted to him
  all that he had transacted by Sicinnus, and entreated him, that, as he
  would be more readily believed among the Greeks, he would make use of
  his credit to help to induce them to stay and fight their enemies in the
  narrow seas.  Aristides applauded Themistocles, and went to the other
  commanders and captains of the galleys, and encouraged them to engage;
  yet they did not perfectly assent to him, till a galley of Tenos, which
  deserted from the Persians, of which Panaetius was commander, came in,
  while they were still doubting, and confirmed the news that all the
  straits and passages were beset; and then their rage and fury, as well
  as their necessity; provoked them all to fight.

  As soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high up, to view his fleet,
  and how it was set in order.  Phanodemus says, he sat upon a promontory
  above the temple of Hercules, where the coast of Attica is separated
  from the island by a narrow channel; but Acestodorus writes, that it was
  in the confines of Megara, upon those hills which are called the Horns,
  where he sat in a chair of gold, with many secretaries about him to
  write down all that was done in the fight.

  When Themistocles was about to sacrifice, close to the admiral's galley,
  there were three prisoners brought to him, fine looking men, and richly
  dressed in ornamented clothing and gold, said to be the children of
  Artayctes and Sandauce, sister to Xerxes.  As soon as the prophet
  Euphrantides saw them, and observed that at the same time the fire
  blazed out from the offerings with a more than ordinary flame, and that
  a man sneezed on the right, which was an intimation of a fortunate
  event, he took Themistocles by the hand, and bade him consecrate the
  three young men for sacrifice, and offer them up with prayers for
  victory to Bacchus the Devourer: so should the Greeks not only save
  themselves, but also obtain victory.  Themistocles was much disturbed at
  this strange and terrible prophecy, but the common people, who, in any
  difficult crisis and great exigency, ever look for relief rather to
  strange and extravagant than to reasonable means, calling upon Bacchus
  with one voice, led the captives to the altar, and compelled the
  execution of the sacrifice as the prophet had commanded.  This is
  reported by Phanias the Lesbian, a philosopher well read in history.

  The number of the enemy's ships the poet Aeschylus gives in his tragedy
  called the Persians, as on his certain knowledge, in the following
  words—

  Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead
  One thousand ships; of more than usual speed
  Seven and two hundred.  So is it agreed.

  The Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every ship eighteen men
  fought upon the deck, four of whom were archers and the rest men-at-
  arms.

  As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous place, so, with no
  less sagacity, he chose the best time of fighting; for he would not run
  the prows of his galleys against the Persians, nor begin the fight till
  the time of day was come, when there regularly blows in a fresh breeze
  from the open sea, and brings in with it a strong swell into the
  channel; which was no inconvenience to the Greek ships, which were low-
  built, and little above the water, but did much hurt to the Persians,
  which had high sterns and lofty decks, and were heavy and cumbrous in
  their movements, as it presented them broadside to the quick charges of
  the Greeks, who kept their eyes upon the motions of Themistocles, as
  their best example, and more particularly because, opposed to his ship,
  Ariamenes, admiral to Xerxes, a brave man, and by far the best and
  worthiest of the king's brothers, was seen throwing darts and shooting
  arrows from his huge galley, as from the walls of a castle.  Aminias the
  Decelean and Sosicles the Pedian, who sailed in the same vessel, upon
  the ships meeting stem to stem, and transfixing each the other with
  their brazen prows, so that they were fastened together, when Ariamenes
  attempted to board theirs, ran at him with their pikes, and thrust him
  into the sea; his body, as it floated amongst other shipwrecks, was
  known to Artemisia, and carried to Xerxes.

  It is reported, that, in the middle of the fight, a great flame rose
  into the air above the city of Eleusis, and that sounds and voices were
  heard through all the Thriasian plain, as far as the sea, sounding like
  a number of men accompanying and escorting the mystic Iacchus, and that
  a mist seemed to form and rise from the place from whence the sounds
  came, and, passing forward, fell upon the galleys.  Others believed that
  they saw apparitions, in the shape of armed men, reaching out their
  hands from the island of Aegina before the Grecian galleys; and supposed
  they were the Aeacidae, whom they had invoked to their aid before the
  battle.  The first man that took a ship was Lycomedes the Athenian,
  captain of a galley, who cut down its ensign, and dedicated it to Apollo
  the Laurel-crowned.  And as the Persians fought in a narrow arm of the
  sea, and could bring but part of their fleet to fight, and fell foul of
  one another, the Greeks thus equaled them in strength, and fought with
  them till the evening, forced them back, and obtained, as says
  Simonides, that noble and famous victory, than which neither amongst the
  Greeks nor barbarians was ever known more glorious exploit on the seas;
  by the joint valor, indeed, and zeal of all who fought, but by the
  wisdom and sagacity of Themistocles.

  After this sea-fight, Xerxes, enraged at his ill-fortune, attempted, by
  casting great heaps of earth and stones into the sea, to stop up the
  channel and to make a dam, upon which he might lead his land-forces over
  into the island of Salamis.

  Themistocles, being desirous to try the opinion of Aristides, told him
  that he proposed to set sail for the Hellespont, to break the bridge of
  ships, so as to shut up, he said, Asia a prisoner within Europe; but
  Aristides, disliking the design, said, "We have hitherto fought with an
  enemy who has regarded little else but his pleasure and luxury; but if
  we shut him up within Greece, and drive him to necessity, he that is
  master of such great forces will no longer sit quietly with an umbrella
  of gold over his head, looking upon the fight for his pleasure; but in
  such a strait will attempt all things; he will be resolute, and appear
  himself in person upon all occasions, he will soon correct his errors,
  and supply what he has formerly omitted through remissness, and will be
  better advised in all things.  Therefore, it is noways our interest,
  Themistocles," he said, "to take away the bridge that is already made,
  but rather to build another, if it were possible, that he might make his
  retreat with the more expedition."  To which Themistocles answered, "If
  this be requisite, we must immediately use all diligence, art, and
  industry, to rid ourselves of him as soon as may be;" and to this
  purpose he found out among the captives one of the king Of Persia's
  eunuchs, named Arnaces, whom he sent to the king, to inform him that the
  Greeks, being now victorious by sea, had decreed to sail to the
  Hellespont, where the boats were fastened together, and destroy the
  bridge; but that Themistocles, being concerned for the king, revealed
  this to him, that he might hasten towards the Asiatic seas, and pass
  over into his own dominions; and in the mean time would cause delays,
  and hinder the confederates from pursuing him.  Xerxes no sooner heard
  this, but, being very much terrified, he proceeded to retreat out of
  Greece with all speed.  The prudence of Themistocles and Aristides in
  this was afterwards more fully understood at the battle of Plataea,
  where Mardonius, with a very small fraction of the forces of Xerxes, put
  the Greeks in danger of losing all.

  Herodotus writes, that, of all the cities of Greece, Aegina was held to
  have performed the best service in the war; while all single men yielded
  to Themistocles, though, out of envy, unwillingly; and when they
  returned to the entrance of Peloponnesus, where the several commanders
  delivered their suffrages at the altar, to determine who was most
  worthy, every one gave the first vote for himself and the second for
  Themistocles.  The Lacedaemonians carried him with them to Sparta,
  where, giving the rewards of valor to Eurybiades, and of wisdom and
  conduct to Themistocles, they crowned him with olive, presented him with
  the best chariot in the city, and sent three hundred young men to
  accompany him to the confines of their country.  And at the next Olympic
  games, when Themistocles entered the course, the spectators took no
  farther notice of those who were contesting the prizes, but spent the
  whole day in looking upon him, showing him to the strangers, admiring
  him, and applauding him by clapping their hands, and other expressions
  of joy, so that he himself, much gratified, confessed to his friends
  that he then reaped the fruit of all his labors for the Greeks.

  He was, indeed, by nature, a great lover of honor, as is evident from
  the anecdotes recorded of him.  When chosen admiral by the Athenians, he
  would not quite conclude any single matter of business, either public or
  private, but deferred all till the day they were to set sail, that, by
  dispatching a great quantity of business all at once, and having to meet
  a great variety of people, he might make an appearance of greatness and
  power.  Viewing the dead bodies cast up by the sea, he perceived
  bracelets and necklaces of gold about them, yet passed on, only showing
  them to a friend that followed him, saying, "Take you these things, for
  you are not Themistocles."  He said to Antiphates, a handsome young man,
  who had formerly avoided, but now in his glory courted him, "Time, young
  man, has taught us both a lesson."  He said that the Athenians did not
  honor him or admire him, but made, as it were, a sort of plane-tree of
  him; sheltered themselves under him in bad weather, and, as soon as it
  was fine, plucked his leaves and cut his branches.  When the Seriphian
  told him that he had not obtained this honor by himself, but by the
  greatness of his city, he replied, "You speak truth; I should never have
  been famous if I had been of Seriphus; nor you, had you been of Athens."
  When another of the generals, who thought he had performed considerable
  service for the Athenians, boastingly compared his actions with those of
  Themistocles, he told him that once upon a time the Day after the
  Festival found fault with the Festival: "On you there is nothing but
  hurry and trouble and preparation, but, when I come, everybody sits down
  quietly and enjoys himself;" which the Festival admitted was true, but
  "if I had not come first, you would not have come at all."  "Even so,"
  he said, "if Themistocles had not come before, where had you been now?"
  Laughing at his own son, who got his mother, and, by his mother's means,
  his father also, to indulge him, he told him that he had the most power
  of any one in Greece:  "For the Athenians command the rest of Greece, I
  command the Athenians, your mother commands me, and you command your
  mother."  Loving to be singular in all things, when he had land to sell,
  he ordered the crier to give notice that there were good neighbors near
  it.  Of two who made love to his daughter, he preferred the man of worth
  to the one who was rich, saying he desired a man without riches, rather
  than riches without a man.  Such was the character of his sayings.

  After these things, he began to rebuild and fortify the city of Athens,
  bribing, as Theopompus reports, the Lacedaemonian ephors not to be
  against it, but, as most relate it, overreaching and deceiving them.
  For, under pretest of an embassy, he went to Sparta, where, upon the
  Lacedaemonians charging him with rebuilding the walls, and Poliarchus
  coming on purpose from Aegina to denounce it, he denied the fact,
  bidding them to send people to Athens to see whether it were so or no;
  by which delay he got time for the building of the wall, and also placed
  these ambassadors in the hands of his countrymen as hostages for him;
  and so, when the Lacedaemonians knew the truth, they did him no hurt,
  but, suppressing all display of their anger for the present, sent him
  away.

  Next he proceeded to establish the harbor of Piraeus, observing the
  great natural advantages of the locality and desirous to unite the whole
  city with the sea, and to reverse, in a manner, the policy of ancient
  Athenian kings, who, endeavoring to withdraw their subjects from the
  sea, and to accustom them to live, not by sailing about, but by planting
  and tilling the earth, spread the story of the dispute between Minerva
  and Neptune for the sovereignty of Athens, in which Minerva, by
  producing to the judges an olive tree, was declared to have won; whereas
  Themistocles did not only knead up, as Aristophanes says, the port and
  the city into one, but made the city absolutely the dependent and the
  adjunct of the port, and the land of the sea, which increased the power
  and confidence of the people against the nobility; the authority coming
  into the hands of sailors and boatswains and pilots.  Thus it was one of
  the orders of the thirty tyrants, that the hustings in the assembly,
  which had faced towards the sea, should be turned round towards the
  land; implying their opinion that the empire by sea had been the origin
  of the democracy, and that the farming population were not so much
  opposed to oligarchy.

  Themistocles, however, formed yet higher designs with a view to naval
  supremacy.  For, after the departure of Xerxes, when the Grecian fleet
  was arrived at Pagasae, where they wintered, Themistocles, in a public
  oration to the people of Athens, told them that he had a design to
  perform something that would tend greatly to their interests and safety,
  but was of such a nature, that it could not be made generally public.
  The Athenians ordered him to impart it to Aristides only; and, if he
  approved of it, to put it in practice.  And when Themistocles had
  discovered to him that his design was to burn the Grecian fleet in the
  haven of Pagasae, Aristides, coming out to the people, gave this report
  of the stratagem contrived by Themistocles, that no proposal could be
  more politic, or more dishonorable; on which the Athenians commanded
  Themistocles to think no farther of it.

  When the Lacedaemonians proposed, at the general council of the
  Amphictyonians, that the representatives of those cities which were not
  in the league, nor had fought against the Persians, should be excluded,
  Themistocles, fearing that the Thessalians, with those of Thebes,
  Argos, and others, being thrown out of the council, the Lacedaemonians
  would become wholly masters of the votes, and do what they pleased,
  supported the deputies of the cities, and prevailed with the members
  then sitting to alter their opinion in this point, showing them that
  there were but one and thirty cities which had partaken in the war, and
  that most of these, also, were very small; how intolerable would it be,
  if the rest of Greece should be excluded, and the general council should
  come to be ruled by two or three great cities.  By this, chiefly, he
  incurred the displeasure of the Lacedaemonians, whose honors and favors
  were now shown to Cimon, with a view to making him the opponent of the
  state policy of Themistocles.

  He was also burdensome to the confederates, sailing about the islands
  and collecting money from them.  Herodotus says, that, requiring money
  of those of the island of Andros, he told them that he had brought with
  him two goddesses, Persuasion and Force; and they answered him that they
  had also two great goddesses, which prohibited them from giving him any
  money, Poverty and Impossibility.  Timocreon, the Rhodian poet,
  reprehends him somewhat bitterly for being wrought upon by money to let
  some who were banished return, while abandoning himself, who was his
  guest and friend.  The verses are these:—

  Pausanias you may praise, and Xanthippus he be for,
  For Leutychidas, a third; Aristides, I proclaim,
  From the sacred Athens came,
  The one true man of all; for Themistocles Latona doth abhor

  The liar, traitor, cheat, who, to gain his filthy pay,
  Timocreon, his friend, neglected to restore
  To his native Rhodian shore;
  Three silver talents took, and departed (curses with him) on his way,

  Restoring people here, expelling there, and killing here,
  Filling evermore his purse: and at the Isthmus gave a treat,
  To be laughed at, of cold meat,
  Which they ate, and prayed the gods some one else might give the feast
  another year.

  But after the sentence and banishment of Themistocles, Timocreon reviles
  him yet more immoderately and wildly in a poem which begins thus:—

  Unto all the Greeks repair
  O Muse, and tell these verses there,
  As is fitting and is fair.

  The story is, that it was put to the question whether Timocreon should
  be banished for siding with the Persians, and Themistocles gave his vote
  against him.  So when Themistocles was accused of intriguing with the
  Medes, Timocreon made these lines upon him:—

  So now Timocreon, indeed, is not the sole friend of the Mede,
  There are some knaves besides; nor is it only mine that fails,
  But other foxes have lost tails. —

  When the citizens of Athens began to listen willingly to those who
  traduced and reproached him, he was forced, with somewhat obnoxious
  frequency, to put them in mind of the great services he had performed,
  and ask those who were offended with him whether they were weary with
  receiving benefits often from the same person, so rendering himself more
  odious.  And he yet more provoked the people by building a temple to
  Diana with the epithet of Aristobule, or Diana of Best Counsel;
  intimating thereby, that he had given the best counsel, not only to the
  Athenians, but to all Greece.  He built this temple near his own house,
  in the district called Melite, where now the public officers carry out
  the bodies of such as are executed, and throw the halters and clothes of
  those that are strangled or otherwise put to death.  There is to this
  day a small figure of Themistocles in the temple of Diana of Best
  Counsel, which represents him to be a person, not only of a noble mind,
  but also of a most heroic aspect.  At length the Athenians banished him,
  making use of the ostracism to humble his eminence and authority, as
  they ordinarily did with all whom they thought too powerful, or, by
  their greatness, disproportionable to the equality thought requisite in
  a popular government.  For the ostracism was instituted, not so much to
  punish the offender, as to mitigate and pacify the violence of the
  envious, who delighted to humble eminent men, and who, by fixing this
  disgrace upon them, might vent some part of their rancor.

  Themistocles being banished from Athens, while he stayed at Argos the
  detection of Pausanias happened, which gave such advantage to his
  enemies, that Leobotes of Agraule, son of Alcmaeon, indicted him of
  treason, the Spartans supporting him in the accusation.

  When Pausanias went about this treasonable design, he concealed it at
  first from Themistocles, though he were his intimate friend; but when he
  saw him expelled out of the commonwealth, and how impatiently he took
  his banishment, he ventured to communicate it to him, and desired his
  assistance, showing him the king of Persia's letters, and exasperating
  him against the Greeks, as a villainous, ungrateful people.  However,
  Themistocles immediately rejected the proposals of Pausanias, and wholly
  refused to be a party in the enterprise, though he never revealed his
  communications, nor disclosed the conspiracy to any man, either hoping
  that Pausanias would desist from his intentions, or expecting that so
  inconsiderate an attempt after such chimerical objects would be
  discovered by other means.

  After that Pausanias was put to death, letters and writings being found
  concerning this matter, which rendered Themistocles suspected, the
  Lacedaemonians were clamorous against him, and his enemies among the
  Athenians accused him; when, being absent from Athens, he made his
  defense by letters, especially against the points that had been
  previously alleged against him.  In answer to the malicious detractions
  of his enemies, he merely wrote to the citizens, urging that he who was
  always ambitious to govern, and not of a character or a disposition to
  serve, would never sell himself and his country into slavery to a
  barbarous and hostile nation.

  Notwithstanding this, the people, being persuaded by his accusers, sent
  officers to take him and bring him away to be tried before a council of
  the Greeks, but, having timely notice of it, he passed over into the
  island of Corcyra, where the state was under obligations to him; for
  being chosen as arbitrator in a difference between them and the
  Corinthians, he decided the controversy by ordering the Corinthians to
  pay down twenty talents, and declaring the town and island of Leucas a
  joint colony from both cities.  From thence he fled into Epirus, and,
  the Athenians and Lacedaemonians still pursuing him, he threw himself
  upon chances of safety that seemed all but desperate.  For he fled for
  refuge to Admetus, king of the Molossians, who had formerly made some
  request to the Athenians, when Themistocles was in the height of his
  authority, and had been disdainfully used and insulted by him, and had
  let it appear plain enough, that could he lay hold of him, he would take
  his revenge.  Yet in this misfortune, Themistocles, fearing the recent
  hatred of his neighbors and fellow-citizens more than the old
  displeasure of the king, put himself at his mercy, and became a humble
  suppliant to Admetus, after a peculiar manner, different from the custom
  of other countries.  For taking the king's son, who was then a child, in
  his arms, he laid himself down at his hearth, this being the most sacred
  and only manner of supplication, among the Molossians, which was not to
  be refused.  And some say that his wife, Phthia, intimated to
  Themistocles this way of petitioning, and placed her young son with him
  before the hearth; others, that king Admetus, that he might be under a
  religious obligation not to deliver him up to his pursuers, prepared and
  enacted with him a sort of stage-play to this effect.  At this time,
  Epicrates of Acharnae privately conveyed his wife and children out of
  Athens, and sent them hither, for which afterwards Cimon condemned him
  and put him to death, as Stesimbrotus reports, and yet somehow, either
  forgetting this himself, or making Themistocles to be little mindful of
  it, says presently that he sailed into Sicily, and desired in marriage
  the daughter of Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, promising to bring the Greeks
  under his power; and, on Hiero refusing him, departed thence into Asia;
  but this is not probable.

  For Theophrastus writes, in his work on Monarchy, that when Hiero sent
  race-horses to the Olympian games, and erected a pavilion sumptuously
  furnished, Themistocles made an oration to the Greeks, inciting them to
  pull down the tyrant's tent, and not to suffer his horses to run.
  Thucydides says, that, passing over land to the Aegaean Sea, he took
  ship at Pydna in the bay of Therme, not being known to any one in the
  ship, till, being terrified to see the vessel driven by the winds near
  to Naxos, which was then besieged by the Athenians, he made himself
  known to the master and pilot, and, partly entreating them, partly
  threatening that if they went on shore he would accuse them, and make
  the Athenians to believe that they did not take him in out of ignorance,
  but that he had corrupted them with money from the beginning, he
  compelled them to bear off and stand out to sea, and sail forward
  towards the coast of Asia.

  A great part of his estate was privately conveyed away by his friends,
  and sent after him by sea into Asia; besides which there was discovered
  and confiscated to the value of fourscore talents, as Theophrastus
  writes, Theopompus says a hundred; though Themistocles was never worth
  three talents before he was concerned in public affairs.

  When he arrived at Cyme, and understood that all along the coast there
  were many laid wait for him, and particularly Ergoteles and Pythodorus
  (for the game was worth the hunting for such as were thankful to make
  money by any means, the king of Persia having offered by public
  proclamation two hundred talents to him that should take him), he fled
  to Aegae, a small city of the Aeolians, where no one knew him but only
  his host Nicogenes, who was the richest man in Aeolia, and well known to
  the great men of Inner Asia.  While Themistocles lay hid for some days
  in his house, one night, after a sacrifice and supper ensuing, Olbius,
  the attendant upon Nicogenes's children, fell into a sort of frenzy and
  fit of inspiration, and cried out in verse,—

  Night shall speak, and night instruct thee,
  By the voice of night conduct thee.

  After this, Themistocles, going to bed, dreamed that he saw a snake coil
  itself up upon his belly, and so creep to his neck; then, as soon as it
  touched his face, it turned into an eagle, which spread its wings over
  him, and took him up and flew away with him a great distance; then there
  appeared a herald's golden wand, and upon this at last it set him down
  securely, after infinite terror and disturbance.

  His departure was effected by Nicogenes by the following artifice; the
  barbarous nations, and amongst them the Persians especially, are
  extremely jealous, severe, and suspicious about their women, not only
  their wives, but also their bought slaves and concubines, whom they keep
  so strictly that no one ever sees them abroad; they spend their lives
  shut up within doors, and, when they take a journey, are carried in
  close tents, curtained in on all sides, and set upon a wagon.  Such a
  traveling carriage being prepared for Themistocles, they hid him in it,
  and carried him on his journeys and told those whom they met or spoke
  with upon the road that they were conveying a young Greek woman out of
  Ionia to a nobleman at court.

  Thucydides and Charon of Lampsacus say that Xerxes was dead, and that
  Themistocles had an interview with his son; but Ephorus, Dinon,
  Clitarchus, Heraclides, and many others, write that he came to Xerxes.
  The chronological tables better agree with the account of Thucydides,
  and yet neither can their statements be said to be quite set at rest.

  When Themistocles was come to the critical point, he applied himself
  first to Artabanus, commander of a thousand men, telling him that he was
  a Greek, and desired to speak with the king about important affairs
  concerning which the king was extremely solicitous.  Artabanus answered
  him, "O stranger, the laws of men are different, and one thing is
  honorable to one man, and to others another; but it is honorable for all
  to honor and observe their own laws.  It is the habit of the Greeks, we
  are told, to honor, above all things, liberty and equality; but amongst
  our many excellent laws, we account this the most excellent, to honor
  the king, and to worship him, as the image of the great preserver of the
  universe; if, then, you shall consent to our laws, and fall down before
  the king and worship him, you may both see him and speak to him; but if
  your mind be otherwise, you must make use of others to intercede for
  you, for it is not the national custom here for the king to give
  audience to anyone that doth not fall down before him."
  Themistocles, hearing this, replied, "Artabanus, I that come hither to
  increase the power and glory of the king, will not only submit myself to
  his laws, since so it hath pleased the god who exalteth the Persian
  empire to this greatness, but will also cause many more to be
  worshippers and adorers of the king.  Let not this, therefore, be an
  impediment why I should not communicate to the king what I have to
  impart."  Artabanus asking him, "Who must we tell him that you are? for
  your words signify you to be no ordinary person," Themistocles answered,
  "No man, O Artabanus, must be informed of this before the king himself."
  Thus Phanias relates; to which Eratosthenes, in his treatise on Riches,
  adds, that it was by the means of a woman of Eretria, who was kept by
  Artabanus, that he obtained this audience and interview with him.

  When he was introduced to the king, and had paid his reverence to him,
  he stood silent, till the king commanding the interpreter to ask him who
  he was, he replied, "O king, I am Themistocles the Athenian, driven
  into banishment by the Greeks.  The evils that I have done to the
  Persians are numerous; but my benefits to them yet greater, in
  withholding the Greeks from pursuit, so soon as the deliverance of my
  own country allowed me to show kindness also to you.  I come with a mind
  suited to my present calamities; prepared alike for favors and for
  anger; to welcome your gracious reconciliation, and to deprecate your
  wrath.  Take my own countrymen for witnesses of the services I have done
  for Persia, and make use of this occasion to show the world your virtue,
  rather than to satisfy your indignation.  If you save me, you will save
  your suppliant; if otherwise, will destroy an enemy of the Greeks."  He
  talked also of divine admonitions, such as the vision which he saw at
  Nicogenes's house, and the direction given him by the oracle of Dodona,
  where Jupiter commanded him to go to him that had a name like his, by
  which he understood that he was sent from Jupiter to him, seeing that
  they both were great, and had the name of kings.

  The king heard him attentively, and, though he admired his temper and
  courage, gave him no answer at that time; but, when he was with his
  intimate friends, rejoiced in his great good fortune, and esteemed
  himself very happy in this, and prayed to his god Arimanius, that all
  his enemies might be ever of the same mind with the Greeks, to abuse and
  expel the bravest men amongst them.  Then he sacrificed to the gods, and
  presently fell to drinking, and was so well pleased, that in the night,
  in the middle of his sleep, he cried out for joy three times, "I have
  Themistocles the Athenian."

  In the morning, calling together the chief of his court, he had
  Themistocles brought before him, who expected no good of it, when he
  saw, for example, the guards fiercely set against him as soon as they
  learnt his name, and giving him ill language.  As he came forward
  towards the king, who was seated, the rest keeping silence, passing by
  Roxanes, a commander of a thousand men, he heard him, with a slight
  groan, say, without stirring out of his place, "You subtle Greek
  serpent, the king's good genius hath brought thee hither."  Yet, when he
  came into the presence, and again fell down, the king saluted him, and
  spoke to him kindly, telling him he was now indebted to him two hundred
  talents; for it was just and reasonable that he should receive the
  reward which was proposed to whosoever should bring Themistocles; and
  promising much more, and encouraging him, he commanded him to speak
  freely what he would concerning the affairs of Greece.  Themistocles
  replied, that a man's discourse was like to a rich Persian carpet, the
  beautiful figures and patterns of which can only be shown by spreading
  and extending it out; when it is contracted and folded up, they are
  obscured and lost; and, therefore, he desired time.  The king being
  pleased with the comparison, and bidding him take what time he would, he
  desired a year; in which time, having, learnt the Persian language
  sufficiently, he spoke with the king by himself without the help of an
  interpreter, it being supposed that he discoursed only about the affairs
  of Greece; but there happening, at the same time, great alterations at
  court, and removals of the king's favorites, he drew upon himself the
  envy of the great people, who imagined that he had taken the boldness to
  speak concerning them.  For the favors shown to other strangers were
  nothing in comparison with the honors conferred on him; the king invited
  him to partake of his own pastimes and recreations both at home and
  abroad, carrying him with him a-hunting, and made him his intimate so
  far that he permitted him to see the queen-mother, and converse
  frequently with her.  By the king's command, he also was made acquainted
  with the Magian learning.

  When Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, being ordered by the king to ask
  whatsoever he pleased, and it should immediately be granted him, desired
  that he might make his public entrance, and be carried in state through
  the city of Sardis, with the tiara set in the royal manner upon his
  head, Mithropaustes, cousin to the king, touched him on the head, and
  told him that he had no brains for the royal tiara to cover, and if
  Jupiter should give him his lightning and thunder, he would not any the
  more be Jupiter for that; the king also repulsed him with anger
  resolving never to be reconciled to him, but to be inexorable to all
  supplications on his behalf.  Yet Themistocles pacified him, and
  prevailed with him to forgive him.  And it is reported, that the
  succeeding kings, in whose reigns there was a greater communication
  between the Greeks and Persians, when they invited any considerable
  Greek into their service, to encourage him, would write, and promise him
  that he should be as great with them as Themistocles had been.  They
  relate, also, how Themistocles, when he was in great prosperity, and
  courted by many, seeing himself splendidly served at his table turned
  to his children and said, "Children, we had been undone if we had not
  been undone."  Most writers say that he had three cities given him,
  Magnesia, Myus, and Lampsacus, to maintain him in bread, meat, and wine.
  Neanthes of Cyzicus, and Phanias, add two more, the city of
  Palaescepsis, to provide him with clothes, and Percote, with bedding and
  furniture for his house.

  As he was going down towards the sea-coast to take measures against
  Greece, a Persian whose name was Epixyes, governor of the upper Phrygia,
  laid wait to kill him, having for that purpose provided a long time
  before a number of Pisidians, who were to set upon him when he should
  stop to rest at a city that is called Lion's-head.  But Themistocles,
  sleeping in the middle of the day, saw the Mother of the gods appear to
  him in a dream and say unto him, "Themistocles, keep back from the
  Lion's-head, for fear you fall into the lion's jaws; for this advice I
  expect that your daughter Mnesiptolema should be my servant."
  Themistocles was much astonished, and, when he had made his vows to the
  goddess, left the broad road, and, making a circuit, went another way,
  changing his intended station to avoid that place, and at night took up
  his rest in the fields.  But one of the sumpter-horses, which carried
  the furniture for his tent, having fallen that day into the river, his
  servants spread out the tapestry, which was wet, and hung it up to dry;
  in the mean time the Pisidians made towards them with their swords
  drawn, and, not discerning exactly by the moon what it was that was
  stretched out thought it to be the tent of Themistocles, and that they
  should find him resting himself within it; but when they came near, and
  lifted up the hangings, those who watched there fell upon them and took
  them.  Themistocles, having escaped this great danger, in admiration of
  the goodness of the goddess that appeared to him, built, in memory of
  it, a temple in the city of Magnesia, which he dedicated to Dindymene,
  Mother of the gods, in which he consecrated and devoted his daughter
  Mnesiptolema to her service.

  When he came to Sardis, he visited the temples of the gods, and
  observing, at his leisure, their buildings, ornaments, and the number of
  their offerings, he saw in the temple of the Mother of the gods, the
  statue of a virgin in brass, two cubits high, called the water-bringer.
  Themistocles had caused this to be made and set up when he was surveyor
  of waters at Athens, out of the fines of those whom he detected in
  drawing off and diverting the public water by pipes for their private
  use; and whether he had some regret to see this image in captivity, or
  was desirous to let the Athenians see in what great credit and authority
  he was with the king, he entered into a treaty with the governor of
  Lydia to persuade him to send this statue back to Athens, which so
  enraged the Persian officer, that he told him he would write the king
  word of it.  Themistocles, being affrighted hereat, got access to his
  wives and concubines, by presents of money to whom, he appeased the fury
  of the governor; and afterwards behaved with more reserve and
  circumspection, fearing the envy of the Persians, and did not, as
  Theopompus writes, continue to travel about Asia, but lived quietly in
  his own house in Magnesia, where for a long time he passed his days in
  great security, being courted by all, and enjoying rich presents, and
  honored equally with the greatest persons in the Persian empire; the
  king, at that time, not minding his concerns with Greece, being taken up
  with the affairs of Inner Asia.

  But when Egypt revolted, being assisted by the Athenians, and the Greek
  galleys roved about as far as Cyprus and Cilicia, and Cimon had made
  himself master of the seas, the king turned his thoughts thither, and,
  bending his mind chiefly to resist the Greeks, and to check the growth
  of their power against him, began to raise forces, and send out
  commanders, and to dispatch messengers to Themistocles at Magnesia, to
  put him in mind of his promise, and to summon him to act against the
  Greeks.  Yet this did not increase his hatred nor exasperate him against
  the Athenians, neither was he any way elevated with the thoughts of the
  honor and powerful command he was to have in this war; but judging,
  perhaps, that the object would not be attained, the Greeks having at
  that time, beside other great commanders, Cimon, in particular, who was
  gaining wonderful military successes; but chiefly, being ashamed to
  sully the glory of his former great actions, and of his many victories
  and trophies, he determined to put a conclusion to his life, agreeable
  to its previous course.  He sacrificed to the gods, and invited his
  friends; and, having entertained them and shaken hands with them, drank
  bull's blood, as is the usual story; as others state, a poison producing
  instant death; and ended his days in the city of Magnesia, having lived
  sixty-five years, most of which he had spent in politics and in the
  wars, in government and command.  The king, being informed of the cause
  and manner of his death, admired him more than ever, and continued to
  show kindness to his friends and relations.

  Themistocles left three sons by Archippe, daughter to Lysander of
  Alopece, — Archeptolis, Polyeuctus, and Cleophantus.  Plato the
  philosopher mentions the last as a most excellent horseman, but
  otherwise insignificant person; of two sons yet older than these,
  Neocles and Diocles, Neocles died when he was young by the bite of a
  horse, and Diocles was adopted by his grandfather, Lysander.  He had
  many daughters, of whom Mnesiptolema, whom he had by a second marriage,
  was wife to Archeptolis, her brother by another mother; Italia was
  married to Panthoides, of the island of Chios; Sybaris to Nicomedes the
  Athenian.  After the death of Themistocles, his nephew, Phrasicles, went
  to Magnesia, and married, with her brothers' consent, another daughter,
  Nicomache, and took charge of her sister Asia, the youngest of all the
  children.

  The Magnesians possess a splendid sepulchre of Themistocles, placed in
  the middle of their market-place.  It is not worthwhile taking notice
  of what Andocides states in his Address to his Friends concerning his
  remains, how the Athenians robbed his tomb, and threw his ashes into the
  air; for he feigns this, to exasperate the oligarchical faction against
  the people; and there is no man living but knows that Phylarchus simply
  invents in his history, where he all but uses an actual stage machine,
  and brings in Neocles and Demopolis as the sons of Themistocles, to
  incite or move compassion, as if he were writing a tragedy.  Diodorus
  the cosmographer says, in his work on Tombs, but by conjecture rather
  than of certain knowledge, that near to the haven of Piraeus, where the
  land runs out like an elbow from the promontory of Alcimus, when you
  have doubled the cape and passed inward where the sea is always calm,
  there is a large piece of masonry, and upon this the tomb of
  Themistocles, in the shape of an altar; and Plato the comedian confirms
  this, he believes, in these verses,—

  Thy tomb is fairly placed upon the strand,
  Where merchants still shall greet it with the land;
  Still in and out 'twill see them come and go,
  And watch the galleys as they race below.

  Various honors also and privileges were granted to the kindred of
  Themistocles at Magnesia, which were observed down to our times, and
  were enjoyed by another Themistocles of Athens, with whom I had an
  intimate acquaintance and friendship in the house of Ammonius the
  philosopher.





CAMILLUS

  Among the many remarkable things that are related of Furius Camillus, it
  seems singular and strange above all, that he, who continually was in
  the highest commands, and obtained the greatest successes, was five
  times chosen dictator, triumphed four times, and was styled a second
  founder of Rome, yet never was so much as once consul.  The reason of
  which was the state and temper of the commonwealth at that time; for the
  people, being at dissension with the senate, refused to return consuls,
  but in their stead elected other magistrates, called military tribunes,
  who acted, indeed, with full consular power, but were thought to
  exercise a less obnoxious amount of authority, because it was divided
  among a larger number; for to have the management of affairs entrusted
  in the hands of six persons rather than two was some satisfaction to the
  opponents of oligarchy.  This was the condition of the times when
  Camillus was in the height of his actions and glory, and, although the
  government in the meantime had often proceeded to consular elections,
  yet he could never persuade himself to be consul against the inclination
  of the people.  In all his other administrations, which were many and
  various, he so behaved himself, that, when alone in authority, he
  exercised his power as in common, but the honor of all actions redounded
  entirely to himself, even when in joint commission with others; the
  reason of the former was his moderation in command; of the latter, his
  great judgment and wisdom, which gave him without controversy the first
  place.

  The house of the Furii was not, at that time of any considerable
  distinction; he, by his own acts, first raised himself to honor, serving
  under Postumius Tubertus, dictator, in the great battle against the
  Aequians and Volscians.  For riding out from the rest of the army, and
  in the charge receiving a wound in his thigh, he for all that did not
  quit the fight, but, letting the dart drag in the wound, and engaging
  with the bravest of the enemy, put them to flight; for which action,
  among other rewards bestowed on him, he was created censor, an office in
  those days of great repute and authority.  During his censorship one
  very good act of his is recorded, that, whereas the wars had made many
  widows, he obliged such as had no wives, some by fair persuasion, others
  by threatening to set fines on their heads, to take them in marriage;
  another necessary one, in causing orphans to be rated, who before were
  exempted from taxes, the frequent wars requiring more than ordinary
  expenses to maintain them.  What, however, pressed them most was the
  siege of Veii.  Some call this people Veientani.  This was the head city
  of Tuscany, not inferior to Rome, either in number of arms or multitude
  of soldiers, insomuch that, presuming on her wealth and luxury, and
  priding herself upon her refinement and sumptuousness, she engaged in
  many honorable contests with the Romans for glory and empire.  But now
  they had abandoned their former ambitious hopes, having been weakened by
  great defeats, so that, having fortified themselves with high and strong
  walls, and furnished the city with all sorts of weapons offensive and
  defensive, as likewise with corn and all manner of provisions, they
  cheerfully endured a siege, which, though tedious to them, was no less
  troublesome and distressing to the besiegers.  For the Romans, having
  never been accustomed to stay away from home, except in summer, and for
  no great length of time, and constantly to winter at home, were then
  first compelled by the tribunes to build forts in the enemy's country,
  and, raising strong works about their camp, to join winter and summer
  together.  And now, the seventh year of the war drawing to an end, the
  commanders began to be suspected as too slow and remiss in driving on
  the siege, insomuch that they were discharged and others chosen for the
  war, among whom was Camillus, then second time tribune.  But at present
  he had no hand in the siege, the duties that fell by lot to him being to
  make war upon the Faliscans and Capenates, who, taking advantage of the
  Romans being occupied on all hands, had carried ravages into their
  country, and, through all the Tuscan war, given them much annoyance, but
  were now reduced by Camillus, and with great loss shut up within their
  walls.

  And now, in the very heat of the war, a strange phenomenon in the Alban
  lake, which, in the absence of any known cause and explanation by
  natural reasons, seemed as great a prodigy as the most incredible that
  are reported, occasioned great alarm.  It was the beginning of autumn,
  and the summer now ending had, to all observation, been neither rainy
  nor much troubled with southern winds; and of the many lakes, brooks,
  and springs of all sorts with which Italy abounds, some were wholly
  dried up, others drew very little water with them; all the rivers, as is
  usual in summer, ran in a very low and hollow channel.  But the Alban
  lake, that is fed by no other waters but its own, and is on all sides
  encircled with fruitful mountains, without any cause, unless it were
  divine, began visibly to rise and swell, increasing to the feet of the
  mountains, and by degrees reaching the level of the very tops of them,
  and all this without any waves or agitation.  At first it was the wonder
  of shepherds and herdsmen; but when the earth, which, like a great dam,
  held up the lake from falling into the lower grounds, through the
  quantity and weight of water was broken down, and in a violent stream it
  ran through the plowed fields and plantations to discharge itself in the
  sea, it not only struck terror into the Romans, but was thought by all
  the inhabitants of Italy to portend some extraordinary event.  But the
  greatest talk of it was in the camp that besieged Veii, so that in the
  town itself, also, the occurrence became known.

  As in long sieges it commonly happens that parties on both sides meet
  often and converse with one another, so it chanced that a Roman had
  gained much confidence and familiarity with one of the besieged, a man
  versed in ancient prophecies, and of repute for more than ordinary skill
  in divination.  The Roman, observing him to be overjoyed at the story of
  the lake, and to mock at the siege, told him that this was not the only
  prodigy that of late had happened to the Romans; others more wonderful
  yet than this had befallen them, which he was willing to communicate to
  him, that he might the better provide for his private interests in these
  public distempers.  The man greedily embraced the proposal, expecting to
  hear some wonderful secrets; but when, by little and little, he had led
  him on in conversation, and insensibly drawn him a good way from the
  gates of the city, he snatched him up by the middle, being stronger than
  he, and, by the assistance of others that came running from the camp,
  seized and delivered him to the commanders.  The man, reduced to this
  necessity, and sensible now that destiny was not to be avoided,
  discovered to them the secret oracles of Veii; that it was not possible
  the city should be taken, until the Alban lake, which now broke forth
  and had found out new passages, was drawn back from that course, and so
  diverted that it could not mingle with the sea.  The senate, having
  heard and satisfied themselves about the matter, decreed to send to
  Delphi, to ask counsel of the god.  The messengers were persons of the
  highest repute, Licinius Cossus, Valerius Potitus, and Fabius Ambustus;
  who, having made their voyage by sea and consulted the god, returned
  with other answers, particularly that there had been a neglect of some
  of their national rites relating to the Latin feasts; but the Alban
  water the oracle commanded, if it were possible, they should keep from
  the sea, and shut it up in its ancient bounds; but if that was not to be
  done, then they should carry it off by ditches and trenches into the
  lower grounds, and so dry it up; which message being delivered, the
  priests performed what related to the sacrifices, and the people went to
  work and turned the water.

  And now the senate, in the tenth year of the war, taking away all other
  commands, created Camillus dictator, who chose Cornelius Scipio for his
  general of horse.  And in the first place he made vows unto the gods,
  that, if they would grant a happy conclusion of the war, he would
  celebrate to their honor the great games, and dedicate a temple to the
  goddess whom the Romans call Matuta the Mother, though, from the
  ceremonies which are used, one would think she was Leucothea.  For they
  take a servant-maid into the secret part of the temple, and there cuff
  her, and drive her out again, and they embrace their brothers' children
  in place of their own; and, in general, the ceremonies of the sacrifice
  remind one of the nursing of Bacchus by Ino, and the calamities
  occasioned by her husband's concubine. Camillus, having made these
  vows, marched into the country of the Faliscans, and in a great battle
  overthrew them and the Capenates, their confederates; afterwards he
  turned to the siege of Veii, and, finding that to take it by assault
  would prove a difficult and hazardous attempt, proceeded to cut mines
  under ground, the earth about the city being easy to break up, and
  allowing such depth for the works as would prevent their being
  discovered by the enemy.  This design going on in a hopeful way, he
  openly gave assaults to the enemy, to keep them to the walls, whilst
  they that worked underground in the mines were, without being perceived,
  arrived within the citadel, close to the temple of Juno, which was the
  greatest and most honored in all the city.  It is said that the prince
  of the Tuscans was at that very time at sacrifice, and that the priest,
  after he had looked into the entrails of the beast, cried out with a
  loud voice that the gods would give the victory to those that should
  complete those offerings; and that the Romans who were in the mines,
  hearing the words, immediately pulled down the floor, and, ascending
  with noise and clashing of weapons, frightened away the enemy, and,
  snatching up the entrails, carried them to Camillus.  But this may look
  like a fable.  The city, however, being taken by storm, and the soldiers
  busied in pillaging and gathering an infinite quantity of riches and
  spoil, Camillus, from the high tower, viewing what was done, at first
  wept for pity; and when they that were by congratulated his good
  success, he lifted up his hands to heaven, and broke out into this
  prayer:  "O most mighty Jupiter, and ye gods that are judges of good and
  evil actions, ye know that not without just cause, but constrained by
  necessity, we have been forced to revenge ourselves on the city of our
  unrighteous and wicked enemies.  But if, in the vicissitude of things,
  there be any calamity due, to counterbalance this great felicity, I beg
  that it may be diverted from the city and army of the Romans, and fall,
  with as little hurt as may be, upon my own head."  Having said these
  words, and just turning about (as the custom of the Romans is to turn to
  the right after adoration or prayer), he stumbled and fell, to the
  astonishment of all that were present.  But, recovering himself
  presently from the fall, he told them that he had received what he had
  prayed for, a small mischance, in compensation for the greatest good
  fortune.

  Having sacked the city, he resolved, according as he had vowed, to carry
  Juno's image to Rome; and, the workmen being ready for that purpose, he
  sacrificed to the goddess, and made his supplications that she would be
  pleased to accept of their devotion toward her, and graciously vouchsafe
  to accept of a place among the gods that presided at Rome; and the
  statue, they say, answered in a low voice that she was ready and willing
  to go.  Livy writes, that, in praying, Camillus touched the goddess, and
  invited her, and that some of the standers-by cried out that she was
  willing and would come.  They who stand up for the miracle and endeavor
  to maintain it have one great advocate on their side in the wonderful
  fortune of the city, which, from a small and contemptible beginning,
  could never have attained to that greatness and power without many
  signal manifestations of the divine presence and cooperation.  Other
  wonders of the like nature, drops of sweat seen to stand on statues,
  groans heard from them, the figures seen to turn round and to close
  their eyes, are recorded by many ancient historians; and we ourselves
  could relate divers wonderful things, which we have been told by men of
  our own time, that are not lightly to be rejected; but to give too easy
  credit to such things, or wholly to disbelieve them, is equally
  dangerous, so incapable is human infirmity of keeping any bounds, or
  exercising command over itself, running off sometimes to superstition
  and dotage, at other times to the contempt and neglect of all that is
  supernatural.  But moderation is best, and to avoid all extremes.

  Camillus, however, whether puffed up with the greatness of his
  achievement in conquering a city that was the rival of Rome, and had
  held out a ten years' siege, or exalted with the felicitations of those
  that were about him, assumed to himself more than became a civil and
  legal magistrate; among other things, in the pride and haughtiness of
  his triumph, driving through Rome in a chariot drawn with four white
  horses, which no general either before or since ever did; for the Romans
  consider such a mode of conveyance to be sacred, and specially set apart
  to the king and father of the gods.  This alienated the hearts of his
  fellow-citizens, who were not accustomed to such pomp and display.

  The second pique they had against him was his opposing the law by which
  the city was to be divided; for the tribunes of the people brought
  forward a motion that the people and senate should be divided into two
  parts, one of which should remain at home, the other, as the lot should
  decide, remove to the new-taken city.  By which means they should not
  only have much more room, but by the advantage of two great and
  magnificent cities, be better able to maintain their territories and
  their fortunes in general.  The people, therefore, who were numerous and
  indigent, greedily embraced it, and crowded continually to the forum,
  with tumultuous demands to have it put to the vote.  But the senate and
  the noblest citizens, judging the proceedings of the tribunes to tend
  rather to a destruction than a division of Rome, greatly averse to it,
  went to Camillus for assistance, who, fearing the result if it came to a
  direct contest, contrived to occupy the people with other business, and
  so staved it off.  He thus became unpopular.  But the greatest and most
  apparent cause of their dislike against him arose from the tenths of the
  spoil; the multitude having here, if not a just, yet a plausible case
  against him.  For it seems, as he went to the siege of Veii, he had
  vowed to Apollo that if he took the city he would dedicate to him the
  tenth of the spoil.  The city being taken and sacked, whether he was
  loath to trouble the soldiers at that time, or that through the
  multitude of business he had forgotten his vow, he suffered them to
  enjoy that part of the spoils also.  Some time afterwards, when his
  authority was laid down, he brought the matter before the senate, and
  the priests, at the same time, reported, out of the sacrifices, that
  there were intimations of divine anger, requiring propitiations and
  offerings.  The senate decreed the obligation to be in force.

  But seeing it was difficult for every one to produce the very same
  things they had taken, to be divided anew, they ordained that every one
  upon oath should bring into the public the tenth part of his gains.
  This occasioned many annoyances and hardships to the soldiers, who were
  poor men, and had endured much in the war, and now were forced, out of
  what they had gained and spent, to bring in so great a proportion.
  Camillus, being assaulted by their clamor and tumults, for want of a
  better excuse, betook himself to the poorest of defenses, confessing he
  had forgotten his vow; they in turn complained that he had vowed the
  tenth of the enemy's goods, and now levied it out of the tenths of the
  citizens.  Nevertheless, every one having brought in his due proportion,
  it was decreed that out of it a bowl of massy gold should be made, and
  sent to Delphi.  And when there was great scarcity of gold in the city,
  and the magistrates were considering where to get it, the Roman ladies,
  meeting together and consulting among themselves, out of the golden
  ornaments they wore contributed as much as went to the making the
  offering, which in weight came to eight talents of gold.  The senate, to
  give them the honor they had deserved, ordained that funeral orations
  should be used at the obsequies of women as well as men, it having never
  before been a custom that any woman after death should receive any
  public eulogy.  Choosing out, therefore, three of the noblest citizens
  as a deputation, they sent them in a vessel of war, well manned and
  sumptuously adorned.  Storm and calm at sea may both, they say, alike be
  dangerous; as they at this time experienced, being brought almost to the
  very brink of destruction, and, beyond all expectation, escaping.  For
  near the isles of Solus the wind slacking, galleys of the Lipareans came
  upon them, taking them for pirates; and, when they held up their hands
  as suppliants, forbore indeed from violence, but took their ship in tow,
  and carried her into the harbor, where they exposed to sale their goods
  and persons as lawful prize, they being pirates; and scarcely, at last,
  by the virtue and interest of one man, Timesitheus by name, who was in
  office as general, and used his utmost persuasion, they were, with much
  ado, dismissed.  He, however, himself sent out some of his own vessels
  with them, to accompany them in their voyage and assist them at the
  dedication; for which he received honors at Rome, as he had deserved.

  And now the tribunes of the people again resuming their motion for the
  division of the city, the war against the Faliscans luckily broke out,
  giving liberty to the chief citizens to choose what magistrates they
  pleased, and to appoint Camillus military tribune, with five colleagues;
  affairs then requiring a commander of authority and reputation, as well
  as experience.  And when the people had ratified the election, he
  marched with his forces into the territories of the Faliscans, and laid
  seige to Falerii, a well-fortified city, and plentifully stored with all
  necessaries of war.  And although he perceived it would be no small work
  to take it, and no little time would be required for it, yet he was
  willing to exercise the citizens and keep them abroad, that they might
  have no leisure, idling at home, to follow the tribunes in factions and
  seditions; a very common remedy, indeed, with the Romans, who thus
  carried off, like good physicians, the ill humors of their commonwealth.
  The Falerians, trusting in the strength of their city, which was well
  fortified on all sides, made so little account of the siege, that all,
  with the exception of those that guarded the walls, as in times of
  peace, walked about the streets in their common dress; the boys went to
  school, and were led by their master to play and exercise about the town
  walls; for the Falerians, like the Greeks, used to have a single teacher
  for many pupils, wishing their children to live and be brought up from
  the beginning in each other's company.

  This schoolmaster, designing to betray the Falerians by their children,
  led them out every day under the town wall, at first but a little way,
  and, when they had exercised, brought them home again.  Afterwards by
  degrees he drew them farther and farther, till by practice he had made
  them bold and fearless, as if no danger was about them; and at last,
  having got them all together, he brought them to the outposts of the
  Romans, and delivered them up, demanding to be led to Camillus.  Where
  being come, and standing in the middle, he said that he was the master
  and teacher of these children, but, preferring his favor before all
  other obligations, he was come to deliver up his charge to him, and, in
  that, the whole city.  When Camillus had heard him out, he was astounded
  at the treachery of the act, and, turning to the standers-by, observed,
  that "war, indeed, is of necessity attended with much injustice and
  violence!  Certain laws, however, all good men observe even in war
  itself; nor is victory so great an object as to induce us to incur for
  its sake obligations for base and impious acts.  A great general should
  rely on his own virtue, and not on other men's vices."  Which said, he
  commanded the officers to tear off the man's clothes, and bind his hands
  behind him, and give the boys rods and scourges, to punish the traitor
  and drive him back to the city.  By this time the Falerians had
  discovered the treachery of the schoolmaster, and the city, as was
  likely, was full of lamentations and cries for their calamity, men and
  women of worth running in distraction about the walls and gates; when,
  behold, the boys came whipping their master on, naked and bound, calling
  Camillus their preserver and god and father.  Insomuch that it struck
  not only into the parents, but the rest of the citizens that saw what
  was done, such admiration and love of Camillus's justice, that,
  immediately meeting in assembly, they sent ambassadors to him, to resign
  whatever they had to his disposal.  Camillus sent them to Rome, where,
  being brought into the senate, they spoke to this purpose: that the
  Romans, preferring justice before victory, had taught them rather to
  embrace submission than liberty; they did not so much confess themselves
  to be inferior in strength, as they must acknowledge them to be superior
  in virtue.  The senate remitted the whole matter to Camillus, to judge
  and order as he thought fit; who, taking a sum of money of the
  Falerians, and, making a peace with the whole nation of the Faliscans,
  returned home.

  But the soldiers, who had expected to have the pillage of the city, when
  they came to Rome empty-handed, railed against Camillus among their
  fellow-citizens, as a hater of the people, and one that grudged all
  advantage to the poor.  Afterwards, when the tribunes of the people
  again brought their motion for dividing the city to the vote, Camillus
  appeared openly against it, shrinking from no unpopularity, and
  inveighing boldly against the promoters of it, and so urging and
  constraining the multitude, that, contrary to their inclinations, they
  rejected the proposal; but yet hated Camillus.  Insomuch that, though a
  great misfortune befell him in his family (one of his two sons dying of
  a disease), commiseration for this could not in the least make them
  abate of their malice.  And, indeed, he took this loss with immoderate
  sorrow, being a man naturally of a mild and tender disposition, and,
  when the accusation was preferred against him, kept his house, and
  mourned amongst the women of his family.

  His accuser was Lucius Apuleius; the charge, appropriation of the Tuscan
  spoils; certain brass gates, part of those spoils, were said to be in
  his possession.  The people were exasperated against him, and it was
  plain they would take hold of any occasion to condemn him.  Gathering,
  therefore, together his friends and fellow-soldiers, and such as had
  borne command with him, a considerable number in all, he besought them
  that they would not suffer him to be unjustly overborne by shameful
  accusations, and left the mock and scorn of his enemies.  His friends,
  having advised and consulted among themselves, made answer, that, as to
  the sentence, they did not see how they could help him, but that they
  would contribute to whatsoever fine should be set upon him.  Not able to
  endure so great an indignity, he resolved in his anger to leave the city
  and go into exile; and so, having taken leave of his wife and his son,
  he went silently to the gate of the city, and, there stopping and
  turning round, stretched out his hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the
  gods, that if, without any fault of his own, but merely through the
  malice and violence of the people, he was driven out into banishment,
  the Romans might quickly repent of it; and that all mankind might
  witness their need for the assistance, and desire for the return of
  Camillus.

  Thus, like Achilles, having left his imprecations on the citizens, he
  went into banishment; so that, neither appearing nor making defense, he
  was condemned in the sum of fifteen thousand asses, which, reduced to
  silver, makes one thousand five hundred drachmas; for the as was the
  money of the time, ten of such copper pieces making the denarius, or
  piece of ten.  And there is not a Roman but believes that immediately
  upon the prayers of Camillus a sudden judgment followed, and that he
  received a revenge for the injustice done unto him; which though we
  cannot think was pleasant, but rather grievous and bitter to him, yet
  was very remarkable, and noised over the whole world; such a punishment
  visited the city of Rome, an era of such loss and danger and disgrace so
  quickly succeeded; whether it thus fell out by fortune, or it be the
  office of some god not to see injured virtue go unavenged.

  The first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensue was the
  death of the censor Julius; for the Romans have a religious reverence
  for the office of a censor, and esteem it sacred.  The second was that,
  just before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Caedicius, a person of no
  great distinction, nor of the rank of senator, but esteemed a good and
  respectable man, reported to the military tribunes a thing worthy their
  consideration:  that, going along the night before in the street called
  the New Way, and being called by somebody in a loud voice, he turned
  about, but could see no one, but heard a voice greater than human, which
  said these words, "Go, Marcus Caedicius, and early in the morning tell
  the military tribunes that they are shortly to expect the Gauls."  But
  the tribunes made a mock and sport with the story, and a little after
  came Camillus's banishment.

  The Gauls are of the Celtic race, and are reported to have been
  compelled by their numbers to leave their country, which was
  insufficient to sustain them all, and to have gone in search of other
  homes.  And being, many thousands of them, young men and able to bear
  arms, and carrying with them a still greater number of women and young
  children, some of them, passing the Riphaean mountains, fell upon the
  Northern Ocean, and possessed themselves of the farthest parts of
  Europe; others, seating themselves between the Pyrenean mountains and
  the Alps, lived there a considerable time, near to the Senones and
  Celtorii; but, afterwards tasting wine which was then first brought them
  out of Italy, they were all so much taken with the liquor, and
  transported with the hitherto unknown delight, that, snatching up their
  arms and taking their families along with them, they marched directly to
  the Alps, to find out the country which yielded such fruit, pronouncing
  all others barren and useless.  He that first brought wine among them
  and was the chief instigator of their coming into Italy is said to have
  been one Aruns, a Tuscan, a man of noble extraction, and not of bad
  natural character, but involved in the following misfortune.  He was
  guardian to an orphan, one of the richest of the country, and much
  admired for his beauty, whose name was Lucumo.  From his childhood he
  had been bred up with Aruns in his family and when now grown up did not
  leave his house, professing to wish for the enjoyment of his society.
  And thus for a great while he secretly enjoyed Aruns's wife, corrupting
  her, and himself corrupted by her.  But when they were both so far gone
  in their passion that they could neither refrain their lust nor conceal
  it, the young man seized the woman and openly sought to carry her away.
  The husband, going to law, and finding himself overpowered by the
  interest and money of his opponent, left his country, and, hearing of
  the state of the Gauls, went to them and was the conductor of their
  expedition into Italy.

  At their first coming they at once possessed themselves of all that
  country which anciently the Tuscans inhabited, reaching from the Alps to
  both the seas, as the names themselves testify; for the North or
  Adriatic Sea is named from the Tuscan city Adria, and that to the south
  the Tuscan Sea simply.  The whole country is rich in fruit trees, has
  excellent pasture, and is well watered with rivers.  It had eighteen
  large and beautiful cities, well provided with all the means for
  industry and wealth, and all the enjoyments and pleasures of life.  The
  Gauls cast out the Tuscans, and seated themselves in them.  But this was
  long before.

  The Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium, a Tuscan city.  The
  Clusinians sent to the Romans for succor desiring them to interpose with
  the barbarians by letters and ambassadors.  There were sent three of the
  family of the Fabii, persons of high rank and distinction in the city.
  The Gauls received them courteously, from respect to the name of Rome,
  and, giving over the assault which was then making upon the walls, came
  to conference with them; when the ambassadors asking what injury they
  had received of the Clusinians that they thus invaded their city,
  Brennus, king of the Gauls, laughed and made answer, "The Clusinians do
  us injury, in that, being able only to till a small parcel of ground,
  they must needs possess a great territory, and will not yield any part
  to us who are strangers, many in number, and poor.  In the same nature,
  O Romans, formerly the Albans, Fidenates, and Ardeates, and now lately
  the Veientines and Capenates, and many of the Faliscans and Volscians,
  did you injury; upon whom ye make war if they do not yield you part of
  what they possess, make slaves of them, waste and spoil their country,
  and ruin their cities; neither in so doing are cruel or unjust, but
  follow that most ancient of all laws, which gives the possessions of the
  feeble to the strong; which begins with God and ends in the beasts;
  since all these, by nature, seek, the stronger to have advantage over
  the weaker.  Cease, therefore, to pity the Clusinians whom we besiege,
  lest ye teach the Gauls to be kind and compassionate to those that are
  oppressed by you."  By this answer the Romans, perceiving that Brennus
  was not to be treated with, went into Clusium, and encouraged and
  stirred up the inhabitants to make a sally with them upon the
  barbarians, which they did either to try their strength or to show their
  own.  The sally being made, and the fight growing hot about the walls,
  one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, being well mounted, and setting
  spurs to his horse, made full against a Gaul, a man of huge bulk and
  stature, whom he saw riding out at a distance from the rest.  At the
  first he was not recognized, through the quickness of the conflict and
  the glittering of his armor, that precluded any view of him; but when he
  had overthrown the Gaul, and was going to gather the spoils, Brennus
  knew him; and, invoking the gods to be witnesses, that, contrary to the
  known and common law of nations, which is holily observed by all
  mankind, he who had come as an ambassador had now engaged in hostility
  against him, he drew off his men, and, bidding Clusium farewell, led his
  army directly to Rome.  But not wishing that it should look as if they
  took advantage of that injury, and were ready to embrace any occasion of
  quarrel, he sent a herald to demand the man in punishment, and in the
  meantime marched leisurely on.

  The senate being met at Rome, among many others that spoke against the
  Fabii, the priests called fecials were the most decided, who, on the
  religious ground, urged the senate that they should lay the whole guilt
  and penalty of the fact upon him that committed it, and so exonerate the
  rest.  These fecials Numa Pompilius, the mildest and justest of kings,
  constituted guardians of peace, and the judges and determiners of all
  causes by which war may justifiably be made.  The senate referring the
  whole matter to the people, and the priests there, as well as in the
  senate, pleading against Fabius, the multitude, however, so little
  regarded their authority, that in scorn and contempt of it they chose
  Fabius and the rest of his brothers military tribunes.  The Gauls, on
  hearing this, in great rage threw aside every delay, and hastened on
  with all the speed they could make.  The places through which they
  marched, terrified with their numbers and the splendor of their
  preparations for war, and in alarm at their violence and fierceness,
  began to give up their territories as already lost, with little doubt
  but their cities would quickly follow; contrary, however, to
  expectation, they did no injury as they passed, nor took anything from
  the fields; and, as they went by any city, cried out that they were
  going to Rome; that the Romans only were their enemies, and that they
  took all others for their friends.

  Whilst the barbarians were thus hastening with all speed, the military
  tribunes brought the Romans into the field to be ready to engage them,
  being not inferior to the Gauls in number (for they were no less than
  forty thousand foot), but most of them raw soldiers, and such as had
  never handled a weapon before.  Besides, they had wholly neglected all
  religious usages, had not obtained favorable sacrifices, nor made
  inquiries of the prophets, natural in danger and before battle.  No less
  did the multitude of commanders distract and confound their proceedings;
  frequently before, upon less occasions, they had chosen a single leader,
  with the title of dictator, being sensible of what great importance it
  is in critical times to have the soldiers united under one general with
  the entire and absolute control placed in his hands.  Add to all, the
  remembrance of Camillus's treatment, which made it now seem a dangerous
  thing for officers to command without humoring their soldiers.  In this
  condition they left the city, and encamped by the river Allia, about ten
  miles from Rome, and not far from the place where it falls into the
  Tiber; and here the Gauls came upon them, and, after a disgraceful
  resistance, devoid of order and discipline, they were miserably
  defeated.  The left wing was immediately driven into the river, and
  there destroyed; the right had less damage by declining the shock, and
  from the low grounds getting to the tops of the hills, from whence most
  of them afterwards dropped into the city; the rest, as many as escaped,
  the enemy being weary of the slaughter, stole by night to Veii, giving
  up Rome and all that was in it for lost.

  This battle was fought about the summer solstice, the moon being at
  full, the very same day in which the sad disaster of the Fabii had
  happened, when three hundred of that name were at one time cut off by
  the Tuscans.  But from this second loss and defeat the day got the name
  of Alliensis, from the river Allia, and still retains it.  The question
  of unlucky days, whether we should consider any to be so, and whether
  Heraclitus did well in upbraiding Hesiod for distinguishing them into
  fortunate and unfortunate, as ignorant that the nature of every day is
  the same, I have examined in another place; but upon occasion of the
  present subject, I think it will not be amiss to annex a few examples
  relating to this matter.  On the fifth of their month Hippodromius,
  which corresponds to the Athenian Hecatombaeon, the Boeotians gained two
  signal victories, the one at Leuctra, the other at Ceressus, about three
  hundred years before, when they overcame Lattamyas and the Thessalians,
  both which asserted the liberty of Greece.  Again, on the sixth of
  Boedromion, the Persians were worsted by the Greeks at Marathon; on the
  third, at Plataea, as also at Mycale; on the twenty-fifth, at Arbela.
  The Athenians, about the full moon in Boedromion, gained their sea-
  victory at Naxos under the conduct of Chabrias; on the twentieth, at
  Salamis, as we have shown in our treatise on Days.  Thargelion was a
  very unfortunate month to the barbarians, for in it Alexander overcame
  Darius's generals on the Granicus; and the Carthaginians, on the twenty-
  fourth, were beaten by Timoleon in Sicily, on which same day and month
  Troy seems to have been taken, as Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and
  Phylarchus state.  On the other hand, the month Metagitnion, which in
  Boeotia is called Panemus, was not very lucky to the Greeks; for on its
  seventh day they were defeated by Antipater, at the battle in Cranon,
  and utterly ruined; and before, at Chaeronea, were defeated by Philip;
  and on the very same day, same month, and same year, those that went
  with Archidamus into Italy were there cut off by the barbarians.  The
  Carthaginians also observe the twenty-first of the same month, as
  bringing with it the largest number and the severest of their losses.  I
  am not ignorant, that, about the Feast of Mysteries, Thebes was
  destroyed the second time by Alexander; and after that, upon the very
  twentieth of Boedromion, on which day they lead forth the mystic
  Iacchus, the Athenians received a garrison of the Macedonians.  On the
  selfsame day the Romans lost their army under Caepio by the Cimbrians,
  and in a subsequent year, under the conduct of Lucullus, overcame the
  Armenians and Tigranes.  King Attalus and Pompey died both on their
  birthdays.  One could reckon up several that have had variety of fortune
  on the same day.  This day, meantime, is one of the unfortunate ones to
  the Romans, and for its sake two others in every month; fear and
  superstition, as the custom of it is, more and more prevailing.  But I
  have discussed this more accurately in my Roman Questions.

  And now, after the battle, had the Gauls immediately pursued those that
  fled, there had been no remedy but Rome must have wholly been ruined,
  and all those who remained in it utterly destroyed; such was the terror
  that those who escaped the battle brought with them into the city, and
  with such distraction and confusion were themselves in turn infected.
  But the Gauls, not imagining their victory to be so considerable, and
  overtaken with the present joy, fell to feasting and dividing the spoil,
  by which means they gave leisure to those who were for leaving the city
  to make their escape, and to those that remained, to anticipate and
  prepare for their coming.  For they who resolved to stay at Rome,
  abandoning the rest of the city, betook themselves to the Capitol, which
  they fortified with the help of missiles and new works.  One of their
  principal cares was of their holy things, most of which they conveyed
  into the Capitol.  But the consecrated fire the vestal virgins took, and
  fled with it, as likewise their other sacred things.  Some write that
  they have nothing in their charge but the ever-living fire which Numa
  had ordained to be worshipped as the principle of all things; for fire
  is the most active thing in nature, and all production is either motion,
  or attended with motion; all the other parts of matter, so long as they
  are without warmth, lie sluggish and dead, and require the accession of
  a sort of soul or vitality in the principle of heat; and upon that
  accession, in whatever way, immediately receive a capacity either of
  acting or being acted upon.  And thus Numa, a man curious in such
  things, and whose wisdom made it thought that he conversed with the
  Muses, consecrated fire, and ordained it to be kept ever burning, as an
  image of that eternal power which orders and actuates all things.
  Others say that this fire was kept burning in front of the holy things,
  as in Greece, for purification, and that there were other things hid in
  the most secret part of the temple, which were kept from the view of
  all, except those virgins whom they call vestals.  The most common
  opinion was, that the image of Pallas, brought into Italy by Aeneas, was
  laid up there; others say that the Samothracian images lay there,
  telling a story how that Dardanus carried them to Troy, and, when he had
  built the city, celebrated those rites, and dedicated those images
  there; that after Troy was taken, Aeneas stole them away, and kept them
  till his coming into Italy.  But they who profess to know more of the
  matter affirm that there are two barrels, not of any great size, one of
  which stands open and has nothing in it, the other full and sealed up;
  but that neither of them may be seen but by the most holy virgins.
  Others think that they who say this are misled by the fact that the
  virgins put most of their holy things into two barrels at this time of
  the Gaulish invasion, and hid them underground in the temple of
  Quirinus; and that from hence that place to this day bears the name of
  Barrels.

  However it be, taking the most precious and important things they had,
  they fled away with them, shaping their course along the river side,
  where Lucius Albinius, a simple citizen of Rome, who among others was
  making his escape, overtook them, having his wife, children, and goods
  in a cart; and, seeing the virgins dragging along in their arms the holy
  things of the gods, in a helpless and weary condition, he caused his
  wife and children to get down, and, taking out his goods, put the
  virgins in the cart, that they might make their escape to some of the
  Greek cities.  This devout act of Albinius, and the respect he showed
  thus signally to the gods at a time of such extremity, deserved not to
  be passed over in silence.  But the priests that belonged to other gods,
  and the most elderly of the senators, men who had been consuls and had
  enjoyed triumphs, could not endure to leave the city; but, putting on
  their sacred and splendid robes, Fabius the high-priest performing the
  office, they made their prayers to the gods, and, devoting themselves,
  as it were, for their country, sat themselves down in their ivory
  chairs in the forum, and in that posture expected the event.

  On the third day after the battle, Brennus appeared with his army at the
  city, and, finding the gates wide open and no guards upon the walls,
  first began to suspect it was some design or stratagem, never dreaming
  that the Romans were in so desperate a condition.  But when he found it
  to be so indeed, he entered at the Colline gate, and took Rome, in the
  three hundred and sixtieth year, or a little more, after it was built;
  if, indeed, it can be supposed probable that an exact chronological
  statement has been preserved of events which were themselves the cause
  of chronological difficulties about things of later date; of the
  calamity itself, however, and of the fact of the capture, some faint
  rumors seem to have passed at the time into Greece.  Heraclides
  Ponticus, who lived not long after these times, in his book upon the
  Soul, relates that a certain report came from the west, that an army,
  proceeding from the Hyperboreans, had taken a Greek city called Rome,
  seated somewhere upon the great sea.  But I do not wonder that so
  fabulous and high-flown an author as Heraclides should embellish the
  truth of the story with expressions about Hyperboreans and the great
  sea.  Aristotle the philosopher appears to have heard a correct
  statement of the taking of the city by the Gauls, but he calls its
  deliverer Lucius; whereas Camillus's surname was not Lucius, but Marcus.
  But this is a matter of conjecture.

  Brennus, having taken possession of Rome, set a strong guard about the
  Capitol, and, going himself down into the forum, was there struck with
  amazement at the sight of so many men sitting in that order and silence,
  observing that they neither rose at his coming, nor so much as changed
  color or countenance, but remained without fear or concern, leaning upon
  their staves, and sitting quietly, looking at each other.  The Gauls,
  for a great while, stood wondering at the strangeness of the sight not
  daring to approach or touch them, taking them for an assembly of
  superior beings.  But when one, bolder than the rest, drew near to
  Marcus Papirius, and, putting forth his hand, gently touched his chin
  and stroked his long beard, Papirius with his staff struck him a severe
  blow on the head; upon which the barbarian drew his sword and slew him.
  This was the introduction to the slaughter; for the rest, following his
  example, set upon them all and killed them, and dispatched all others
  that came in their way; and so went on to the sacking and pillaging the
  houses, which they continued for many days ensuing.  Afterwards, they
  burnt them down to the ground and demolished them, being incensed at
  those who kept the Capitol, because they would not yield to summons;
  but, on the contrary, when assailed, had repelled them, with some loss,
  from their defenses.  This provoked them to ruin the whole city, and to
  put to the sword all that came to their hands, young and old, men,
  women, and children.

  And now, the siege of the Capitol having lasted a good while, the Gauls
  began to be in want of provision; and dividing their forces, part of
  them stayed with their king at the siege, the rest went to forage the
  country, ravaging the towns and villages where they came, but not all
  together in a body, but in different squadrons and parties; and to such
  a confidence had success raised them, that they carelessly rambled about
  without the least fear or apprehension of danger.  But the greatest and
  best ordered body of their forces went to the city of Ardea, where
  Camillus then sojourned, having, ever since his leaving Rome,
  sequestered himself from all business, and taken to a private life; but
  now he began to rouse up himself, and consider not how to avoid or
  escape the enemy, but to find out an opportunity to be revenged upon
  them.  And perceiving that the Ardeatians wanted not men, but rather
  enterprise, through the inexperience and timidity of their officers, he
  began to speak with the young men, first, to the effect that they ought
  not to ascribe the misfortune of the Romans to the courage of their
  enemy, nor attribute the losses they sustained by rash counsel to the
  conduct of men who had no title to victory; the event had been only an
  evidence of the power of fortune; that it was a brave thing even with
  danger to repel a foreign and barbarous invader, whose end in conquering
  was like fire, to lay waste and destroy, but if they would be courageous
  and resolute, he was ready to put an opportunity into their hands to
  gain a victory without hazard at all.  When he found the young men
  embraced the thing, he went to the magistrates and council of the city,
  and, having persuaded them also, he mustered all that could bear arms,
  and drew them up within the walls, that they might not be perceived by
  the enemy, who was near; who, having scoured the country, and now
  returned heavy-laden with booty, lay encamped in the plains in a
  careless and negligent posture, so that, with the night ensuing upon
  debauch and drunkenness, silence prevailed through all the camp.  When
  Camillus learned this from his scouts, he drew out the Ardeatians, and
  in the dead of the night, passing in silence over the ground that lay
  between, came up to their works, and, commanding his trumpets to sound
  and his men to shout and halloo, he struck terror into them from all
  quarters; while drunkenness impeded and sleep retarded their movements.
  A few, whom fear had sobered, getting into some order, for awhile
  resisted; and so died with their weapons in their hands.  But the
  greatest part of them, buried in wine and sleep, were surprised without
  their arms, and dispatched; and as many of them as by the advantage of
  the night got out of the camp were the next day found scattered abroad
  and wandering in the fields, and were picked up by the horse that
  pursued them.

  The fame of this action soon flew through the neighboring cities, and
  stirred up the young men from various quarters to come and join
  themselves with him.  But none were so much concerned as those Romans
  who escaped in the battle of Allia, and were now at Veii, thus lamenting
  with themselves, "O heavens, what a commander has Providence bereaved
  Rome of, to honor Ardea with his actions!  And that city, which brought
  forth and nursed so great a man, is lost and gone, and we, destitute of
  a leader and shut up within strange walls, sit idle, and see Italy
  ruined before our eyes.  Come, let us send to the Ardeatians to have
  back our general, or else, with weapons in our hands, let us go thither
  to him; for he is no longer a banished man, nor we citizens, having no
  country but what is in the possession of the enemy."  To this they all
  agreed, and sent to Camillus to desire him to take the command; but he
  answered, that he would not, until they that were in the Capitol should
  legally appoint him; for he esteemed them, as long as they were in
  being, to be his country; that if they should command him, he would
  readily obey; but against their consent he would intermeddle with
  nothing.  When this answer was returned, they admired the modesty and
  temper of Camillus; but they could not tell how to find a messenger to
  carry the intelligence to the Capitol, or rather, indeed, it seemed
  altogether impossible for any one to get to the citadel whilst the enemy
  was in full possession of the city.  But among the young men there was
  one Pontius Cominius, of ordinary birth, but ambitious of honor, who
  proffered himself to run the hazard, and took no letters with him to
  those in the Capitol, lest, if he were intercepted, the enemy might
  learn the intentions of Camillus; but, putting on a poor dress and
  carrying corks under it, he boldly traveled the greatest part of the way
  by day, and came to the city when it was dark; the bridge he could not
  pass, as it was guarded by the barbarians; so that taking his clothes,
  which were neither many nor heavy, and binding them about his head, he
  laid his body upon the corks, and, swimming with them, got over to the
  city.  And avoiding those quarters where he perceived the enemy was
  awake, which he guessed at by the lights and noise, he went to the
  Carmental gate, where there was greatest silence, and where the hill of
  the Capitol is steepest, and rises with craggy and broken rock.  By this
  way he got up, though with much difficulty, by the hollow of the cliff,
  and presented himself to the guards, saluting them, and telling them his
  name; he was taken in, and carried to the commanders.  And a senate
  being immediately called, he related to them in order the victory of
  Camillus, which they had not heard of before, and the proceedings of the
  soldiers; urging them to confirm Camillus in the command, as on him
  alone all their fellow-countrymen outside the city would rely.  Having
  heard and consulted of the matter, the senate declared Camillus
  dictator, and sent back Pontius the same way that he came, who, with the
  same success as before, got through the enemy without being discovered,
  and delivered to the Romans outside the decision of the senate, who
  joyfully received it.  Camillus, on his arrival, found twenty thousand
  of them ready in arms; with which forces, and those confederates he
  brought along with him, he prepared to set upon the enemy.

  But at Rome some of the barbarians, passing by chance near the place at
  which Pontius by night had got into the Capitol, spied in several places
  marks of feet and hands, where he had laid hold and clambered, and
  places where the plants that grew to the rock had been rubbed off, and
  the earth had slipped, and went accordingly and reported it to the king,
  who, coming in person, and viewing it, for the present said nothing, but
  in the evening, picking out such of the Gauls as were nimblest of body,
  and by living in the mountains were accustomed to climb, he said to
  them, "The enemy themselves have shown us a way how to come at them,
  which we knew not of before, and have taught us that it is not so
  difficult and impossible but that men may overcome it.  It would be a
  great shame, having begun well, to fail in the end, and to give up a
  place as impregnable, when the enemy himself lets us see the way by
  which it may be taken; for where it was easy for one man to get up, it
  will not be hard for many, one after another; nay, when many shall
  undertake it, they will be aid and strength to each other.  Rewards and
  honors shall be bestowed on every man as he shall acquit himself."

  When the king had thus spoken, the Gauls cheerfully undertook to perform
  it, and in the dead of night a good party of them together, with great
  silence, began to climb the rock, clinging to the precipitous and
  difficult ascent, which yet upon trial offered a way to them, and proved
  less difficult than they had expected.  So that the foremost of them
  having gained the top of all, and put themselves into order, they all
  but surprised the outworks, and mastered the watch, who were fast
  asleep; for neither man nor dog perceived their coming.  But there were
  sacred geese kept near the temple of Juno, which at other times were
  plentifully fed, but now, by reason that corn and all other provisions
  were grown scarce for all, were but in a poor condition.  The creature
  is by nature of quick sense, and apprehensive of the least noise, so
  that these, being moreover watchful through hunger, and restless,
  immediately discovered the coming of the Gauls, and, running up and down
  with their noise and cackling, they raised the whole camp, while the
  barbarians on the other side, perceiving themselves discovered, no
  longer endeavored to conceal their attempt, but with shouting and
  violence advanced to the assault.  The Romans, every one in haste
  snatching up the next weapon that came to hand, did what they could on
  the sudden occasion.  Manlius, a man of consular dignity, of strong body
  and great spirit, was the first that made head against them, and,
  engaging with two of the enemy at once, with his sword cut off the right
  arm of one just as he was lifting up his blade to strike, and, running
  his target full in the face of the other, tumbled him headlong down the
  steep rock; then mounting the rampart, and there standing with others
  that came running to his assistance, drove down the rest of them, who,
  indeed, to begin, had not been many, and did nothing worthy of so bold
  an attempt.  The Romans, having thus escaped this danger, early in the
  morning took the captain of the watch and flung him down the rock upon
  the heads of their enemies, and to Manlius for his victory voted a
  reward, intended more for honor than advantage, bringing him, each man
  of them, as much as he received for his daily allowance, which was half
  a pound of bread, and one eighth of a pint of wine.

  Henceforward, the affairs of the Gauls were daily in a worse and worse
  condition; they wanted provisions, being withheld from foraging through
  fear of Camillus, and sickness also was amongst them, occasioned by the
  number of carcasses that lay in heaps unburied.  Being lodged among the
  ruins, the ashes, which were very deep, blown about with the winds and
  combining with the sultry heats, breathed up, so to say, a dry and
  searching air, the inhalation of which was destructive to their health.
  But the chief cause was the change from their natural climate, coming as
  they did out of shady and hilly countries, abounding in means of shelter
  from the heat, to lodge in low, and, in the autumn season, very
  unhealthy ground; added to which was the length and tediousness of the
  siege, as they had now sat seven months before the Capitol.  There was,
  therefore, a great destruction among them, and the number of the dead
  grew so great, that the living gave up burying them.  Neither, indeed,
  were things on that account any better with the besieged, for famine
  increased upon them, and despondency with not hearing any thing of
  Camillus, it being impossible to send any one to him, the city was so
  guarded by the barbarians.  Things being in this sad condition on both
  sides, a motion of treaty was made at first by some of the outposts, as
  they happened to speak with one another; which being embraced by the
  leading men, Sulpicius, tribune of the Romans, came to a parley with
  Brennus, in which it was agreed, that the Romans laying down a thousand
  weight of gold, the Gauls upon the receipt of it should immediately quit
  the city and territories.  The agreement being confirmed by oath on both
  sides, and the gold brought forth, the Gauls used false dealing in the
  weights, secretly at first, but afterwards openly pulled back and
  disturbed the balance; at which the Romans indignantly complaining,
  Brennus in a scoffing and insulting manner pulled off his sword and
  belt, and threw them both into the scales; and when Sulpicius asked what
  that meant, "What should it mean," says he, "but woe to the conquered?"
  which afterwards became a proverbial saying.  As for the Romans, some
  were so incensed that they were for taking their gold back again, and
  returning to endure the siege.  Others were for passing by and
  dissembling a petty injury, and not to account that the indignity of the
  thing lay in paying more than was due, since the paying anything at all
  was itself a dishonor only submitted to as a necessity of the times.

  Whilst this difference remained still unsettled, both amongst themselves
  and with the Gauls, Camillus was at the gates with his army; and, having
  learned what was going on, commanded the main body of his forces to
  follow slowly after him in good order, and himself with the choicest of
  his men hastening on, went at once to the Romans; where all giving way
  to him, and receiving him as their sole magistrate, with profound
  silence and order, he took the gold out of the scales, and delivered it
  to his officers, and commanded the Gauls to take their weights and
  scales and depart; saying that it was customary with the Romans to
  deliver their country with iron, not with gold.  And when Brennus began to
  rage, and say that he was unjustly dealt with in such a breach of
  contract, Camillus answered that it was never legally made, and the
  agreement of no force or obligation; for that himself being declared
  dictator, and there being no other magistrate by law, the engagement had
  been made with men who had no power to enter into it; but now they might
  say anything they had to urge, for he was come with full power by law
  to grant pardon to such as should ask it, or inflict punishment on the
  guilty, if they did not repent.  At this, Brennus broke into violent
  anger, and an immediate quarrel ensued; both sides drew their swords and
  attacked, but in confusion, as could not otherwise be amongst houses,
  and ill narrow lanes and places where it was impossible to form in any
  order.  But Brennus, presently recollecting himself, called off his men,
  and, with the loss of a few only, brought them to their camp; and,
  rising in the night with all his forces, left the city, and, advancing
  about eight miles, encamped upon the way to Gabii.  As soon as day
  appeared, Camillus came up with him, splendidly armed himself, and his
  soldiers full of courage and confidence; and there engaging with him in
  a sharp conflict, which lasted a long while, overthrew his army with
  great slaughter, and took their camp.  Of those that fled, some were
  presently cut off by the pursuers; others, and these were the greatest
  number, dispersed hither and thither, and were dispatched by the people
  that came sallying out from the neighboring towns and villages.

  Thus Rome was strangely taken, and more strangely recovered, having been
  seven whole months in the possession of the barbarians who entered her a
  little after the Ides of July, and were driven out about the Ides of
  February following.  Camillus triumphed, as he deserved, having saved
  his country that was lost, and brought the city, so to say, back again
  to itself.  For those that had fled abroad, together with their wives
  and children, accompanied him as he rode in; and those who had been shut
  up in the Capitol, and were reduced almost to the point of perishing
  with hunger, went out to meet him, embracing each other as they met, and
  weeping for joy and, through the excess of the present pleasure, scarce
  believing in its truth.  And when the priests and ministers of the gods
  appeared, bearing the sacred things, which in their flight they had
  either hid on the spot, or conveyed away with them, and now openly
  showed in safety, the citizens who saw the blessed sight felt as if with
  these the gods themselves were again returned unto Rome.  After Camillus
  had sacrificed to the gods, and purified the city according to the
  direction of those properly instructed, he restored the existing
  temples, and erected a new one to Rumour, or Voice, informing himself
  of the spot in which that voice from heaven came by night to Marcus
  Caedicius, foretelling the coming of the barbarian army.

  It was a matter of difficulty, and a hard task, amidst so much rubbish,
  to discover and redetermine the consecrated places; but by the zeal of
  Camillus, and the incessant labor of the priests, it was at last
  accomplished.  But when it came also to rebuilding the city, which was
  wholly demolished, despondency seized the multitude, and a backwardness
  to engage in a work for which they had no materials; at a time, too,
  when they rather needed relief and repose from their past labors, than
  any new demands upon their exhausted strength and impaired fortunes.
  Thus insensibly they turned their thoughts again towards Veii, a city
  ready-built and well-provided, and gave an opening to the arts of
  flatterers eager to gratify their desires, and lent their ears to
  seditious language flung out against Camillus; as that, out of ambition
  and self-glory, he withheld them from a city fit to receive them,
  forcing them to live in the midst of ruins, and to re-erect a pile of
  burnt rubbish, that he might be esteemed not the chief magistrate only
  and general of Rome, but, to the exclusion of Romulus, its founder,
  also.  The senate, therefore, fearing a sedition, would not suffer
  Camillus, though desirous, to lay down his authority within the year,
  though no other dictator had ever held it above six months.

  They themselves, meantime, used their best endeavors, by kind
  persuasions and familiar addresses, to encourage and to appease the
  people, showing them the shrines and tombs of their ancestors, calling
  to their remembrance the sacred spots and holy places which Romulus and
  Numa or any other of their kings had consecrated and left to their
  keeping; and among the strongest religious arguments, urged the head,
  newly separated from the body, which was found in laying the foundation
  of the Capitol, marking it as a place destined by fate to be the head of
  all Italy; and the holy fire which had just been rekindled again, since
  the end of the war, by the vestal virgins; "What a disgrace would it be
  to them to lose and extinguish this, leaving the city it belonged to, to
  be either inhabited by strangers and new-comers, or left a wild pasture
  for cattle to graze on?"  Such reasons as these, urged with complaint
  and expostulation, sometimes in private upon individuals, and sometimes
  in their public assemblies, were met, on the other hand, by laments and
  protestations of distress and helplessness; entreaties, that, reunited
  as they just were, after a sort of shipwreck, naked and destitute, they
  would not constrain them to patch up the pieces of a ruined and
  shattered city, when they had another at hand ready-built and prepared.

  Camillus thought good to refer it to general deliberation, and himself
  spoke largely and earnestly in behalf of his country, as also many
  others.  At last, calling to Lucius Lucretius, whose place it was to
  speak first, he commanded him to give his sentence, and the rest as they
  followed, in order.  Silence being made, and Lucretius just about to
  begin, by chance a centurion, passing by outside with his company of the
  day-guard, called out with a loud voice to the ensign-bearer to halt and
  fix his standard, for this was the best place to stay in.  This voice,
  coming in that moment of time, and at that crisis of uncertainty and
  anxiety for the future, was taken as a direction what was to be done;
  so that Lucretius, assuming an attitude of devotion, gave sentence in
  concurrence with the gods, as he said, as likewise did all that
  followed.  Even among the common people it created a wonderful change of
  feeling; every one now cheered and encouraged his neighbor, and set
  himself to the work, proceeding in it, however, not by any regular lines
  or divisions, but every one pitching upon that plot of ground which came
  next to hand, or best pleased his fancy; by which haste and hurry in
  building, they constructed their city in narrow and ill-designed lanes,
  and with houses huddled together one upon another; for it is said that
  within the compass of the year the whole city was raised up anew, both
  in its public walls and private buildings.  The persons, however,
  appointed by Camillus to resume and mark out, in this general confusion,
  all consecrated places, coming, in their way round the Palatium, to the
  chapel of Mars, found the chapel itself indeed destroyed and burnt to
  the ground, like everything else, by the barbarians; but whilst they
  were clearing the place, and carrying away the rubbish, lit upon
  Romulus's augural staff, buried under a great heap of ashes.  This sort
  of staff is crooked at one end, and is called lituus; they make use of
  it in quartering out the regions of the heavens when engaged in
  divination from the flight of birds; Romulus, who was himself a great
  diviner, made use of it.  But when he disappeared from the earth, the
  priests took his staff and kept it, as other holy things, from the touch
  of man; and when they now found that, whereas all other things were
  consumed, this staff had altogether escaped the flames, they began to
  conceive happier hopes of Rome, and to augur from this token its future
  everlasting safety.

  And now they had scarcely got a breathing time from their trouble, when
  a new war came upon them; and the Aequians, Volscians, and Latins all at
  once invaded their territories, and the Tuscans besieged Sutrium, their
  confederate city.  The military tribunes who commanded the army, and
  were encamped about the hill Maecius, being closely besieged by the
  Latins, and the camp in danger to be lost, sent to Rome, where Camillus
  was a third time chosen dictator.  Of this war two different accounts
  are given; I shall begin with the more fabulous.  They say that the
  Latins (whether out of pretense, or a real design to revive the ancient
  relationship of the two nations) sent to desire of the Romans some free-
  born maidens in marriage; that when the Romans were at a loss how to
  determine (for on one hand they dreaded a war, having scarcely yet
  settled and recovered themselves, and on the other side suspected that
  this asking of wives was, in plain terms, nothing else but a demand for
  hostages, though covered over with the specious name of intermarriage
  and alliance), a certain handmaid, by name Tutula, or, as some call her,
  Philotis, persuaded the magistrates to send with her some of the most
  youthful and best looking maid-servants, in the bridal dress of noble
  virgins, and leave the rest to her care and management; that the
  magistrates consenting, chose out as many as she thought necessary for
  her purpose, and, adorning them with gold and rich clothes, delivered
  them to the Latins, who were encamped not far from the city; that at
  night the rest stole away the enemy's swords, but Tutula or Philotis,
  getting to the top of a wild fig-tree, and spreading out a thick woolen
  cloth behind her, held out a torch towards Rome, which was the signal
  concerted between her and the commanders, without the knowledge,
  however, of any other of the citizens, which was the reason that their
  issuing out from the city was tumultuous, the officers pushing their men
  on, and they calling upon one another's names, and scarce able to bring
  themselves into order; that setting upon the enemy's works, who either
  were asleep or expected no such matter, they took the camp, and
  destroyed most of them; and that this was done on the nones of July,
  which was then called Quintilis, and that the feast that is observed on
  that day is a commemoration of what was then done.  For in it, first,
  they run out of the city in great crowds, and call out aloud several
  familiar and common names, Caius, Marcus, Lucius, and the like, in
  representation of the way in which they called to one another when they
  went out in such haste.  In the next place, the maid-servants, gaily
  dressed, run about, playing and jesting upon all they meet, and amongst
  themselves, also, use a kind of skirmishing, to show they helped in the
  conflict against the Latins; and while eating and drinking, they sit
  shaded over with boughs of wild fig-tree, and the day they call Nonae
  Caprotinae, as some think from that wild fig-tree on which the maid-
  servant held up her torch, the Roman name for a wild fig-tree being
  caprificus.  Others refer most of what is said or done at this feast to
  the fate of Romulus, for, on this day, he vanished outside the gates in
  a sudden darkness and storm (some think it an eclipse of the sun), and
  from this, the day was called Nonae Caprotinae, the Latin for a goat
  being capra, and the place where he disappeared having the name of
  Goat's Marsh, as is stated in his life.

  But the general stream of writers prefer the other account of this war,
  which they thus relate.  Camillus, being the third time chosen dictator,
  and learning that the army under the tribunes was besieged by the Latins
  and Volscians, was constrained to arm, not only those under, but also
  those over, the age of service; and taking a large circuit round the
  mountain Maecius, undiscovered by the enemy, lodged his army on their
  rear, and then by many fires gave notice of his arrival.  The besieged,
  encouraged by this, prepared to sally forth and join battle; but the
  Latins and Volscians, fearing this exposure to an enemy on both sides,
  drew themselves within their works, and fortified their camp with a
  strong palisade of trees on every side, resolving to wait for more
  supplies from home, and expecting, also, the assistance of the Tuscans,
  their confederates.  Camillus, detecting their object, and fearing to be
  reduced to the same position to which he had brought them, namely, to be
  besieged himself, resolved to lose no time; and finding their rampart
  was all of timber, and observing that a strong wind constantly at sun-
  rising blew off from the mountains, after having prepared a quantity of
  combustibles, about break of day he drew forth his forces, commanding a
  part with their missiles to assault the enemy with noise and shouting on
  the other quarter, whilst he, with those that were to fling in the fire,
  went to that side of the enemy's camp to which the wind usually blew,
  and there waited his opportunity.  When the skirmish was begun, and the
  sun risen, and a strong wind set in from the mountains, he gave the
  signal of onset; and, heaping in an infinite quantity of fiery matter,
  filled all their rampart with it, so that the flame being fed by the
  close timber and wooden palisades, went on and spread into all quarters.
  The Latins, having nothing ready to keep it off or extinguish it, when
  the camp was now almost full of fire, were driven back within a very
  small compass, and at last forced by necessity to come into their
  enemy's hands, who stood before the works ready armed and prepared to
  receive them; of these very few escaped, while those that stayed in the
  camp were all a prey to the fire, until the Romans, to gain the pillage,
  extinguished it.

  These things performed, Camillus, leaving his son Lucius in the camp to
  guard the prisoners and secure the booty, passed into the enemy's
  country, where, having taken the city of the Aequians and reduced the
  Volscians to obedience, he then immediately led his army to Sutrium, not
  having heard what had befallen the Sutrians, but making haste to assist
  them, as if they were still in danger and besieged by the Tuscans.
  They, however, had already surrendered their city to their enemies, and
  destitute of all things, with nothing left but their clothes, met
  Camillus on the way, leading their wives and children, and bewailing
  their misfortune.  Camillus himself was struck with compassion, and
  perceiving the soldiers weeping, and commiserating their case, while the
  Sutrians hung about and clung to them, resolved not to defer revenge,
  but that very day to lead his army to Sutrium; conjecturing that the
  enemy, having just taken a rich and plentiful city, without an enemy
  left within it, nor any from without to be expected, would be found
  abandoned to enjoyment and unguarded.  Neither did his opinion fail him;
  he not only passed through their country without discovery, but came up
  to their very gates and possessed himself of the walls, not a man being
  left to guard them, but their whole army scattered about in the houses,
  drinking and making merry.  Nay, when at last they did perceive that the
  enemy had seized the city, they were so overloaded with meat and wine,
  that few were able so much as to endeavor to escape, but either waited
  shamefully for their death within doors, or surrendered themselves to
  the conqueror.  Thus the city of the Sutrians was twice taken in one
  day; and they who were in possession lost it, and they who had lost
  regained it, alike by the means of Camillus.  For all which actions he
  received a triumph, which brought him no less honor and reputation than
  the two former ones; for those citizens who before most regarded him
  with an evil eye, and ascribed his successes to a certain luck rather
  than real merit, were compelled by these last acts of his to allow the
  whole honor to his great abilities and energy.

  Of all the adversaries and enviers of his glory, Marcus Manlius was the
  most distinguished, he who first drove back the Gauls when they made
  their night attack upon the Capitol, and who for that reason had been
  named Capitolinus.  This man, affecting the first place in the
  commonwealth, and not able by noble ways to outdo Camillus's reputation,
  took that ordinary course towards usurpation of absolute power, namely,
  to gain the multitude, those of them especially that were in debt;
  defending some by pleading their causes against their creditors,
  rescuing others by force, and not suffering the law to proceed against
  them; insomuch that in a short time he got great numbers of indigent
  people about him, whose tumults and uproars in the forum struck terror
  into the principal citizens.  After that Quintius Capitolinus, who was
  made dictator to suppress these disorders, had committed Manlius to
  prison, the people immediately changed their apparel, a thing never done
  but in great and public calamities, and the senate, fearing some tumult,
  ordered him to be released.  He, however, when set at liberty, changed
  not his course, but was rather the more insolent in his proceedings,
  filling the whole city with faction and sedition.  They chose,
  therefore, Camillus again military tribune; and a day being appointed
  for Manlius to answer to his charge, the prospect from the place where
  his trial was held proved a great impediment to his accusers; for the
  very spot where Manlius by night fought with the Gauls overlooked the
  forum from the Capitol, so that, stretching forth his hands that way,
  and weeping, he called to their remembrance his past actions, raising
  compassion in all that beheld him.  Insomuch that the judges were at a
  loss what to do, and several times adjourned the trial, unwilling to
  acquit him of the crime, which was sufficiently proved, and yet unable
  to execute the law while his noble action remained, as it were, before
  their eyes.  Camillus, considering this, transferred the court outside
  the gates to the Peteline Grove, from whence there is no prospect of the
  Capitol.  Here his accuser went on with his charge, and his judges were
  capable of remembering and duly resenting his guilty deeds.  He was
  convicted, carried to the Capitol, and flung headlong from the rock; so
  that one and the same spot was thus the witness of his greatest glory,
  and monument of his most unfortunate end.  The Romans, besides, razed
  his house, and built there a temple to the goddess they call Moneta,
  ordaining for the future that none of the patrician order should ever
  dwell on the Capitoline.

  And now Camillus, being called to his sixth tribuneship, desired to be
  excused, as being aged, and perhaps not unfearful of the malice of
  fortune, and those reverses which seem to ensue upon great prosperity.
  But the most apparent pretense was the weakness of his body, for he
  happened at that time to be sick; the people, however, would admit of no
  excuses, but, crying that they wanted not his strength for horse or for
  foot service, but only his counsel and conduct, constrained him to
  undertake the command, and with one of his fellow-tribunes to lead the
  army immediately against the enemy.  These were the Praenestines and
  Volscians, who, with large forces, were laying waste the territory of
  the Roman confederates.  Having marched out with his army, he sat down
  and encamped near the enemy, meaning himself to protract the war, or if
  there should come any necessity or occasion of fighting, in the mean
  time to regain his strength.  But Lucius Furius, his colleague, carried
  away with the desire of glory, was not to be held in, but, impatient to
  give battle, inflamed the inferior officers of the army with the same
  eagerness; so that Camillus, fearing he might seem out of envy to be
  wishing to rob the young men of the glory of a noble exploit, consented,
  though unwillingly, that he should draw out the forces, whilst himself,
  by reason of weakness, stayed behind with a few in the camp.  Lucius,
  engaging rashly, was discomfited, when Camillus, perceiving the Romans
  to give ground and fly, could not contain himself, but, leaping from his
  bed, with those he had about him ran to meet them at the gates of the
  camp, making his way through the flyers to oppose the pursuers; so that
  those who had got within the camp turned back at once and followed him,
  and those that came flying from without made head again and gathered
  about him, exhorting one another not to forsake their general.  Thus the
  enemy for that time, was stopped in his pursuit.  The next day Camillus
  drawing out his forces and joining battle with them, overthrew them by
  main force, and, following close upon them, entered pell-mell with them
  into their camp and took it, slaying the greatest part of them.
  Afterwards, having heard that the city Satricum was taken by the
  Tuscans, and the inhabitants, all Romans, put to the sword, he sent home
  to Rome the main body of his forces and heaviest-armed, and, taking
  with him the lightest and most vigorous soldiers, set suddenly upon the
  Tuscans, who were in the possession of the city, and mastered them,
  slaying some and expelling the rest; and so, returning to Rome with
  great spoils, gave signal evidence of their superior wisdom, who, not
  mistrusting the weakness and age of a commander endued with courage and
  conduct, had rather chosen him who was sickly and desirous to be
  excused, than younger men who were forward and ambitious to command.

  When, therefore, the revolt of the Tusculans was reported, they gave
  Camillus the charge of reducing them, choosing one of his five
  colleagues to go with him.  And when every one was eager for the place,
  contrary to the expectation of all, he passed by the rest and chose
  Lucius Furius, the very same man who lately, against the judgment of
  Camillus, had rashly hazarded and nearly lost a battle; willing, as it
  should seem, to dissemble that miscarriage, and free him from the shame
  of it.  The Tusculans, hearing of Camillus's coming against them, made a
  cunning attempt at revoking their act of revolt; their fields, as in
  times of highest peace, were full of plowman and shepherds; their gates
  stood wide open, and their children were being taught in the schools; of
  the people, such as were tradesmen, he found in their workshops, busied
  about their several employments, and the better sort of citizens walking
  in the public places in their ordinary dress; the magistrates hurried
  about to provide quarters for the Romans, as if they stood in fear of no
  danger and were conscious of no fault.  Which arts, though they could
  not dispossess Camillus of the conviction he had of their treason, yet
  induced some compassion for their repentance; he commanded them to go to
  the senate and deprecate their anger, and joined himself as an
  intercessor in their behalf, so that their city was acquitted of all
  guilt and admitted to Roman citizenship, These were the most memorable
  actions of his sixth tribuneship.

  After these things, Licinius Stolo raised a great sedition in the city,
  and brought the people to dissension with the senate, contending, that
  of two consuls one should be chosen out of the commons, and not both out
  of the patricians.  Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election
  of consuls was interrupted and prevented by the people.  And as this
  absence of any supreme magistrate was leading to yet further confusion,
  Camillus was the fourth time created dictator by the senate, sorely
  against the people's will, and not altogether in accordance with his
  own; he had little desire for a conflict with men whose past services
  entitled them to tell him that he had achieved far greater actions in
  war along with them than in politics with the patricians, who, indeed,
  had only put him forward now out of envy; that, if successful, he might
  crush the people, or, failing, be crushed himself.  However, to provide
  as good a remedy as he could for the present, knowing the day on which
  the tribunes of the people intended to prefer the law, he appointed it
  by proclamation for a general muster, and called the people from the
  forum into the Campus, threatening to set heavy fines upon such as
  should not obey.  On the other side, the tribunes of the people met his
  threats by solemnly protesting they would fine him in fifty thousand
  drachmas of silver, if he persisted in obstructing the people from
  giving their suffrages for the law.  Whether it were, then, that he
  feared another banishment or condemnation which would ill become his age
  and past great actions, or found himself unable to stem the current of
  the multitude, which ran strong and violent, he betook himself, for the
  present, to his house, and afterwards, for some days together,
  professing sickness, finally laid down his dictatorship.  The senate
  created another dictator; who, choosing Stolo, leader of the sedition,
  to be his general of horse, suffered that law to be enacted and
  ratified, which was most grievous to the patricians, namely, that no
  person whatsoever should possess above five hundred acres of land.
  Stolo was much distinguished by the victory he had gained; but, not long
  after, was found himself to possess more than he had allowed to others,
  and suffered the penalties of his own law.

  And now the contention about election of consuls coming on (which was
  the main point and original cause of the dissension, and had throughtout
  furnished most matter of division between the senate and the people),
  certain intelligence arrived, that the Gauls again, proceeding from the
  Adriatic Sea, were marching in vast numbers upon Rome.  On the very
  heels of the report followed manifest acts also of hostility; the
  country through which they marched was all wasted, and such as by flight
  could not make their escape to Rome were dispersing and scattering among
  the mountains.  The terror of this war quieted the sedition; nobles and
  commons, senate and people together, unanimously chose Camillus the
  fifth time dictator; who, though very aged, not wanting much of
  fourscore years, yet, considering the danger and necessity of his
  country, did not, as before, pretend sickness, or depreciate his own
  capacity, but at once undertook the charge, and enrolled soldiers.  And,
  knowing that the great force of the barbarians lay chiefly in their
  swords, with which they laid about them in a rude and inartificial
  manner, hacking and hewing the head and shoulders, he caused head-pieces
  entire of iron to be made for most of his men, smoothing and polishing
  the outside, that the enemy's swords, lighting upon them, might either
  slide off or be broken; and fitted also their shields with a little rim
  of brass, the wood itself not being sufficient to bear off the blows.
  Besides, he taught his soldiers to use their long javelins in close
  encounter, and, by bringing them under their enemy's swords, to receive
  their strokes upon them.

  When the Gauls drew near, about the river Anio, dragging a heavy camp
  after them, and loaded with infinite spoil, Camillus drew forth his
  forces, and planted himself upon a hill of easy ascent, and which had
  many dips in it, with the object that the greatest part of his army
  might lie concealed, and those who appeared might be thought to have
  betaken themselves, through fear, to those upper grounds.  And the more
  to increase this opinion in them, he suffered them, without any
  disturbance, to spoil and pillage even to his very trenches, keeping
  himself quiet within his works, which were well fortified; till, at
  last, perceiving that part of the enemy were scattered about the country
  foraging, and that those that were in the camp did nothing day and night
  but drink and revel, in the nighttime he drew up his lightest-armed
  men, and sent them out before to impede the enemy while forming into
  order, and to harass them when they should first issue out of their
  camp; and early in the morning brought down his main body, and set them
  in battle array in the lower grounds, a numerous and courageous army,
  not, as the barbarians had supposed, an inconsiderable and fearful
  division.  The first thing that shook the courage of the Gauls was, that
  their enemies had, contrary to their expectation, the honor of being
  aggressors.  In the next place, the light-armed men, falling upon them
  before they could get into their usual order or range themselves in
  their proper squadrons, so disturbed and pressed upon them, that they
  were obliged to fight at random, without any order at all.  But at last,
  when Camillus brought on his heavy-armed legions, the barbarians, with
  their swords drawn, went vigorously to engage them; the Romans, however,
  opposing their javelins and receiving the force of their blows on those
  parts of their defenses which were well guarded with steel, turned the
  edge of their weapons, being made of a soft and ill-tempered metal, so
  that their swords bent and doubled up in their hands; and their shields
  were pierced through and through, and grew heavy with the javelins that
  stuck upon them.  And thus forced to quit their own weapons, they
  endeavored to take advantage of those of their enemies, laid hold of the
  javelins with their hands, and tried to pluck them away.  But the
  Romans, perceiving them now naked and defenseless, betook themselves to
  their swords, which they so well used, that in a little time great
  slaughter was made in the foremost ranks, while the rest fled over all
  parts of the level country; the hills and upper grounds Camillus had
  secured beforehand, and their camp they knew it would not be difficult
  for the enemy to take, as, through confidence of victory, they had left
  it unguarded.  This fight, it is stated, was thirteen years after the
  sacking of Rome; and from henceforward the Romans took courage, and
  surmounted the apprehensions they had hitherto entertained of the
  barbarians, whose previous defeat they had attributed rather to
  pestilence and a concurrence of mischances than to their own superior
  valor.  And, indeed, this fear had been formerly so great, that they
  made a law, that priests should be excused from service in war, unless
  in an invasion from the Gauls.

  This was the last military action that ever Camillus performed; for the
  voluntary surrender of the city of the Velitrani was but a mere
  accessory to it.  But the greatest of all civil contests, and the
  hardest to be managed, was still to be fought out against the people;
  who, returning home full of victory and success, insisted, contrary to
  established law, to have one of the consuls chosen out of their own
  body.  The senate strongly opposed it, and would not suffer Camillus to
  lay down his dictatorship, thinking, that, under the shelter of his
  great name and authority, they should be better able to contend for the
  power of the aristocracy.  But when Camillus was sitting upon the
  tribunal, dispatching public affairs, an officer, sent by the tribunes
  of the people, commanded him to rise and follow him, laying his hand
  upon him, as ready to seize and carry him away; upon which, such a noise
  and tumult as was never heard before, filled the whole forum; some that
  were about Camillus thrusting the officer from the bench, and the
  multitude below calling out to him to bring Camillus down.  Being at a
  loss what to do in these difficulties, he yet laid not down his
  authority, but, taking the senators along with him, he went to the
  senate-house; but before he entered, besought the gods that they would
  bring these troubles to a happy conclusion, solemnly vowing, when the
  tumult was ended, to build a temple to Concord.  A great conflict of
  opposite opinions arose in the senate; but, at last, the most moderate
  and most acceptable to the people prevailed, and consent was given, that
  of two consuls, one should be chosen from the commonalty.  When the
  dictator proclaimed this determination of the senate to the people, at
  the moment, pleased and reconciled with the senate, as indeed could not
  otherwise be, they accompanied Camillus home, with all expressions and
  acclamations of joy; and the next day, assembling together, they voted a
  temple of Concord to be built, according to Camillus's vow, facing the
  assembly and the forum; and to the feasts, called the Latin holidays,
  they added one day more, making four in all; and ordained that, on the
  present occasion, the whole people of Rome should sacrifice with
  garlands on their heads.

  In the election of consuls held by Camillus, Marcus Aemilius was chosen
  of the patricians, and Lucius Sextius the first of the commonalty; and
  this was the last of all Camillus's actions.  In the year following, a
  pestilential sickness infected Rome, which, besides an infinite number
  of the common people, swept away most of the magistrates, among whom was
  Camillus; whose death cannot be called immature, if we consider his
  great age, or greater actions, yet was he more lamented than all the
  rest put together that then died of that distemper.





PERICLES

  Caesar once, seeing some wealthy strangers at Rome, carrying up and
  down with them in their arms and bosoms young puppy-dogs and monkeys,
  embracing and making much of them, took occasion not unnaturally to ask
  whether the women in their country were not used to bear children; by
  that prince-like reprimand gravely reflecting upon persons who spend and
  lavish upon brute beasts that affection and kindness which nature has
  implanted in us to be bestowed on those of our own kind.  With like
  reason may we blame those who misuse that love of inquiry and
  observation which nature has implanted in our souls, by expending it on
  objects unworthy of the attention either of their eyes or their ears,
  while they disregard such as are excellent in themselves, and would do
  them good.

  The mere outward sense, being passive in responding to the impression of
  the objects that come in its way and strike upon it, perhaps cannot help
  entertaining and taking notice of everything that addresses it, be it
  what it will, useful or unuseful; but, in the exercise of his mental
  perception, every man, if he chooses, has a natural power to turn
  himself upon all occasions, and to change and shift with the greatest
  ease to what he shall himself judge desirable.  So that it becomes a
  man's duty to pursue and make after the best and choicest of everything,
  that he may not only employ his contemplation, but may also be
  improved by it.  For as that color is most suitable to the eye whose
  freshness and pleasantness stimulates and strengthens the sight, so a
  man ought to apply his intellectual perception to such objects as, with
  the sense of delight, are apt to call it forth, and allure it to its
  own proper good and advantage.

  Such objects we find in the acts of virtue, which also produce in the
  minds of mere readers about them, an emulation and eagerness that may
  lead them on to imitation.  In other things there does not immediately
  follow upon the admiration and liking of the thing done, any strong
  desire of doing the like.  Nay, many times, on the very contrary, when
  we are pleased with the work, we slight and set little by the workman or
  artist himself, as, for instance, in perfumes and purple dyes, we are
  taken with the things themselves well enough, but do not think dyers and
  perfumers otherwise than low and sordid people.  It was not said amiss
  by Antisthenes, when people told him that one Ismenias was an excellent
  piper, "It may be so," said he, "but he is but a wretched human being,
  otherwise he would not have been an excellent piper."  And king Philip,
  to the same purpose, told his son Alexander, who once at a merry-meeting
  played a piece of music charmingly and skillfully, "Are you not ashamed,
  son, to play so well?"  For it is enough for a king, or prince to find
  leisure sometimes to hear others sing, and he does the muses quite honor
  enough when he pleases to be but present, while others engage in such
  exercises and trials of skill.

  He who busies himself in mean occupations produces, in the very pains he
  takes about things of little or no use, an evidence against himself of
  his negligence and indisposition to what is really good.  Nor did any
  generous and ingenuous young man, at the sight of the statue of Jupiter
  at Pisa, ever desire to be a Phidias, or, on seeing that of Juno at
  Argos, long to be a Polycletus, or feel induced by his pleasure in their
  poems to wish to be an Anacreon or Philetas or Archilochus.  For it does
  not necessarily follow, that, if a piece of work please for its
  gracefulness, therefore he that wrought it deserves our admiration.
  Whence it is that neither do such things really profit or advantage the
  beholders, upon the sight of which no zeal arises for the imitation of
  them, nor any impulse or inclination, which may prompt any desire or
  endeavor of doing the like.  But virtue, by the bare statement of its
  actions, can so affect men's minds as to create at once both admiration
  of the things done and desire to imitate the doers of them.  The goods
  of fortune we would possess and would enjoy; those of virtue we long to
  practice and exercise; we are content to receive the former from others,
  the latter we wish others to experience from us.  Moral good is a
  practical stimulus; it is no sooner seen, than it inspires an impulse to
  practice; and influences the mind and character not by a mere imitation
  which we look at, but, by the statement of the fact, creates a moral
  purpose which we form.

  And so we have thought fit to spend our time and pains in writing of the
  lives of famous persons; and have composed this tenth book upon that
  subject, containing the life of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus,
  who carried on the war against Hannibal, men alike, as in their other
  virtues and good parts, so especially in their mild and upright temper
  and demeanor, and in that capacity to bear the cross-grained humors of
  their fellow-citizens and colleagues in office which made them both most
  useful and serviceable to the interests of their countries.  Whether we
  take a right aim at our intended purpose, it is left to the reader to
  judge by what he shall here find.

  Pericles was of the tribe Acamantis, and the township Cholargus, of the
  noblest birth both on his father's and mother's side.  Xanthippus, his
  father, who defeated the king of Persia's generals in the battle at
  Mycale, took to wife Agariste, the grandchild of Clisthenes, who drove
  out the sons of Pisistratus, and nobly put an end to their tyrannical
  usurpation, and moreover made a body of laws, and settled a model of
  government admirably tempered and suited for the harmony and safety of
  the people.

  His mother, being near her time, fancied in a dream that she was brought
  to bed of a lion, and a few days after was delivered of Pericles, in
  other respects perfectly formed, only his head was somewhat longish and
  out of proportion.  For which reason almost all the images and statues
  that were made of him have the head covered with a helmet, the workmen
  apparently being willing not to expose him.  The poets of Athens called
  him Schinocephalos, or squill-head, from schinos, a squill, or sea-
  onion.  One of the comic poets, Cratinus, in the Chirons,
  tells us that —

  Old Chronos once took queen Sedition to wife;
  Which two brought to life
  That tyrant far-famed,
  Whom the gods the supreme skull-compeller have named.

  And, in the Nemesis, addresses him —

  Come, Jove, thou head of gods.

  And a second, Teleclides, says, that now, in embarrassment with
  political difficulties, he sits in the city,—

  Fainting underneath the load
  Of his own head; and now abroad,
  From his huge gallery of a pate,
  Sends forth trouble to the state.

  And a third, Eupolis, in the comedy called the Demi, in a series of
  questions about each of the demagogues, whom he makes in the play to
  come up from hell, upon Pericles being named last, exclaims,—

  And here by way of summary, now we've done,
  Behold, in brief, the heads of all in one.

  The master that taught him music, most authors are agreed, was Damon
  (whose name, they say, ought to be pronounced with the first syllable
  short).  Though Aristotle tells us that he was thoroughly practiced in
  all accomplishments of this kind by Pythoclides.  Damon, it is not
  unlikely, being a sophist, out of policy, sheltered himself under the
  profession of music to conceal from people in general his skill in other
  things, and under this pretense attended Pericles, the young athlete of
  politics, so to say, as his training-master in these exercises.  Damon's
  lyre, however, did not prove altogether a successful blind; he was
  banished the country by ostracism for ten years, as a dangerous
  intermeddler and a favorer of arbitrary power, and, by this means, gave
  the stage occasion to play upon him.  As, for instance, Plato, the comic
  poet, introduces a character, who questions him —

  Tell me, if you please,
  Since you're the Chiron who taught Pericles.

  Pericles, also, was a hearer of Zeno, the Eleatic, who treated of
  natural philosophy in the same manner as Parmenides did, but had also
  perfected himself in an art of his own for refuting and silencing
  opponents in argument; as Timon of Phlius describes it, —

  Also the two-edged tongue of mighty Zeno, who,
  Say what one would, could argue it untrue.

  But he that saw most of Pericles, and furnished him most especially with
  a weight and grandeur of sense, superior to all arts of popularity, and
  in general gave him his elevation and sublimity of purpose and of
  character, was Anaxagoras of Clazomenae; whom the men of those times
  called by the name of Nous, that is, mind, or intelligence, whether in
  admiration of the great and extraordinary gift he displayed for the
  science of nature, or because that he was the first of the philosophers
  who did not refer the first ordering of the world to fortune or chance,
  nor to necessity or compulsion, but to a pure, unadulterated
  intelligence, which in all other existing mixed and compound things acts
  as a principle of discrimination, and of combination of like with like.

  For this man, Pericles entertained an extraordinary esteem and
  admiration, and, filling himself with this lofty, and, as they call it,
  up-in-the-air sort of thought, derived hence not merely, as was natural,
  elevation of purpose and dignity of language, raised far above the base
  and dishonest buffooneries of mob-eloquence, but, besides this, a
  composure of countenance, and a serenity and calmness in all his
  movements, which no occurrence whilst he was speaking could disturb, a
  sustained and even tone of voice, and various other advantages of a
  similar kind, which produced the greatest effect on his hearers.  Once,
  after being reviled and ill-spoken of all day long in his own hearing by
  some vile and abandoned fellow in the open marketplace, where he was
  engaged in the dispatch of some urgent affair, he continued his business
  in perfect silence, and in the evening returned home composedly, the man
  still dogging him at the heels, and pelting him all the way with abuse
  and foul language; and stepping into his house, it being by this time
  dark, he ordered one of his servants to take a light, and to go along
  with the man and see him safe home.  Ion, it is true, the dramatic poet,
  says that Pericles's manner in company was somewhat over-assuming and
  pompous; and that into his high bearing there entered a good deal of
  slightingness and scorn of others; he reserves his commendation for
  Cimon's ease and pliancy and natural grace in society.  Ion, however,
  who must needs make virtue, like a show of tragedies, include some comic
  scenes, we shall not altogether rely upon; Zeno used to bid those who
  called Pericles's gravity the affectation of a charlatan, to go and
  affect the like themselves; inasmuch as this mere counterfeiting might
  in time insensibly instill into them a real love and knowledge of those
  noble qualities.

  Nor were these the only advantages which Pericles derived from
  Anaxagoras's acquaintance; he seems also to have become, by his
  instructions, superior to that superstition with which an ignorant
  wonder at appearances, for example, in the heavens possesses the minds
  of people unacquainted with their causes, eager for the supernatural,
  and excitable through an inexperience which the knowledge of natural
  causes removes, replacing wild and timid superstition by the good hope
  and assurance of an intelligent piety.

  There is a story, that once Pericles had brought to him from a country
  farm of his, a ram's head with one horn, and that Lampon, the diviner,
  upon seeing the horn grow strong and solid out of the midst of the
  forehead, gave it as his judgment, that, there being at that time two
  potent factions, parties, or interests in the city, the one of
  Thucydides and the other of Pericles, the government would come about to
  that one of them in whose ground or estate this token or indication of
  fate had shown itself.  But that Anaxagoras, cleaving the skull in
  sunder, showed to the bystanders that the brain had not filled up its
  natural place, but being oblong, like an egg, had collected from all
  parts of the vessel which contained it, in a point to that place from
  whence the root of the horn took its rise.  And that, for that time,
  Anaxagoras was much admired for his explanation by those that were
  present; and Lampon no less a little while after, when Thucydides was
  overpowered, and the whole affairs of the state and government came into
  the hands of Pericles.

  And yet, in my opinion, it is no absurdity to say that they were both in
  the right, both natural philosopher and diviner, one justly detecting
  the cause of this event, by which it was produced, the other the end for
  which it was designed.  For it was the business of the one to find out
  and give an account of what it was made, and in what manner and by what
  means it grew as it did; and of the other to foretell to what end and
  purpose it was so made, and what it might mean or portend.  Those who
  say that to find out the cause of a prodigy is in effect to destroy its
  supposed signification as such, do not take notice that, at the same
  time, together with divine prodigies, they also do away with signs and
  signals of human art and concert, as, for instance, the clashings of
  quoits, fire-beacons, and the shadows on sun-dials, every one of which
  things has its cause, and by that cause and contrivance is a sign of
  something else.  But these are subjects, perhaps, that would better
  befit another place.

  Pericles, while yet but a young man, stood in considerable apprehension
  of the people, as he was thought in face and figure to be very like the
  tyrant Pisistratus, and those of great age remarked upon the sweetness
  of his voice, and his volubility and rapidity in speaking, and were
  struck with amazement at the resemblance.  Reflecting, too, that he had
  a considerable estate, and was descended of a noble family, and had
  friends of great influence, he was fearful all this might bring him to
  be banished as a dangerous person; and for this reason meddled not at
  all with state affairs, but in military service showed himself of a
  brave and intrepid nature.  But when Aristides was now dead, and
  Themistocles driven out, and Cimon was for the most part kept abroad by
  the expeditions he made in parts out of Greece, Pericles, seeing things
  in this posture, now advanced and took his side, not with the rich and
  few, but with the many and poor, contrary to his natural bent, which was
  far from democratical; but, most likely, fearing he might fall under
  suspicion of aiming at arbitrary power, and seeing Cimon on the side of
  the aristocracy, and much beloved by the better and more distinguished
  people, he joined the party of the people, with a view at once both to
  secure himself and procure means against Cimon.

  He immediately entered, also, on quite a new course of life and
  management of his time.  For he was never seen to walk in any street but
  that which led to the marketplace and the council-hall, and he avoided
  invitations of friends to supper, and all friendly visiting and
  intercourse whatever; in all the time he had to do with the public,
  which was not a little, he was never known to have gone to any of his
  friends to a supper, except that once when his near kinsman Euryptolemus
  married, he remained present till the ceremony of the drink-offering,
  and then immediately rose from table and went his way.  For these
  friendly meetings are very quick to defeat any assumed superiority, and
  in intimate familiarity an exterior of gravity is hard to maintain.
  Real excellence, indeed, is most recognized when most openly looked
  into; and in really good men, nothing which meets the eyes of external
  observers so truly deserves their admiration, as their daily common life
  does that of their nearer friends.  Pericles, however, to avoid any
  feeling of commonness, or any satiety on the part of the people,
  presented himself at intervals only, not speaking to every business, nor
  at all times coming into the assembly, but, as Critolaus says, reserving
  himself, like the Salaminian galley, for great occasions, while matters
  of lesser importance were dispatched by friends or other speakers under
  his direction.  And of this number we are told Ephialtes made one, who
  broke the power of the council of Areopagus, giving the people,
  according to Plato's expression, so copious and so strong a draught of
  liberty, that, growing wild and unruly, like an unmanageable horse, it,
  as the comic poets say, —

  " — got beyond all keeping in,
  Champing at Euboea, and among the islands leaping in."
  The style of speaking most consonant to his form of life and the dignity
  of his views he found, so to say, in the tones of that instrument with
  which Anaxagoras had furnished him; of his teaching he continually
  availed himself, and deepened the colors of rhetoric with the dye of
  natural science.  For having, in addition to his great natural genius,
  attained, by the study of nature, to use the words of the divine Plato,
  this height of intelligence, and this universal consummating power, and
  drawing hence whatever might be of advantage to him in the art of
  speaking, he showed himself far superior to all others.  Upon which
  account, they say, he had his nickname given him, though some are of
  opinion he was named the Olympian from the public buildings with which
  he adorned the city; and others again, from his great power in public
  affairs, whether of war or peace.  Nor is it unlikely that the
  confluence of many attributes may have conferred it on him.  However,
  the comedies represented at the time, which, both in good earnest and in
  merriment, let fly many hard words at him, plainly show that he got that
  appellation especially from his speaking; they speak of his "thundering
  and lightning" when he harangued the people, and of his wielding a
  dreadful thunderbolt in his tongue.

  A saying also of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, stands on record,
  spoken by him by way of pleasantry upon Pericles's dexterity.
  Thucydides was one of the noble and distinguished citizens, and had been
  his greatest opponent; and, when Archidamus, the king of the
  Lacedaemonians, asked him whether he or Pericles were the better
  wrestler, he made this answer:  "When I," said he, "have thrown him and
  given him a fair fall, by persisting that he had no fall, he gets the
  better of me, and makes the bystanders, in spite of their own eyes,
  believe him."  The truth, however, is, that Pericles himself was very
  careful what and how he was to speak, insomuch that, whenever he went up
  to the hustings, he prayed the gods that no one word might unawares slip
  from him unsuitable to the matter and the occasion.

  He has left nothing in writing behind him, except some decrees; and
  there are but very few of his sayings recorded; one, for example, is,
  that he said Aegina must, like a gathering in a man's eye, be removed
  from Piraeus; and another, that he said he saw already war moving on its
  way towards them out of Peloponnesus.  Again, when on a time Sophocles,
  who was his fellow-commissioner in the generalship, was going on board
  with him, and praised the beauty of a youth they met with in the way to
  the ship, "Sophocles," said he, "a general ought not only to have clean
  hands, but also clean eyes."  And Stesimbrotus tells us, that, in his
  encomium on those who fell in battle at Samos, he said they were become
  immortal, as the gods were.  "For," said he, "we do not see them
  themselves, but only by the honors we pay them, and by the benefits they
  do us, attribute to them immortality; and the like attributes belong
  also to those that die in the service of their country."

  Since Thucydides describes the rule of Pericles as an aristocratical
  government, that went by the name of a democracy, but was, indeed, the
  supremacy of a single great man, while many others say, on the contrary,
  that by him the common people were first encouraged and led on to such
  evils as appropriations of subject territory; allowances for attending
  theaters, payments for performing public duties, and by these bad habits
  were, under the influence of his public measures, changed from a sober,
  thrifty people, that maintained themselves by their own labors, to
  lovers of expense, intemperance, and license, let us examine the cause
  of this change by the actual matters of fact.

  At the first, as has been said, when he set himself against Cimon's
  great authority, he did caress the people.  Finding himself come short of
  his competitor in wealth and money, by which advantages the other was
  enabled to take care of the poor, inviting every day some one or other
  of the citizens that was in want to supper, and bestowing clothes on the
  aged people, and breaking down the hedges and enclosures of his grounds,
  that all that would might freely gather what fruit they pleased,
  Pericles, thus outdone in popular arts, by the advice of one Damonides
  of Oea, as Aristotle states, turned to the distribution of the public
  moneys; and in a short time having bought the people over, what with
  moneys allowed for shows and for service on juries, and what with other
  forms of pay and largess, he made use of them against the council of
  Areopagus, of which he himself was no member, as having never been
  appointed by lot either chief archon, or lawgiver, or king, or captain.
  For from of old these offices were conferred on persons by lot, and they
  who had acquitted themselves duly in the discharge of them were advanced
  to the court of Areopagus.  And so Pericles, having secured his power
  and interest with the populace, directed the exertions of his party
  against this council with such success, that most of those causes and
  matters which had been used to be tried there, were, by the agency of
  Ephialtes, removed from its cognizance, Cimon, also, was banished by
  ostracism as a favorer of the Lacedaemonians and a hater of the people,
  though in wealth and noble birth he was among the first, and had won
  several most glorious victories over the barbarians, and had filled the
  city with money and spoils of war; as is recorded in the history of his
  life.  So vast an authority had Pericles obtained among the people.

  The ostracism was limited by law to ten years; but the Lacedaemonians,
  in the mean time, entering with a great army into the territory of
  Tanagra, and the Athenians going out against them, Cimon, coming from
  his banishment before his time was out, put himself in arms and array
  with those of his fellow-citizens that were of his own tribe, and
  desired by his deeds to wipe off the suspicion of his favoring the
  Lacedaemonians, by venturing his own person along with his country-men.
  But Pericles's friends, gathering in a body, forced him to retire as a
  banished man.  For which cause also Pericles seems to have exerted
  himself more in that than in any battle, and to have been conspicuous
  above all for his exposure of himself to danger.  All Cimon's friends,
  also, to a man, fell together side by side, whom Pericles had accused
  with him of taking part with the Lacedaemonians.  Defeated in this
  battle on their own frontiers, and expecting a new and perilous attack
  with return of spring, the Athenians now felt regret and sorrow for the
  loss of Cimon, and repentance for their expulsion of him.  Pericles,
  being sensible of their feelings, did not hesitate or delay to gratify
  it, and himself made the motion for recalling him home.  He, upon his
  return, concluded a peace betwixt the two cities; for the Lacedaemonians
  entertained as kindly feelings towards him as they did the reverse
  towards Pericles and the other popular leaders.

  Yet some there are who say that Pericles did not propose the order for
  Cimon's return till some private articles of agreement had been made
  between them, and this by means of Elpinice, Cimon's sister; that Cimon,
  namely, should go out to sea with a fleet of two hundred ships, and be
  commander-in-chief abroad, with a design to reduce the king of Persia's
  territories, and that Pericles should have the power at home.

  This Elpinice, it was thought, had before this time procured some
  favor for her brother Cimon at Pericles's hands, and induced him to be
  more remiss and gentle in urging the charge when Cimon was tried for his
  life; for Pericles was one of the committee appointed by the commons to
  plead against him.  And when Elpinice came and besought him in her
  brother's behalf, he answered, with a smile, "O Elpinice, you are too
  old a woman to undertake such business as this."  But, when he appeared
  to impeach him, he stood up but once to speak, merely to acquit himself
  of his commission, and went out of court, having done Cimon the least
  prejudice of any of his accusers.

  How, then, can one believe Idomeneus, who charges Pericles as if he had
  by treachery procured the murder of Ephialtes, the popular statesman,
  one who was his friend, and of his own party in all his political
  course, out of jealousy, forsooth, and envy of his great reputation?
  This historian, it seems, having raked up these stories, I know not
  whence, has befouled with them a man who, perchance, was not altogether
  free from fault or blame, but yet had a noble spirit, and a soul that
  was bent on honor; and where such qualities are, there can no such cruel
  and brutal passion find harbor or gain admittance.  As to Ephialtes, the
  truth of the story, as Aristotle has told it, is this:  that having made
  himself formidable to the oligarchical party, by being an
  uncompromising asserter of the people's rights in calling to account and
  prosecuting those who any way wronged them, his enemies, lying in wait
  for him, by the means of Aristodicus the Tanagraean, privately
  dispatched him.

  Cimon, while he was admiral, ended his days in the Isle of Cyprus.  And
  the aristocratical party, seeing that Pericles was already before this
  grown to be the greatest and foremost man of all the city, but
  nevertheless wishing there should be somebody set up against him, to
  blunt and turn the edge of his power, that it might not altogether prove
  a monarchy, put forward Thucydides of Alopece, a discreet person, and a
  near kinsman of Cimon's, to conduct the opposition against him; who,
  indeed, though less skilled in warlike affairs than Cimon was, yet was
  better versed in speaking and political business, and keeping close
  guard in the city, and engaging with Pericles on the hustings, in a
  short time brought the government to an equality of parties.  For he
  would not suffer those who were called the honest and good (persons of
  worth and distinction) to be scattered up and down and mix themselves
  and be lost among the populace, as formerly, diminishing and obscuring
  their superiority amongst the masses; but taking them apart by
  themselves and uniting them in one body, by their combined weight he was
  able, as it were upon the balance, to make a counter-poise to the other
  party.

  For, indeed, there was from the beginning a sort of concealed split, or
  seam, as it might be in a piece of iron, marking the different popular
  and aristocratical tendencies; but the open rivalry and contention of
  these two opponents made the gash deep, and severed the city into the
  two parties of the people and the few.  And so Pericles, at that time
  more than at any other, let loose the reins to the people, and made his
  policy subservient to their pleasure, contriving continually to have
  some great public show or solemnity, some banquet, or some procession or
  other in the town to please them, coaxing his countrymen like children,
  with such delights and pleasures as were not, however, unedifying.
  Besides that every year he sent out threescore galleys, on board of
  which there went numbers of the citizens, who were in pay eight months,
  learning at the same time and practicing the art of seamanship.

  He sent, moreover, a thousand of them into the Chersonese as planters,
  to share the land among them by lot, and five hundred more into the isle
  of Naxos, and half that number to Andros, a thousand into Thrace to
  dwell among the Bisaltae, and others into Italy, when the city Sybaris,
  which now was called Thurii, was to be repeopled.  And this he did to
  ease and discharge the city of an idle, and, by reason of their
  idleness, a busy, meddling crowd of people; and at the same time to meet
  the necessities and restore the fortunes of the poor townsmen, and to
  intimidate, also, and check their allies from attempting any change, by
  posting such garrisons, as it were, in the midst of them.

  That which gave most pleasure and ornament to the city of Athens, and
  the greatest admiration and even astonishment to all strangers, and that
  which now is Greece's only evidence that the power she boasts of and her
  ancient wealth are no romance or idle story, was his construction of the
  public and sacred buildings.  Yet this was that of all his actions in
  the government which his enemies most looked askance upon and caviled at
  in the popular assemblies, crying out how that the commonwealth of
  Athens had lost its reputation and was ill-spoken of abroad for removing
  the common treasure of the Greeks from the isle of Delos into their own
  custody; and how that their fairest excuse for so doing, namely, that
  they took it away for fear the barbarians should seize it, and on
  purpose to secure it in a safe place, this Pericles had made
  unavailable, and how that "Greece cannot but resent it as an
  insufferable affront, and consider herself to be tyrannized over openly,
  when she sees the treasure, which was contributed by her upon a
  necessity for the war, wantonly lavished out by us upon our city, to
  gild her all over, and to adorn and set her forth, as it were some vain
  woman, hung round with precious stones and figures and temples, which
  cost a world of money."

  Pericles, on the other hand, informed the people, that they were in no
  way obliged to give any account of those moneys to their allies, so long
  as they maintained their defense, and kept off the barbarians from
  attacking them; while in the meantime they did not so much as supply
  one horse or man or ship, but only found money for the service; "which
  money," said he, "is not theirs that give it, but theirs that receive
  it, if so be they perform the conditions upon which they receive it."
  And that it was good reason, that, now the city was sufficiently
  provided and stored with all things necessary for the war, they should
  convert the overplus of its wealth to such undertakings, as would
  hereafter, when completed, give them eternal honor, and, for the
  present, while in process, freely supply all the inhabitants with
  plenty.  With their variety of workmanship and of occasions for service,
  which summon all arts and trades and require all hands to be employed
  about them, they do actually put the whole city, in a manner, into
  state-pay; while at the same time she is both beautified and maintained
  by herself.  For as those who are of age and strength for war are
  provided for and maintained in the armaments abroad by their pay out of
  the public stock, so, it being his desire and design that the
  undisciplined mechanic multitude that stayed at home should not go
  without their share of public salaries, and yet should not have them
  given them for sitting still and doing nothing, to that end he thought
  fit to bring in among them, with the approbation of the people, these
  vast projects of buildings and designs of works, that would be of some
  continuance before they were finished, and would give employment to
  numerous arts, so that the part of the people that stayed at home might,
  no less than those that were at sea or in garrisons or on expeditions,
  have a fair and just occasion of receiving the benefit and having their
  share of the public moneys.

  The materials were stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony cypress-wood; and
  the arts or trades that wrought and fashioned them were smiths and
  carpenters, molders, founders and braziers, stone-cutters, dyers,
  goldsmiths, ivory-workers, painters, embroiderers, turners; those again
  that conveyed them to the town for use, merchants and mariners and ship-
  masters by sea, and by land, cartwrights, cattle-breeders, waggoners,
  rope-makers, flax-workers, shoe-makers and leather-dressers, roadmakers,
  miners.  And every trade in the same nature, as a captain in an army has
  his particular company of soldiers under him, had its own hired company
  of journeymen and laborers belonging to it banded together as in array,
  to be as it were the instrument and body for the performance of the
  service.  Thus, to say all in a word, the occasions and services of
  these public works distributed plenty through every age and condition.

  As then grew the works up, no less stately in size than exquisite in
  form, the workmen striving to outvie the material and the design with
  the beauty of their workmanship, yet the most wonderful thing of all was
  the rapidity of their execution.  Undertakings, any one of which singly
  might have required, they thought, for their completion, several
  successions and ages of men, were every one of them accomplished in the
  height and prime of one man's political service.  Although they say,
  too, that Zeuxis once, having heard Agatharchus the painter boast of
  dispatching his work with speed and ease, replied, "I take a long time."
  For ease and speed in doing a thing do not give the work lasting
  solidity or exactness of beauty; the expenditure of time allowed to a
  man's pains beforehand for the production of a thing is repaid by way of
  interest with a vital force for its preservation when once produced.
  For which reason Pericles's works are especially admired, as having been
  made quickly, to last long.  For every particular piece of his work was
  immediately, even at that time, for its beauty and elegance, antique;
  and yet in its vigor and freshness looks to this day as if it were just
  executed.  There is a sort of bloom of newness upon those works of his,
  preserving them from the touch of time, as if they had some perennial
  spirit and undying vitality mingled in the composition of them.

  Phidias had the oversight of all the works, and was surveyor-general,
  though upon the various portions other great masters and workmen were
  employed.  For Callicrates and Ictinus built the Parthenon; the chapel
  at Eleusis, where the mysteries were celebrated, was begun by Coroebus,
  who erected the pillars that stand upon the floor or pavement, and
  joined them to the architraves; and after his death Metagenes of Xypete
  added the frieze and the upper line of columns; Xenocles of Cholargus
  roofed or arched the lantern on the top of the temple of Castor and
  Pollux; and the long wall, which Socrates says he himself heard Pericles
  propose to the people, was undertaken by Callicrates.  This work
  Cratinus ridicules, as long in finishing, —

  'Tis long since Pericles, if words would do it,
  Talk'd up the wall; yet adds not one mite to it.

  The Odeum, or music-room, which in its interior was full of seats and
  ranges of pillars, and outside had its roof made to slope and descend
  from one single point at the top, was constructed, we are told, in
  imitation of the king of Persia's Pavilion; this likewise by Pericles's
  order; which Cratinus again, in his comedy called The Thracian Women,
  made an occasion of raillery, —

  So, we see here,
  Jupiter Long-pate Pericles appear,
  Since ostracism time, he's laid aside his head,
  And wears the new Odeum in its stead.

  Pericles, also, eager for distinction, then first obtained the decree
  for a contest in musical skill to be held yearly at the Panathenaea, and
  he himself, being chosen judge, arranged the order and method in which
  the competitors should sing and play on the flute and on the harp.  And
  both at that time, and at other times also, they sat in this music-room
  to see and hear all such trials of skill.

  The propylaea, or entrances to the Acropolis, were finished in five
  years' time, Mnesicles being the principal architect.  A strange
  accident happened in the course of building, which showed that the
  goddess was not averse to the work, but was aiding and cooperating to
  bring it to perfection.  One of the artificers, the quickest and the
  handiest workman among them all, with a slip of his foot fell down from
  a great height, and lay in a miserable condition, the physicians having
  no hopes of his recovery.  When Pericles was in distress about this,
  Minerva appeared to him at night in a dream, and ordered a course of
  treatment, which he applied, and in a short time and with great ease
  cured the man.  And upon this occasion it was that he set up a brass
  statue of Minerva, surnamed Health, in the citadel near the altar, which
  they say was there before.  But it was Phidias who wrought the goddess's
  image in gold, and he has his name inscribed on the pedestal as the
  workman of it; and indeed the whole work in a manner was under his
  charge, and he had, as we have said already, the oversight over all the
  artists and workmen, through Pericles's friendship for him; and this,
  indeed, made him much envied, and his patron shamefully slandered with
  stories, as if Phidias were in the habit of receiving, for Pericles's
  use, freeborn women that came to see the works.  The comic writers of
  the town, when they had got hold of this story, made much of it, and
  bespattered him with all the ribaldry they could invent, charging him
  falsely with the wife of Menippus, one who was his friend and served as
  lieutenant under him in the wars; and with the birds kept by Pyrilampes,
  an acquaintance of Pericles, who, they pretended, used to give presents
  of peacocks to Pericles's female friends.  And how can one wonder at any
  number of strange assertions from men whose whole lives were devoted to
  mockery, and who were ready at any time to sacrifice the reputation of
  their superiors to vulgar envy and spite, as to some evil genius, when
  even Stesimbrotus the Thasian has dared to lay to the charge of Pericles
  a monstrous and fabulous piece of criminality with his son's wife?  So
  very difficult a matter is it to trace and find out the truth of
  anything by history, when, on the one hand, those who afterwards write
  it find long periods of time intercepting their view, and, on the other
  hand, the contemporary records of any actions and lives, partly through
  envy and ill-will, partly through favor and flattery, pervert and
  distort truth.

  When the orators, who sided with Thucydides and his party, were at one
  time crying out, as their custom was, against Pericles, as one who
  squandered away the public money, and made havoc of the state revenues,
  he rose in the open assembly and put the question to the people, whether
  they thought that he had laid out much; and they saying, "Too much, a
  great deal."  "Then," said he, "since it is so, let the cost not go to
  your account, but to mine; and let the inscription upon the buildings
  stand in my name."  When they heard him say thus, whether it were out of
  a surprise to see the greatness of his spirit, or out of emulation of
  the glory of the works, they cried aloud, bidding him to spend on, and
  lay out what he thought fit from the public purse, and to spare no cost,
  till all were finished.

  At length, coming to a final contest with Thucydides, which of the two
  should ostracize the other out of the country, and having gone through
  this peril, he threw his antagonist out, and broke up the confederacy
  that had been organized against him.  So that now all schism and
  division being at an end, and the city brought to evenness and unity, he
  got all Athens and all affairs that pertained to the Athenians into his
  own hands, their tributes, their armies, and their galleys, the islands,
  the sea, and their wide-extended power, partly over other Greeks and
  partly over barbarians, and all that empire, which they possessed,
  founded and fortified upon subject nations and royal friendships and
  alliances.

  After this he was no longer the same man he had been before, nor as tame
  and gentle and familiar as formerly with the populace, so as readily to
  yield to their pleasures and to comply with the desires of the
  multitude, as a steersman shifts with the winds.  Quitting that loose,
  remiss, and, in some cases, licentious court of the popular will, he
  turned those soft and flowery modulations to the austerity of
  aristocratical and regal rule; and employing this uprightly and
  undeviatingly for the country's best interests, he was able generally to
  lead the people along, with their own wills and consents, by persuading
  and showing them what was to be done; and sometimes, too, urging and
  pressing them forward extremely against their will, he made them,
  whether they would or no, yield submission to what was for their
  advantage.  In which, to say the truth, he did but like a skillful
  physician, who, in a complicated and chronic disease, as he sees
  occasion, at one while allows his patient the moderate use of such
  things as please him, at another while gives him keen pains and drugs to
  work the cure.  For there arising and growing up, as was natural, all
  manner of distempered feelings among a people which had so vast a
  command and dominion, he alone, as a great master, knowing how to handle
  and deal fitly with each one of them, and, in an especial manner, making
  that use of hopes and fears, as his two chief rudders, with the one to
  check the career of their confidence at any time, with the other to
  raise them up and cheer them when under any discouragement, plainly
  showed by this, that rhetoric, or the art of speaking, is, in Plato's
  language, the government of the souls of men, and that her chief
  business is to address the affections and passions, which are as it were
  the strings and keys to the soul, and require a skillful and careful
  touch to be played on as they should be.  The source of this
  predominance was not barely his power of language, but, as Thucydides
  assures us, the reputation of his life, and the confidence felt in his
  character; his manifest freedom from every kind of corruption, and
  superiority to all considerations of money.  Notwithstanding he had made
  the city Athens, which was great of itself, as great and rich as can be
  imagined, and though he were himself in power and interest more than
  equal to many kings and absolute rulers, who some of them also
  bequeathed by will their power to their children, he, for his part, did
  not make the patrimony his father left him greater than it was by one
  drachma.

  Thucydides, indeed, gives a plain statement of the greatness of his
  power; and the comic poets, in their spiteful manner, more than hint at
  it, styling his companions and friends the new Pisistratidae, and
  calling on him to abjure any intention of usurpation, as one whose
  eminence was too great to be any longer proportionable to and compatible
  with a democracy or popular government.  And Teleclides says the
  Athenians had surrendered up to him —

  The tribute of the cities, and with them, the cities too, to do with
  them as he pleases, and undo;
  To build up, if he likes, stone walls around a town; and again, if so he
  likes, to pull them down;
  Their treaties and alliances, power, empire, peace, and war, their
  wealth and their success forevermore.

  Nor was all this the luck of some happy occasion; nor was it the mere
  bloom and grace of a policy that flourished for a season; but having for
  forty years together maintained the first place among statesmen such as
  Ephialtes and Leocrates and Myronides and Cimon and Tolmides and
  Thucydides were, after the defeat and banishment of Thucydides, for no
  less than fifteen years longer, in the exercise of one continuous
  unintermitted command in the office, to which he was annually reelected,
  of General, he preserved his integrity unspotted; though otherwise he
  was not altogether idle or careless in looking after his pecuniary
  advantage; his paternal estate, which of right belonged to him, he so
  ordered that it might neither through negligence be wasted or lessened,
  nor yet, being so full of business as he was, cost him any great trouble
  or time with taking care of it; and put it into such a way of management
  as he thought to be the most easy for himself, and the most exact.  All
  his yearly products and profits he sold together in a lump, and supplied
  his household needs afterward by buying everything that he or his
  family wanted out of the market.  Upon which account, his children, when
  they grew to age, were not well pleased with his management, and the
  women that lived with him were treated with little cost, and complained
  of this way of housekeeping, where everything was ordered and set down
  from day to day, and reduced to the greatest exactness; since there was
  not there, as is usual in a great family and a plentiful estate, any
  thing to spare, or over and above; but all that went out or came in, all
  disbursements and all receipts, proceeded as it were by number and
  measure.  His manager in all this was a single servant, Evangelus by
  name, a man either naturally gifted or instructed by Pericles so as to
  excel every one in this art of domestic economy.

  All this, in truth, was very little in harmony with Anaxagoras's wisdom;
  if, indeed, it be true that he, by a kind of divine impulse and
  greatness of spirit, voluntarily quitted his house, and left his land to
  lie fallow and to be grazed by sheep like a common.  But the life of a
  contemplative philosopher and that of an active statesman are, I
  presume, not the same thing; for the one merely employs, upon great and
  good objects of thought, an intelligence that requires no aid of
  instruments nor supply of any external materials; whereas the other, who
  tempers and applies his virtue to human uses, may have occasion for
  affluence, not as a matter of mere necessity, but as a noble thing;
  which was Pericles's case, who relieved numerous poor citizens.

  However, there is a story, that Anaxagoras himself, while Pericles was
  taken up with public affairs, lay neglected, and that, now being grown
  old, he wrapped himself up with a resolution to die for want of food;
  which being by chance brought to Pericles's ear, he was horror-struck,
  and instantly ran thither, and used all the arguments and entreaties he
  could to him, lamenting not so much Anaxagoras's condition as his own,
  should he lose such a counselor as he had found him to be; and that,
  upon this, Anaxagoras unfolded his robe, and showing himself, made
  answer:  "Pericles," said he, "even those who have occasion for a lamp
  supply it with oil."

  The Lacedaemonians beginning to show themselves troubled at the growth
  of the Athenian power, Pericles, on the other hand, to elevate the
  people's spirit yet more, and to raise them to the thought of great
  actions, proposed a decree, to summon all the Greeks in what part
  soever, whether of Europe or Asia, every city, little as well as great,
  to send their deputies to Athens to a general assembly, or convention,
  there to consult and advise concerning the Greek temples which the
  barbarians had burnt down, and the sacrifices which were due from them
  upon vows they had made to their gods for the safety of Greece when they
  fought against the barbarians; and also concerning the navigation of the
  sea, that they might henceforward all of them pass to and fro and trade
  securely, and be at peace among themselves.

  Upon this errand, there were twenty men, of such as were above fifty
  years of age, sent by commission; five to summon the Ionians and Dorians
  in Asia, and the islanders as far as Lesbos and Rhodes; five to visit
  all the places in the Hellespont and Thrace, up to Byzantium; and other
  five besides these to go to Boeotia and Phocis and Peloponnesus, and
  from hence to pass through the Locrians over to the neighboring
  continent, as far as Acarnania and Ambracia; and the rest to take their
  course through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Malian Gulf, and to the
  Achaeans of Phthiotis and the Thessalians; all of them to treat with the
  people as they passed, and to persuade them to come and take their part
  in the debates for settling the peace and jointly regulating the affairs
  of Greece.

  Nothing was effected, nor did the cities meet by their deputies, as was
  desired; the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, crossing the design
  underhand, and the attempt being disappointed and baffled first in
  Peloponnesus.  I thought fit, however, to introduce the mention of it,
  to show the spirit of the man and the greatness of his thoughts.

  In his military conduct, he gained a great reputation for wariness; he
  would not by his good-will engage in any fight which had much
  uncertainty or hazard; he did not envy the glory of generals whose rash
  adventures fortune favored with brilliant success, however they were
  admired by others; nor did he think them worthy his imitation, but
  always used to say to his citizens that, so far as lay in his power,
  they should continue immortal, and live forever.  Seeing Tolmides, the
  son of Tolmaeus, upon the confidence of his former successes, and
  flushed with the honor his military actions had procured him, making
  preparation to attack the Boeotians in their own country, when there was
  no likely opportunity, and that he had prevailed with the bravest and
  most enterprising of the youth to enlist themselves as volunteers in the
  service, who besides his other force made up a thousand, he endeavored
  to withhold him and to advise him from it in the public assembly,
  telling him in a memorable saying of his, which still goes about, that,
  if he would not take Pericles's advice, yet he would not do amiss to
  wait and be ruled by time, the wisest counselor of all.  This saying, at
  that time, was but slightly commended; but within a few days after, when
  news was brought that Tolmides himself had been defeated and slain in
  battle near Coronea, and that many brave citizens had fallen with him,
  it gained him great repute as well as good-will among the people, for
  wisdom and for love of his countrymen.

  But of all his expeditions, that to the Chersonese gave most
  satisfaction and pleasure, having proved the safety of the Greeks who
  inhabited there.  For not only by carrying along with him a thousand
  fresh citizens of Athens he gave new strength and vigor to the cities,
  but also by belting the neck of land, which joins the peninsula to the
  continent, with bulwarks and forts from sea to sea, he put a stop to the
  inroads of the Thracians, who lay all about the Chersonese, and closed
  the door against a continual and grievous war, with which that country
  had been long harassed, lying exposed to the encroachments and influx of
  barbarous neighbors, and groaning under the evils of a predatory
  population both upon and within its borders.

  Nor was he less admired and talked of abroad for his sailing round the
  Peloponnesus, having set out from Pegae, or The Fountains, the port of
  Megara, with a hundred galleys.  For he not only laid waste the sea-
  coast, as Tolmides had done before, but also, advancing far up into main
  land with the soldiers he had on board, by the terror of his appearance
  drove many within their walls; and at Nemea, with main force, routed and
  raised a trophy over the Sicyonians, who stood their ground and joined
  battle with him.  And having taken on board a supply of soldiers into
  the galleys, out of Achaia, then in league with Athens he crossed with
  the fleet to the opposite continent, and, sailing along by the mouth of
  the river Achelous overran Acarnania, and shut up the Oeniadae within
  their city walls, and having ravaged and wasted their country, weighed
  anchor for home with the double advantage of having shown himself
  formidable to his enemies, and at the same time safe and energetic to
  his fellow-citizens; for there was not so much as any chance-miscarriage
  that happened, the whole voyage through, to those who were under his
  charge.

  Entering also the Euxine Sea with a large and finely equipped fleet, he
  obtained for the Greek cities any new arrangements they wanted, and
  entered into friendly relations with them; and to the barbarous nations,
  and kings and chiefs round about them, displayed the greatness of the
  power of the Athenians, their perfect ability and confidence to sail
  wherever they had a mind, and to bring the whole sea under their
  control.  He left the Sinopians thirteen ships of war, with soldiers
  under the command of Lamachus, to assist them against Timesileus the
  tyrant; and when he and his accomplices had been thrown out, obtained a
  decree that six hundred of the Athenians that were willing should sail
  to Sinope and plant themselves there with the Sinopians, sharing among
  them the houses and land which the tyrant and his party had previously
  held.

  But in other things he did not comply with the giddy impulses of the
  citizens, nor quit his own resolutions to follow their fancies, when,
  carried away with the thought of their strength and great success, they
  were eager to interfere again in Egypt, and to disturb the king of
  Persia's maritime dominions.  Nay, there were a good many who were, even
  then, possessed with that unblessed and inauspicious passion for Sicily,
  which afterward the orators of Alcibiades's party blew up into a flame.
  There were some also who dreamt of Tuscany and of Carthage, and not
  without plausible reason in their present large dominion and the
  prosperous course of their affairs.

  But Pericles curbed this passion for foreign conquest, and unsparingly
  pruned and cut down their ever busy fancies for a multitude of
  undertakings; and directed their power for the most part to securing and
  consolidating what they had already got, supposing it would be quite
  enough for them to do, if they could keep the Lacedaemonians in check;
  to whom he entertained all along a sense of opposition; which, as upon
  many other occasions, so he particularly showed by what he did in the
  time of the holy war.  The Lacedaemonians, having gone with an army to
  Delphi, restored Apollo's temple, which the Phocians had got into their
  possession, to the Delphians; immediately after their departure,
  Pericles, with another army, came and restored the Phocians.  And the
  Lacedaemonians having engraven the record of their privilege of
  consulting the oracle before others, which the Delphians gave them, upon
  the forehead of the brazen wolf which stands there, he, also, having
  received from the Phocians the like privilege for the Athenians, had it
  cut upon the same wolf of brass on his right side.

  That he did well and wisely in thus restraining the exertions of the
  Athenians within the compass of Greece, the events themselves that
  happened afterward bore sufficient witness.  For, in the first place,
  the Euboeans revolted, against whom he passed over with forces; and
  then, immediately after, news came that the Megarians were turned their
  enemies, and a hostile army was upon the borders of Attica, under the
  conduct of Plistoanax, king of the Lacedaemonians.  Wherefore Pericles
  came with his army back again in all haste out of Euboea, to meet the
  war which threatened at home; and did not venture to engage a numerous
  and brave army eager for battle; but perceiving that Plistoanax was a
  very young man, and governed himself mostly by the counsel and advice of
  Cleandrides, whom the ephors had sent with him, by reason of his youth,
  to be a kind of guardian and assistant to him, he privately made trial
  of this man's integrity, and, in a short time, having corrupted him with
  money, prevailed with him to withdraw the Peloponnesians out of Attica.
  When the army had retired and dispersed into their several states, the
  Lacedaemonians in anger fined their king in so large a sum of money,
  that, unable to pay it, he quitted Lacedaemon; while Cleandrides fled,
  and had sentence of death passed upon him in his absence.  This was the
  father of Gylippus, who overpowered the Athenians in Sicily.  And it
  seems that this covetousness was an hereditary disease transmitted from
  father to son; for Gylippus also afterwards was caught in foul
  practices, and expelled from Sparta for it.  But this we have told at
  large in the account of Lysander.

  When Pericles, in giving up his accounts of this expedition, stated a
  disbursement of ten talents, as laid out upon fit occasion, the people,
  without any question, nor troubling themselves to investigate the
  mystery, freely allowed of it.  And some historians, in which number is
  Theophrastus the philosopher, have given it as a truth that Pericles
  every year used to send privately the sum of ten talents to Sparta, with
  which he complimented those in office, to keep off the war; not to
  purchase peace neither, but time, that he might prepare at leisure, and
  be the better able to carry on war hereafter.

  Immediately after this, turning his forces against the revolters, and
  passing over into the island of Euboea with fifty sail of ships and five
  thousand men in arms, he reduced their cities, and drove out the
  citizens of the Chalcidians, called Hippobotae, horse-feeders, the
  chief persons for wealth and reputation among them; and removing all the
  Histiaeans out of the country, brought in a plantation of Athenians in
  their room; making them his one example of severity, because they had
  captured an Attic ship and killed all on board.

  After this, having made a truce between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians
  for thirty years, he ordered, by public decree, the expedition against
  the Isle of Samos, on the ground, that, when they were bid to leave off
  their war with the Milesians, they had not complied.  And as these
  measures against the Samians are thought to have been taken to please
  Aspasia, this may be a fit point for inquiry about the woman, what art
  or charming faculty she had that enabled her to captivate, as she did,
  the greatest statesmen, and to give the philosophers occasion to speak
  so much about her, and that, too, not to her disparagement.  That she
  was a Milesian by birth, the daughter of Axiochus, is a thing
  acknowledged.  And they say it was in emulation of Thargelia, a
  courtesan of the old Ionian times, that she made her addresses to men of
  great power.  Thargelia was a great beauty, extremely charming, and at
  the same time sagacious; she had numerous suitors among the Greeks, and
  brought all who had to do with her over to the Persian interest, and by
  their means, being men of the greatest power and station, sowed the
  seeds of the Median faction up and down in several cities.  Aspasia,
  some say, was courted and caressed by Pericles upon account of her
  knowledge and skill in politics.  Socrates himself would sometimes go to
  visit her, and some of his acquaintance with him; and those who
  frequented her company would carry their wives with them to listen to
  her.  Her occupation was any thing but creditable, her house being a
  home for young courtesans.  Aeschines tells us also, that Lysicles, a
  sheep-dealer, a man of low birth and character, by keeping Aspasia
  company after Pericles's death, came to be a chief man in Athens.  And
  in Plato's Menexenus, though we do not take the introduction as quite
  serious, still thus much seems to be historical, that she had the repute
  of being resorted to by many of the Athenians for instruction in the art
  of speaking.  Pericles's inclination for her seems, however, to have
  rather proceeded from the passion of love.  He had a wife that was near
  of kin to him, who had been married first to Hipponicus, by whom she had
  Callias, surnamed the Rich; and also she brought Pericles, while she
  lived with him, two sons, Xanthippus and Paralus.  Afterwards, when they
  did not well agree nor like to live together, he parted with her, with
  her own consent, to another man, and himself took Aspasia, and loved her
  with wonderful affection; every day, both as he went out and as he came
  in from the marketplace, he saluted and kissed her.

  In the comedies she goes by the nicknames of the new Omphale and
  Deianira, and again is styled Juno.  Cratinus, in downright terms, calls
  her a harlot.

  To find him a Juno the goddess of lust
  Bore that harlot past shame,
  Aspasia by name.

  It should seem, also, that he had a son by her; Eupolis, in his Demi,
  introduced Pericles asking after his safety, and Myronides replying,

  "My son?"  "He lives; a man he had been long,
  But that the harlot-mother did him wrong."

  Aspasia, they say, became so celebrated and renowned, that Cyrus also,
  who made war against Artaxerxes for the Persian monarchy, gave her whom
  he loved the best of all his concubines the name of Aspasia, who before
  that was called Milto.  She was a Phocaean by birth, the daughter of one
  Hermotimus, and, when Cyrus fell in battle, was carried to the king, and
  had great influence at court.  These things coming into my memory as I
  am writing this story, it would be unnatural for me to omit them.

  Pericles, however, was particularly charged with having proposed to the
  assembly the war against the Samians, from favor to the Milesians, upon
  the entreaty of Aspasia.  For the two states were at war for the
  possession of Priene; and the Samians, getting the better, refused to
  lay down their arms and to have the controversy betwixt them decided by
  arbitration before the Athenians.  Pericles, therefore, fitting out a
  fleet, went and broke up the oligarchical government at Samos, and,
  taking fifty of the principal men of the town as hostages, and as many
  of their children, sent them to the isle of Lemnos, there to be kept,
  though he had offers, as some relate, of a talent a piece for himself
  from each one of the hostages, and of many other presents from those who
  were anxious not to have a democracy.  Moreover, Pissuthnes the Persian,
  one of the king's lieutenants, bearing some good-will to the Samians,
  sent him ten thousand pieces of gold to excuse the city.  Pericles,
  however, would receive none of all this; but after he had taken that
  course with the Samians which he thought fit, and set up a democracy
  among them, sailed back to Athens.

  But they, however, immediately revolted, Pissuthnes having privily got
  away their hostages for them, and provided them with means for the war.
  Whereupon Pericles came out with a fleet a second time against them, and
  found them not idle nor slinking away, but manfully resolved to try for
  the dominion of the sea.  The issue was, that, after a sharp sea-fight
  about the island called Tragia, Pericles obtained a decisive victory,
  having with forty-four ships routed seventy of the enemy's, twenty of
  which were carrying soldiers.

  Together with his victory and pursuit, having made himself master of the
  port, he laid siege to the Samians, and blocked them up, who yet, one
  way or other, still ventured to make sallies, and fight under the city
  walls.  But after that another greater fleet from Athens was arrived,
  and that the Samians were now shut up with a close leaguer on every
  side, Pericles, taking with him sixty galleys, sailed out into the main
  sea, with the intention, as most authors give the account, to meet a
  squadron of Phoenician ships that were coming for the Samians' relief,
  and to fight them at as great distance as could be from the island;
  but, as Stesimbrotus says, with a design of putting over to Cyprus;
  which does not seem to be probable.  But whichever of the two was his
  intent, it seems to have been a miscalculation.  For on his departure,
  Melissus, the son of Ithagenes, a philosopher, being at that time
  general in Samos, despising either the small number of the ships that
  were left or the inexperience of the commanders, prevailed with the
  citizens to attack the Athenians.  And the Samians having won the
  battle, and taken several of the men prisoners, and disabled several of
  the ships, were masters of the sea, and brought into port all
  necessaries they wanted for the war, which they had not before.
  Aristotle says, too, that Pericles himself had been once before this
  worsted by this Melissus in a sea-fight.

  The Samians, that they might requite an affront which had before been
  put upon them, branded the Athenians, whom they took prisoners, in their
  foreheads, with the figure of an owl.  For so the Athenians had marked
  them before with a Samaena, which is a sort of ship, low and flat in the
  prow, so as to look snub-nosed, but wide and large and well-spread in
  the hold, by which it both carries a large cargo and sails well.  And it
  was so called, because the first of that kind was seen at Samos, having
  been built by order of Polycrates the tyrant.  These brands upon the
  Samians' foreheads, they say, are the allusion in the passage of
  Aristophanes, where he says, —

  For, oh, the Samians are a lettered people.

  Pericles, as soon as news was brought him of the disaster that had
  befallen his army, made all the haste he could to come in to their
  relief, and having defeated Melissus, who bore up against him, and put
  the enemy to flight, he immediately proceeded to hem them in with a wall,
  resolving to master them and take the town, rather with some cost and
  time, than with the wounds and hazards of his citizens.  But as it was a
  hard matter to keep back the Athenians, who were vexed at the delay, and
  were eagerly bent to fight, he divided the whole multitude into eight
  parts, and arranged by lot that that part which had the white bean
  should have leave to feast and take their ease, while the other seven
  were fighting.  And this is the reason, they say, that people, when at
  any time they have been merry, and enjoyed themselves, call it white
  day, in allusion to this white bean.

  Ephorus the historian tells us besides, that Pericles made use of
  engines of battery in this siege, being much taken with the curiousness
  of the invention, with the aid and presence of Artemon himself, the
  engineer, who, being lame, used to be carried about in a litter, where
  the works required his attendance, and for that reason was called
  Periphoretus.  But Heraclides Ponticus disproves this out of Anacreon's
  poems, where mention is made of this Artemon Periphoretus several ages
  before the Samian war, or any of these occurrences.  And he says that
  Artemon, being a man who loved his ease, and had a great apprehension of
  danger, for the most part kept close within doors, having two of his
  servants to hold a brazen shield over his head, that nothing might fall
  upon him from above; and if he were at any time forced upon necessity to
  go abroad, that he was carried about in a little hanging bed, close to
  the very ground, and that for this reason he was called Periphoretus.

  In the ninth month, the Samians surrendering themselves and delivering
  up the town, Pericles pulled down their walls, and seized their
  shipping, and set a fine of a large sum of money upon them, part of
  which they paid down at once, and they agreed to bring in the rest by a
  certain time, and gave hostages for security.  Duris the Samian makes a
  tragical drama out of these events, charging the Athenians and Pericles
  with a great deal of cruelty, which neither Thucydides, nor Ephorus, nor
  Aristotle have given any relation of, and probably with little regard to
  truth; how, for example, he brought the captains and soldiers of the
  galleys into the market-place at Miletus, and there having bound them
  fast to boards for ten days, then, when they were already all but half
  dead, gave order to have them killed by beating out their brains with
  clubs, and their dead bodies to be flung out into the open streets and
  fields, unburied.  Duris, however, who even where he has no private
  feeling concerned, is not wont to keep his narrative within the limits
  of truth, is the more likely upon this occasion to have exaggerated the
  calamities which befell his country, to create odium against the
  Athenians.  Pericles, however, after the reduction of Samos, returning
  back to Athens, took care that those who died in the war should be
  honorably buried, and made a funeral harangue, as the custom is, in
  their commendation at their graves, for which he gained great
  admiration.  As he came down from the stage on which he spoke, the rest
  of the women came and complimented him, taking him by the hand, and
  crownings him with garlands and ribbons, like a victorious athlete in
  the games; but Elpinice, coming near to him, said, "These are brave
  deeds, Pericles, that you have done, and such as deserve our chaplets;
  who have lost us many a worthy citizen, not in a war with Phoenicians or
  Medes, like my brother Cimon, but for the overthrow of an allied and
  kindred city."  As Elpinice spoke these words, he, smiling quietly, as
  it is said, returned her answer with this verse, —

  Old women should not seek to be perfumed.

  Ion says of him, that, upon this exploit of his, conquering the Samians,
  he indulged very high and proud thoughts of himself:  whereas Agamemnon
  was ten years taking a barbarous city, he had in nine months' time
  vanquished and taken the greatest and most powerful of the Ionians.  And
  indeed it was not without reason that he assumed this glory to himself,
  for, in real truth, there was much uncertainty and great hazard in this
  war, if so be, as Thucydides tells us, the Samian state were within a
  very little of wresting the whole power and dominion of the sea out of
  the Athenians' hands.

  After this was over, the Peloponnesian war beginning to break out in
  full tide, he advised the people to send help to the Corcyrseans, who
  were attacked by the Corinthians, and to secure to themselves an island
  possessed of great naval resources, since the Peloponnesians were
  already all but in actual hostilities against them.  The people readily
  consenting to the motion, and voting an aid and succor for them, he
  dispatched Lacedaemonius, Cimon's son, having only ten ships with him,
  as it were out of a design to affront him; for there was a great
  kindness and friendship betwixt Cimon's family and the Lacedaemonians;
  so, in order that Lacedaemonius might lie the more open to a charge, or
  suspicion at least, of favoring the Lacedaemonians and playing false, if
  he performed no considerable exploit in this service, he allowed him a
  small number of ships, and sent him out against his will; and indeed he
  made it somewhat his business to hinder Cimon's sons from rising in the
  state, professing that by their very names they were not to be looked
  upon as native and true Athenians, but foreigners and strangers, one
  being called Lacedaemonius, another Thessalus, and the third Eleus; and
  they were all three of them, it was thought, born of an Arcadian woman.
  Being, however, ill spoken of on account of these ten galleys, as having
  afforded but a small supply to the people that were in need, and yet
  given a great advantage to those who might complain of the act of
  intervention, Pericles sent out a larger force afterward to Corcyra,
  which arrived after the fight was over.  And when now the Corinthians,
  angry and indignant with the Athenians, accused them publicly at
  Lacedaemon, the Megarians joined with them, complaining that they were,
  contrary to common right and the articles of peace sworn to among the
  Greeks, kept out and driven away from every market and from all ports
  under the control of the Athenians.  The Aeginetans, also, professing to
  be ill-used and treated with violence, made supplications in private to
  the Lacedaemonians for redress, though not daring openly to call the
  Athenians in question.  In the meantime, also, the city Potidaea, under
  the dominion of the Athenians, but a colony formerly of the Corinthians,
  had revolted, and was beset with a formal siege, and was a further
  occasion of precipitating the war.

  Yet notwithstanding all this, there being embassies sent to Athens, and
  Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, endeavoring to bring the
  greater part of the complaints and matters in dispute to a fair
  determination, and to pacify and allay the heats of the allies, it is
  very likely that the war would not upon any other grounds of quarrel
  have fallen upon the Athenians, could they have been prevailed with to
  repeal the ordinance against the Megarians, and to be reconciled to
  them.  Upon which account, since Pericles was the man who mainly opposed
  it, and stirred up the people's passions to persist in their contention
  with the Megarians, he was regarded as the sole cause of the war.

  They say, moreover, that ambassadors went, by order from Lacedaemon to
  Athens about this very business, and that when Pericles was urging a
  certain law which made it illegal to take down or withdraw the tablet of
  the decree, one of the ambassadors, Polyalces by name, said, "Well, do
  not take it down then, but turn it; there is no law, I suppose, which
  forbids that;" which, though prettily said, did not move Pericles from
  his resolution.  There may have been, in all likelihood, something of a
  secret grudge and private animosity which he had against the Megarians.
  Yet, upon a public and open charge against them, that they had
  appropriated part of the sacred land on the frontier, he proposed a
  decree that a herald should be sent to them, and the same also to the
  Lacedaemonians, with an accusation of the Megarians; an order which
  certainly shows equitable and friendly proceeding enough.  And after
  that the herald who was sent, by name Anthemocritus, died, and it was
  believed that the Megarians had contrived his death, then Charinus
  proposed a decree against them, that there should be an irreconcilable
  and implacable enmity thenceforward betwixt the two commonwealths; and
  that if any one of the Megarians should but set his foot in Attica, he
  should be put to death; and that the commanders, when they take the
  usual oath, should, over and above that, swear that they will twice
  every year make an inroad into the Megarian country; and that
  Anthemocritus should be buried near the Thriasian Gates, which are now
  called the Dipylon, or Double Gate.

  On the other hand, the Megarians, utterly denying and disowning the
  murder of Anthemocritus, throw the whole matter upon Aspasia and
  Pericles, availing themselves of the famous verses in the Acharnians,

  To Megara some of our madcaps ran,
  And stole Simaetha thence, their courtesan.
  Which exploit the Megarians to outdo,
  Came to Aspasia's house, and took off two.

  The true occasion of the quarrel is not so easy to find out.  But of
  inducing the refusal to annul the decree, all alike charge Pericles.
  Some say he met the request with a positive refusal, out of high spirit
  and a view of the state's best interests, accounting that the demand
  made in those embassies was designed for a trial of their compliance,
  and that a concession would be taken for a confession of weakness, as if
  they durst not do otherwise; while other some there are who say that it
  was rather out of arrogance and a willful spirit of contention, to show
  his own strength, that he took occasion to slight the Lacedaemonians.
  The worst motive of all, which is confirmed by most witnesses, is to the
  following effect.  Phidias the Molder had, as has before been said,
  undertaken to make the statue of Minerva.  Now he, being admitted to
  friendship with Pericles, and a great favorite of his, had many enemies
  upon this account, who envied and maligned him; who also, to make trial
  in a case of his, what kind of judges the commons would prove, should
  there be occasion to bring Pericles himself before them, having tampered
  with Menon, one who had been a workman with Phidias, stationed him ill
  the market-place, with a petition desiring public security upon his
  discovery and impeachment of Phidias.  The people admitting the man to
  tell his story, and the prosecution proceeding in the assembly, there
  was nothing of theft or cheat proved against him; for Phidias, from the
  very first beginning, by the advice of Pericles, had so wrought and
  wrapt the gold that was used in the work about the statue, that they
  might take it all off and make out the just weight of it, which Pericles
  at that time bade the accusers do.  But the reputation of his works was
  what brought envy upon Phidias, especially that where he represents the
  fight of the Amazons upon the goddesses' shield, he had introduced a
  likeness of himself as a bald old man holding up a great stone with both
  hands, and had put in a very fine representation of Pericles fighting
  with an Amazon.  And the position of the hand, which holds out the spear
  in front of the face, was ingeniously contrived to conceal in some
  degree the likeness, which, meantime, showed itself on either side.

  Phidias then was carried away to prison, and there died of a disease;
  but, as some say, of poison, administered by the enemies of Pericles, to
  raise a slander, or a suspicion, at least, as though he had procured it.
  The informer Menon, upon Glycon's proposal, the people made free from
  payment of taxes and customs, and ordered the generals to take care that
  nobody should do him any hurt.  About the same time, Aspasia was
  indicted of impiety, upon the complaint of Hermippus the comedian, who
  also laid further to her charge that she received into her house
  freeborn women for the uses of Pericles.  And Diopithes proposed a
  decree, that public accusation should be laid against persons who
  neglected religion, or taught new doctrines about things above,
  directing suspicion, by means of Anaxagoras, against Pericles himself.
  The people receiving and admitting these accusations and complaints, at
  length, by this means, they came to enact a decree, at the motion of
  Dracontides, that Pericles should bring in the accounts of the moneys he
  had expended, and lodge them with the Prytanes; and that the judges,
  carrying their suffrage from the altar in the Acropolis, should examine
  and determine the business in the city.  This last clause Hagnon took
  out of the decree, and moved that the causes should be tried before
  fifteen hundred jurors, whether they should be styled prosecutions for
  robbery, or bribery, or any kind of malversation.  Aspasia, Pericles
  begged off, shedding, as Aeschines says, many tears at the trial, and
  personally entreating the jurors.  But fearing how it might go with
  Anaxagoras, he sent him out of the city.  And finding that in Phidias's
  case he had miscarried with the people, being afraid of impeachment, he
  kindled the war, which hitherto had lingered and smothered, and blew it
  up into a flame; hoping, by that means, to disperse and scatter these
  complaints and charges, and to allay their jealousy; the city usually
  throwing herself upon him alone, and trusting to his sole conduct, upon
  the urgency of great affairs and public dangers, by reason of his
  authority and the sway he bore.

  These are given out to have been the reasons which induced Pericles not
  to suffer the people of Athens to yield to the proposals of the
  Lacedaemonians; but their truth is uncertain.

  The Lacedaemonians, for their part, feeling sure that if they could once
  remove him, they might be at what terms they pleased with the Athenians,
  sent them word that they should expel the "Pollution" with which
  Pericles on the mother's side was tainted, as Thucydides tells us.  But
  the issue proved quite contrary to what those who sent the message
  expected; instead of bringing Pericles under suspicion and reproach,
  they raised him into yet greater credit and esteem with the citizens, as
  a man whom their enemies most hated and feared.  In the same way, also,
  before Archidamus, who was at the head of the Peloponnesians, made his
  invasion into Attica, he told the Athenians beforehand, that if
  Archidamus, while he laid waste the rest of the country, should forbear
  and spare his estate, either on the ground of friendship or right of
  hospitality that was betwixt them, or on purpose to give his enemies an
  occasion of traducing him, that then he did freely bestow upon the state
  all that his land and the buildings upon it for the public use.  The
  Lacedaemonians, therefore, and their allies, with a great army, invaded
  the Athenian territories, under the conduct of king Archidamus, and
  laying waste the country, marched on as far as Acharnae, and there
  pitched their camp, presuming that the Athenians would never endure
  that, but would come out and fight them for their country's and their
  honor's sake.  But Pericles looked upon it as dangerous to engage in
  battle, to the risk of the city itself, against sixty thousand men-at-
  arms of Peloponnesians and Boeotians; for so many they were in number
  that made the inroad at first; and he endeavored to appease those who
  were desirous to fight, and were grieved and discontented to see how
  things went, and gave them good words, saying, that "trees, when they
  are lopped and cut, grow up again in a short time but men, being once
  lost, cannot easily be recovered."  He did not convene the people into
  an assembly, for fear lest they should force him to act against his
  judgment; but, like a skillful steersman or pilot of a ship, who, when a
  sudden squall comes on, out at sea, makes all his arrangements, sees
  that all is tight and fast, and then follows the dictates of his skill,
  and minds the business of the ship, taking no notice of the tears and
  entreaties of the sea-sick and fearful passengers, so he, having shut up
  the city gates, and placed guards at all posts for security, followed
  his own reason and judgment, little regarding those that cried out
  against him and were angry at his management, although there were a
  great many of his friends that urged him with requests, and many of his
  enemies threatened and accused him for doing as he did, and many made
  songs and lampoons upon him, which were sung about the town to his
  disgrace, reproaching him with the cowardly exercise of his office of
  general, and the tame abandonment of everything to the enemy's hands.

  Cleon, also, already was among his assailants, making use of the feeling
  against him as a step to the leadership of the people, as appears in the
  anapaestic verses of Hermippus.

  Satyr-king, instead of swords,
  Will you always handle words?
  Very brave indeed we find them,
  But a Teles lurks behind them.

  Yet to gnash your teeth you're seen,
  When the little dagger keen,
  Whetted every day anew,
  Of sharp Cleon touches you.

  Pericles, however, was not at all moved by any attacks, but took all
  patiently, and submitted in silence to the disgrace they threw upon him
  and the ill-will they bore him; and, sending out a fleet of a hundred
  galleys to Peloponnesus, he did not go along with it in person, but
  stayed behind, that he might watch at home and keep the city under his
  own control, till the Peloponnesians broke up their camp and were gone.
  Yet to soothe the common people, jaded and distressed with the war, he
  relieved them with distributions of public moneys, and ordained new
  divisions of subject land.  For having turned out all the people of
  Aegina, he parted the island among the Athenians, according to lot.
  Some comfort, also, and ease in their miseries, they might receive from
  what their enemies endured.  For the fleet, sailing round the
  Peloponnese, ravaged a great deal of the country, and pillaged and
  plundered the towns and smaller cities; and by land he himself entered
  with an army the Megarian country, and made havoc of it all.  Whence it
  is clear that the Peloponnesians, though they did the Athenians much
  mischief by land, yet suffering as much themselves from them by sea,
  would not have protracted the war to such a length, but would quickly
  have given it over, as Pericles at first foretold they would, had not
  some divine power crossed human purposes.

  In the first place, the pestilential disease, or plague, seized upon the
  city, and ate up all the flower and prime of their youth and strength.
  Upon occasion of which, the people, distempered and afflicted in their
  souls, as well as in their bodies, were utterly enraged like madmen
  against Pericles, and, like patients grown delirious, sought to lay
  violent hands on their physician, or, as it were, their father.  They
  had been possessed, by his enemies, with the belief that the occasion of
  the plague was the crowding of the country people together into the
  town, forced as they were now, in the heat of the summer-weather, to
  dwell many of them together even as they could, in small tenements and
  stifling hovels, and to be tied to a lazy course of life within doors,
  whereas before they lived in a pure, open, and free air.  The cause and
  author of all this, said they, is he who on account of the war has
  poured a multitude of people from the country in upon us within the
  walls, and uses all these many men that he has here upon no employ or
  service, but keeps them pent up like cattle, to be overrun with
  infection from one another, affording them neither shift of quarters nor
  any refreshment.

  With the design to remedy these evils, and do the enemy some
  inconvenience, Pericles got a hundred and fifty galleys ready, and
  having embarked many tried soldiers, both foot and horse, was about to
  sail out, giving great hope to his citizens, and no less alarm to his
  enemies, upon the sight of so great a force.  And now the vessels having
  their complement of men, and Pericles being gone aboard his own galley,
  it happened that the sun was eclipsed, and it grew dark on a sudden, to
  the affright of all, for this was looked upon as extremely ominous.
  Pericles, therefore, perceiving the steersman seized with fear and at a
  loss what to do, took his cloak and held it up before the man's face,
  and, screening him with it so that he could not see, asked him whether
  he imagined there was any great hurt, or the sign of any great hurt in
  this, and he answering No, "Why," said he, "and what does that differ
  from this, only that what has caused that darkness there, is something
  greater than a cloak?"  This is a story which philosophers tell their
  scholars.  Pericles, however after putting out to sea, seems not to have
  done any other exploit befitting such preparations, and when he had laid
  siege to the holy city Epidaurus, which gave him some hope of surrender,
  miscarried in his design by reason of the sickness.  For it not only
  seized upon the Athenians, but upon all others, too, that held any sort
  of communication with the army.  Finding after this the Athenians ill
  affected and highly displeased with him, he tried and endeavored what he
  could to appease and re-encourage them.  But he could not pacify or
  allay their anger, nor persuade or prevail with them any way, till they
  freely passed their votes upon him, resumed their power, took away his
  command from him, and fined him in a sum of money; which, by their
  account that say least, was fifteen talents, while they who reckon most,
  name fifty.  The name prefixed to the accusation was Cleon, as Idomeneus
  tells us; Simmias, according to Theophrastus; and Heraclides Ponticus
  gives it as Lacratidas.

  After this, public troubles were soon to leave him unmolested; the
  people, so to say, discharged their passion in their stroke, and lost
  their stings in the wound.  But his domestic concerns were in an unhappy
  condition many of his friends and acquaintance having died in the plague
  time, and those of his family having long since been in disorder and in
  a kind of mutiny against him.  For the eldest of his lawfully begotten
  sons, Xanthippus by name, being naturally prodigal, and marrying a young
  and expensive wife, the daughter of Tisander, son of Epilycus, was
  highly offended at his father's economy in making him but a scanty
  allowance, by little and little at a time.  He sent, therefore, to a
  friend one day, and borrowed some money of him in his father Pericles's
  name, pretending it was by his order.  The man coming afterward to
  demand the debt, Pericles was so far from yielding to pay it, that he
  entered an action against him.  Upon which the young man, Xanthippus,
  thought himself so ill used and disobliged, that he openly reviled his
  father; telling first, by way of ridicule, stories about his
  conversations at home, and the discourses he had with the sophists and
  scholars that came to his house.  As for instance, how one who was a
  practicer of the five games of skill, having with a dart or javelin
  unawares against his will struck and killed Epitimus the Pharsalian, his
  father spent a whole day with Protagoras in a serious dispute, whether
  the javelin, or the man that threw it, or the masters of the games who
  appointed these sports, were, according to the strictest and best
  reason, to be accounted the cause of this mischance.  Besides this,
  Stesimbrotus tells us that it was Xanthippus who spread abroad among the
  people the infamous story concerning his own wife; and in general that
  this difference of the young man's with his father, and the breach
  betwixt them, continued never to be healed or made up till his death.
  For Xanthippus died in the plague time of the sickness.  At which time
  Pericles also lost his sister, and the greatest part of his relations
  and friends, and those who had been most useful and serviceable to him
  in managing the affairs of state.  However, he did not shrink or give in
  upon these occasions, nor betray or lower his high spirit and the
  greatness of his mind under all his misfortunes; he was not even so much
  as seen to weep or to mourn, or even attend the burial of any of his
  friends or relations, till at last he lost his only remaining legitimate
  son.  Subdued by this blow and yet striving still, as far as he could,
  to maintain his principle and to preserve and keep up the greatness of
  his soul when he came, however, to perform the ceremony of putting a
  garland of flowers upon the head of the corpse, he was vanquished by his
  passion at the sight, so that he burst into exclamations, and shed
  copious tears, having never done any such thing in all his life before.

  The city having made trial of other generals for the conduct of war, and
  orators for business of state, when they found there was no one who was
  of weight enough for such a charge, or of authority sufficient to be
  trusted with so great a command, regretted the loss of him, and invited
  him again to address and advise them, and to reassume the office of
  general.  He, however, lay at home in dejection and mourning; but was
  persuaded by Alcibiades and others of his friends to come abroad and
  show himself to the people; who having, upon his appearance, made their
  acknowledgments, and apologized for their untowardly treatment of him,
  he undertook the public affairs once more; and, being chosen general,
  requested that the statute concerning base-born children, which he
  himself had formerly caused to be made, might be suspended; that so the
  name and race of his family might not, for absolute want of a lawful
  heir to succeed, be wholly lost and extinguished.  The case of the
  statute was thus:  Pericles, when long ago at the height of his power in
  the state, having then, as has been said, children lawfully begotten,
  proposed a law that those only should be reputed true citizens of Athens
  who were born of such parents as were both Athenians.  After this, the
  king of Egypt having sent to the people, by way of present, forty
  thousand bushels of wheat, which were to be shared out among the
  citizens, a great many actions and suits about legitimacy occurred, by
  virtue of that edict; cases which, till that time, had not been known
  nor taken notice of; and several persons suffered by false accusations.
  There were little less than five thousand who were convicted and sold
  for slaves; those who, enduring the test, remained in the government and
  passed muster for true Athenians were found upon the poll to be fourteen
  thousand and forty persons in number.

  It looked strange, that a law, which had been carried so far against so
  many people, should be canceled again by the same man that made it; yet
  the present calamity and distress which Pericles labored under in his
  family broke through all objections, and prevailed with the Athenians to
  pity him, as one whose losses and misfortunes had sufficiently punished
  his former arrogance and haughtiness.  His sufferings deserved, they
  thought, their pity, and even indignation, and his request was such as
  became a man to ask and men to grant; they gave him permission to enroll
  his son in the register of his fraternity, giving him his own name.
  This son afterward, after having defeated the Peloponnesians at
  Arginusae, was, with his fellow-generals, put to death by the people.

  About the time when his son was enrolled, it should seem, the plague
  seized Pericles, not with sharp and violent fits, as it did others that
  had it, but with a dull and lingering distemper, attended with various
  changes and alterations, leisurely, by little and little, wasting the
  strength of his body, and undermining the noble faculties of his soul.
  So that Theophrastus, in his Morals, when discussing whether men's
  characters change with their circumstances, and their moral habits,
  disturbed by the ailings of their bodies, start aside from the rules of
  virtue, has left it upon record, that Pericles, when he was sick, showed
  one of his friends that came to visit him, an amulet or charm that the
  women had hung about his neck; as much as to say, that he was very sick
  indeed when he would admit of such a foolery as that was.

  When he was now near his end, the best of the citizens and those of his
  friends who were left alive, sitting about him, were speaking of the
  greatness of his merit, and his power, and reckoning up his famous
  actions and the number of his victories; for there were no less than
  nine trophies, which, as their chief commander and conqueror of their
  enemies, he had set up, for the honor of the city.  They talked thus
  together among themselves, as though he were unable to understand or
  mind what they said, but had now lost his consciousness.  He had
  listened, however, all the while, and attended to all, and speaking out
  among them, said, that he wondered they should commend and take notice
  of things which were as much owing to fortune as to anything else, and
  had happened to many other commanders, and, at the same time, should not
  speak or make mention of that which was the most excellent and greatest
  thing of all.  "For," said he, "no Athenian, through my means, ever wore
  mourning."

  He was indeed a character deserving our high admiration, not only for
  his equitable and mild temper, which all along in the many affairs of
  his life, and the great animosities which he incurred, he constantly
  maintained; but also for the high spirit and feeling which made him
  regard it the noblest of all his honors that, in the exercise of such
  immense power, he never had gratified his envy or his passion, nor ever
  had treated any enemy as irreconcilably opposed to him.  And to me it
  appears that this one thing gives that otherwise childish and arrogant
  title a fitting and becoming significance; so dispassionate a temper, a
  life so pure and unblemished, in the height of power and place, might
  well be called Olympian, in accordance with our conceptions of the
  divine beings, to whom, as the natural authors of all good and of
  nothing evil, we ascribe the rule and government of the world.  Not as
  the poets represent, who, while confounding us with their ignorant
  fancies, are themselves confuted by their own poems and fictions, and
  call the place, indeed, where they say the gods make their abode, a
  secure and quiet seat, free from all hazards and commotions, untroubled
  with winds or with clouds, and equally through all time illumined with a
  soft serenity and a pure light, as though such were a home most
  agreeable for a blessed and immortal nature; and yet, in the meanwhile,
  affirm that the gods themselves are full of trouble and enmity and anger
  and other passions, which no way become or belong to even men that have
  any understanding.  But this will, perhaps, seem a subject fitter for
  some other consideration, and that ought to be treated of in some other
  place.

  The course of public affairs after his death produced a quick and speedy
  sense of the loss of Pericles.  Those who, while he lived, resented his
  great authority, as that which eclipsed themselves, presently after his
  quitting the stage, making trial of other orators and demagogues,
  readily acknowledged that there never had been in nature such a
  disposition as his was, more moderate and reasonable in the height of
  that state he took upon him, or more grave and impressive in the
  mildness which he used.  And that invidious arbitrary power, to which
  formerly they gave the name of monarchy and tyranny, did then appear to
  have been the chief bulwark of public safety; so great a corruption and
  such a flood of mischief and vice followed, which he, by keeping weak
  and low, had withheld from notice, and had prevented from attaining
  incurable height through a licentious impunity.





FABIUS

  Having related the memorable actions of Pericles, our history now
  proceeds to the life of Fabius.  A son of Hercules and a nymph, or some
  woman of that country, who brought him forth on the banks of Tiber, was,
  it is said, the first Fabius, the founder of the numerous and
  distinguished family of the name.  Others will have it that they were
  first called Fodii, because the first of the race delighted in digging
  pitfalls for wild beasts, fodere being still the Latin for to dig, and
  fossa for a ditch, and that in process of time, by the change of the two
  letters they grew to be called Fabii.  But be these things true or
  false, certain it is that this family for a long time yielded a great
  number of eminent persons.  Our Fabius, who was fourth in descent from
  that Fabius Rullus who first brought the honorable surname of Maximus
  into his family, was also, by way of personal nickname, called
  Verrucosus, from a wart on his upper lip; and in his childhood they in
  like manner named him Ovicula, or The Lamb, on account of his extreme
  mildness of temper.  His slowness in speaking, his long labor and pains
  in learning, his deliberation in entering into the sports of other
  children, his easy submission to everybody, as if he had no will of his
  own, made those who judged superficially of him, the greater number,
  esteem him insensible and stupid; and few only saw that this tardiness
  proceeded from stability, and discerned the greatness of his mind, and
  the lionlikeness of his temper.  But as soon as he came into
  employments, his virtues exerted and showed themselves; his reputed want
  of energy then was recognized by people in general, as a freedom of
  passion; his slowness in words and actions, the effect of a true
  prudence; his want of rapidity, and his sluggishness, as constancy and
  firmness.

  Living in a great commonwealth, surrounded by many enemies, he saw the
  wisdom of inuring his body (nature's own weapon) to warlike exercises,
  and disciplining his tongue for public oratory in a style comformable
  to his life and character.  His eloquence, indeed, had not much of
  popular ornament, nor empty artifice, but there was in it great weight
  of sense; it was strong and sententious, much after the way of
  Thucydides.  We have yet extant his funeral oration upon the death of
  his son, who died consul, which he recited before the people.

  He was five times consul, and in his first consulship had the honor of a
  triumph for the victory he gained over the Ligurians, whom he defeated
  in a set battle, and drove them to take shelter in the Alps, from whence
  they never after made any inroad nor depredation upon their neighbors.
  After this, Hannibal came into Italy, who, at his first entrance, having
  gained a great battle near the river Trebia, traversed all Tuscany with
  his victorious army, and, desolating the country round about, filled
  Rome itself with astonishment and terror.  Besides the more common signs
  of thunder and lightning then happening, the report of several unheard
  of and utterly strange portents much increased the popular
  consternation.  For it was said that some targets sweated blood; that at
  Antium, when they reaped their corn, many of the ears were filled with
  blood; that it had rained redhot stones; that the Falerians had seen the
  heavens open and several scrolls falling down, in one of which was
  plainly written, "Mars himself stirs his arms."  But these prodigies had
  no effect upon the impetuous and fiery temper of the consul Flaminius,
  whose natural promptness had been much heightened by his late unexpected
  victory over the Gauls, when he fought them contrary to the order of the
  senate and the advice of his colleague.  Fabius, on the other side,
  thought it not seasonable to engage with the enemy; not that he much
  regarded the prodigies, which he thought too strange to be easily
  understood, though many were alarmed by them; but in regard that the
  Carthaginians were but few, and in want of money and supplies, he deemed
  it best not to meet in the field a general whose army had been tried in
  many encounters, and whose object was a battle, but to send aid to their
  allies, control the movements of the various subject cities, and let the
  force and vigor of Hannibal waste away and expire, like a flame, for want
  of aliment.

  These weighty reasons did not prevail with Flaminius, who protested he
  would never suffer the advance of the enemy to the city, nor be reduced,
  like Camillus in former time, to fight for Rome within the walls of
  Rome.  Accordingly he ordered the tribunes to draw out the army into the
  field; and though he himself, leaping on horseback to go out, was no
  sooner mounted but the beast, without any apparent cause, fell into so
  violent a fit of trembling and bounding that he cast his rider headlong
  on the ground, he was no ways deterred; but proceeded as he had begun,
  and marched forward up to Hannibal, who was posted near the Lake
  Thrasymene in Tuscany.  At the moment of this engagement, there happened
  so great an earthquake, that it destroyed several towns, altered the
  course of rivers, and carried off parts of high cliffs, yet such was the
  eagerness of the combatants, that they were entirely insensible of it.

  In this battle Flaminius fell, after many proofs of his strength and
  courage, and round about him all the bravest of the army, in the whole,
  fifteen thousand were killed, and as many made prisoners.  Hannibal,
  desirous to bestow funeral honors upon the body of Flaminius, made
  diligent search after it, but could not find it among the dead, nor was
  it ever known what became of it.  Upon the former engagement near
  Trebia, neither the general who wrote, nor the express who told the
  news, used straightforward and direct terms, nor related it otherwise
  than as a drawn battle, with equal loss on either side; but on this
  occasion, as soon as Pomponius the praetor had the intelligence, he
  caused the people to assemble, and, without disguising or dissembling
  the matter, told them plainly, "We are beaten, O Romans, in a great
  battle; the consul Flaminius is killed; think, therefore, what is to be
  done for your safety."  Letting loose his news like a gale of wind upon
  an open sea, he threw the city into utter confusion:  in such
  consternation, their thoughts found no support or stay.  The danger at
  hand at last awakened their judgments into a resolution to choose a
  dictator, who, by the sovereign authority of his office and by his
  personal wisdom and courage, might be able to manage the public affairs.
  Their choice unanimously fell upon Fabius, whose character seemed equal
  to the greatness of the office; whose age was so far advanced as to give
  him experience, without taking from him the vigor of action; his body
  could execute what his soul designed; and his temper was a happy
  compound of confidence and cautiousness.

  Fabius, being thus installed in the office of dictator, in the first
  place gave the command of the horse to Lucius Minucius; and next asked
  leave of the senate for himself, that in time of battle he might serve
  on horseback, which by an ancient law amongst the Romans was forbid to
  their generals; whether it were, that, placing their greatest strength
  in their foot, they would have their commanders-in-chief posted amongst
  them, or else to let them know, that, how great and absolute soever
  their authority were, the people and senate were still their masters, of
  whom they must ask leave.  Fabius, however, to make the authority of his
  charge more observable, and to render the people more submissive and
  obedient to him, caused himself to be accompanied with the full body of
  four and twenty lictors; and, when the surviving consul came to visit
  him, sent him word to dismiss his lictors with their fasces, the ensigns
  of authority, and appear before him as a private person.

  The first solemn action of his dictatorship was very fitly a religious
  one:  an admonition to the people, that their late overthrow had not
  befallen them through want of courage in their soldiers, but through the
  neglect of divine ceremonies in the general.  He therefore exhorted them
  not to fear the enemy, but by extraordinary honor to propitiate the
  gods.  This he did, not to fill their minds with superstition, but by
  religious feeling to raise their courage, and lessen their fear of the
  enemy by inspiring the belief that Heaven was on their side.  With this
  view, the secret prophecies called the Sibylline Books were consulted;
  sundry predictions found in them were said to refer to the fortunes and
  events of the time; but none except the consulter was informed.
  Presenting himself to the people, the dictator made a vow before them to
  offer in sacrifice the whole product of the next season, all Italy over,
  of the cows, goats, swine, sheep, both in the mountains and the plains;
  and to celebrate musical festivities with an expenditure of the precise
  sum of 333 sestertia and 333 denarii, with one third of a denarius over.
  The sum total of which is, in our money, 83,583 drachmas and 2 obols.
  What the mystery might be in that exact number is not easy to determine,
  unless it were in honor of the perfection of the number three, as being
  the first of odd numbers, the first that contains in itself
  multiplication, with all other properties whatsoever belonging to
  numbers in general.

  In this manner Fabius having given the people better heart for the
  future, by making them believe that the gods took their side, for his
  own part placed his whole confidence in himself, believing that the gods
  bestowed victory and good fortune by the instrumentality of valor and of
  prudence; and thus prepared he set forth to oppose Hannibal, not with
  intention to fight him, but with the purpose of wearing out and wasting
  the vigor of his arms by lapse of time, of meeting his want of resources
  by superior means, by large numbers the smallness of his forces.  With
  this design, he always encamped on the highest grounds, where the
  enemy's horse could have no access to him.  Still he kept pace with
  them; when they marched he followed them, when they encamped he did the
  same, but at such a distance as not to be compelled to an engagement,
  and always keeping upon the hills, free from the insults of their horse;
  by which means he gave them no rest, but kept them in a continual alarm.

  But this his dilatory way gave occasion in his own camp for suspicion of
  want of courage; and this opinion prevailed yet more in Hannibal's army.
  Hannibal was himself the only man who was not deceived, who discerned
  his skill and detected his tactics, and saw, unless he could by art or
  force bring him to battle, that the Carthaginians, unable to use the
  arms in which they were superior, and suffering the continual drain of
  lives and treasure in which they were inferior, would in the end come to
  nothing.  He resolved, therefore, with all the arts and subtilties of
  war to break his measures, and to bring Fabius to an engagement; like a
  cunning wrestler, watching every opportunity to get good hold and close
  with his adversary.  He at one time attacked, and sought to distract his
  attention, tried to draw him off in various directions, endeavored in
  all ways to tempt him from his safe policy.  All this artifice, though
  it had no effect upon the firm judgment and conviction of the dictator.
  yet upon the common soldier and even upon the general of the horse
  himself, it had too great an operation:  Minucius, unseasonably eager
  for action, bold and confident, humored the soldiery, and himself
  contributed to fill them with wild eagerness and empty hopes, which they
  vented in reproaches upon Fabius, calling him Hannibal's pedagogue,
  since he did nothing else but follow him up and down and wait upon him.
  At the same time, they cried up Minucius for the only captain worthy to
  command the Romans; whose vanity and presumption rose so high in
  consequence, that he insolently jested at Fabius's encampments upon the
  mountains, saying that he seated them there as on a theater, to behold
  the flames and desolation of their country.  And he would sometimes ask
  the friends of the general, whether it were not his meaning, by thus
  leading them from mountain to mountain, to carry them at last (having no
  hopes on earth) up into heaven, or to hide them in the clouds from
  Hannibal's army?  When his friends reported these things to the
  dictator, persuading him that, to avoid the general obloquy, he should
  engage the enemy, his answer was, "I should be more fainthearted than
  they make me, if, through fear of idle reproaches, I should abandon my
  own convictions.  It is no inglorious thing to have fear for the safety
  of our country, but to be turned from one's course by men's opinions, by
  blame, and by misrepresentation, shows a man unfit to hold an office
  such as this, which, by such conduct, he makes the slave of those whose
  errors it is his business to control."

  An oversight of Hannibal occurred soon after.  Desirous to refresh his
  horse in some good pasture-grounds, and to draw off his army, he ordered
  his guides to conduct him to the district of Casinum.  They, mistaking
  his bad pronunciation, led him and his army to the town of Casilinum, on
  the frontier of Campania which the river Lothronus, called by the Romans
  Vulturnus, divides in two parts.  The country around is enclosed by
  mountains, with a valley opening towards the sea, in which the river
  overflowing forms a quantity of marsh land with deep banks of sand, and
  discharges itself into the sea on a very unsafe and rough shore.  While
  Hannibal was proceeding hither, Fabius, by his knowledge of the roads,
  succeeded in making his way around before him, and dispatched four
  thousand choice men to seize the exit from it and stop him up, and
  lodged the rest of his army upon the neighboring hills in the most
  advantageous places; at the same time detaching a party of his lightest
  armed men to fall upon Hannibal's rear; which they did with such
  success, that they cut off eight hundred of them, and put the whole army
  in disorder.  Hannibal, finding the error and the danger he was fallen
  into, immediately crucified the guides; but considered the enemy to be
  so advantageously posted, that there was no hopes of breaking through
  them; while his soldiers began to be despondent and terrified, and to
  think themselves surrounded with embarrassments too difficult to be
  surmounted.

  Thus reduced, Hannibal had recourse to stratagem; he caused two thousand
  head of oxen which he had in his camp, to have torches or dry fagots
  well fastened to their horns, and lighting them in the beginning of the
  night, ordered the beasts to be driven on towards the heights commanding
  the passages out of the valley and the enemy's posts; when this was
  done, he made his army in the dark leisurely march after them.  The oxen
  at first kept a slow, orderly pace, and with their lighted heads
  resembled an army marching by night, astonishing the shepherds and herds
  men of the hills about.  But when the fire had burnt down the horns of
  the beasts to the quick, they no longer observed their sober pace, but,
  unruly and wild with their pain, ran dispersed about, tossing their
  heads and scattering the fire round about them upon each other and
  setting light as they passed to the trees.  This was a surprising
  spectacle to the Romans on guard upon the heights.  Seeing flames which
  appeared to come from men advancing with torches, they were possessed
  with the alarm that the enemy was approaching in various quarters, and
  that they were being surrounded; and, quitting their post, abandoned the
  pass, and precipitately retired to their camp on the hills.  They were
  no sooner gone, but the light-armed of Hannibal's men, according to his
  order, immediately seized the heights, and soon after the whole army,
  with all the baggage, came up and safely marched through the passes.

  Fabius, before the night was over, quickly found out the trick; for some
  of the beasts fell into his hands; but for fear of an ambush in the
  dark, he kept his men all night to their arms in the camp.  As soon as
  it was day, he attacked the enemy in the rear, where, after a good deal
  of skirmishing in the uneven ground, the disorder might have become
  general, but that Hannibal detached from his van a body of Spaniards,
  who, of themselves active and nimble, were accustomed to the climbing of
  mountains.  These briskly attacked the Roman troops who were in heavy
  armor, killed a good many, and left Fabius no longer in condition to
  follow the enemy.  This action brought the extreme of obloquy and
  contempt upon the dictator; they said it was now manifest that he was
  not only inferior to his adversary, as they had always thought, in
  courage, but even in that conduct, foresight, and generalship, by which
  he had proposed to bring the war to an end.

  And Hannibal, to enhance their anger against him, marched with his army
  close to the lands and possessions of Fabius, and, giving orders to his
  soldiers to burn and destroy all the country about, forbade them to do
  the least damage in the estates of the Roman general, and placed guards
  for their security.  This, when reported at Rome, had the effect with
  the people which Hannibal desired.  Their tribunes raised a thousand
  stories against him, chiefly at the instigation of Metilius, who, not so
  much out of hatred to him as out of friendship to Minucius, whose
  kinsman he was, thought by depressing Fabius to raise his friend.  The
  senate on their part were also offended with him, for the bargain he had
  made with Hannibal about the exchange of prisoners, the conditions of
  which were, that, after exchange made of man for man, if any on either
  side remained, they should be redeemed at the price of two hundred and
  fifty drachmas a head.  Upon the whole account, there remained two
  hundred and forty Romans unexchanged, and the senate now not only
  refused to allow money for the ransoms, but also reproached Fabius for
  making a contract, contrary to the honor and interest of the
  commonwealth, for redeeming men whose cowardice had put them in the
  hands of the enemy.  Fabius heard and endured all this with invincible
  patience; and, having no money by him, and on the other side being
  resolved to keep his word with Hannibal and not to abandon the captives,
  he dispatched his son to Rome to sell land, and to bring with him the
  price, sufficient to discharge the ransoms; which was punctually
  performed by his son, and delivery accordingly made to him of the
  prisoners, amongst whom many, when they were released, made proposals to
  repay the money; which Fabius in all cases declined.

  About this time, he was called to Rome by the priests, to assist,
  according to the duty of his office, at certain sacrifices, and was thus
  forced to leave the command of the army with Minucius; but before he
  parted, not only charged him as his commander-in-chief, but besought and
  entreated him, not to come, in his absence, to a battle with Hannibal.
  His commands, entreaties, and advice were lost upon Minucius; for his
  back was no sooner turned but the new general immediately sought
  occasions to attack the enemy.  And notice being brought him that
  Hannibal had sent out a great part of his army to forage, he fell upon a
  detachment of the remainder, doing great execution, and driving them to
  their very camp, with no little terror to the rest, who apprehended
  their breaking in upon them; and when Hannibal had recalled his
  scattered forces to the camp, he, nevertheless, without any loss, made
  his retreat, a success which aggravated his boldness and presumption,
  and filled the soldiers with rash confidence.  The news spread to Rome,
  where Fabius, on being told it, said that what he most feared was
  Minucius's success:  but the people, highly elated, hurried to the forum
  to listen to an address from Metilius the tribune, in which he
  infinitely extolled the valor of Minucius, and fell bitterly upon
  Fabius, accusing him for want not merely of courage, but even of
  loyalty; and not only him, but also many other eminent and considerable
  persons; saying that it was they that had brought the Carthaginians into
  Italy, with the design to destroy the liberty of the people; for which
  end they had at once put the supreme authority into the hands of a
  single person, who by his slowness and delays might give Hannibal
  leisure to establish himself in Italy, and the people of Carthage time
  and opportunity to supply him with fresh succors to complete his
  conquests

  Fabius came forward with no intention to answer the tribune, but only
  said, that they should expedite the sacrifices, that so he might
  speedily return to the army to punish Minucius, who had presumed to
  fight contrary to his orders; words which immediately possessed the
  people with the belief that Minucius stood in danger of his life.  For
  it was in the power of the dictator to imprison and to put to death, and
  they feared that Fabius, of a mild temper in general, would be as hard
  to be appeased when once irritated, as he was slow to be provoked.
  Nobody dared to raise his voice in opposition.  Metilius alone, whose
  office of tribune gave him security to say what he pleased (for in the
  time of a dictatorship that magistrate alone preserves his authority),
  boldly applied himself to the people in the behalf of Minucius:  that
  they should not suffer him to be made a sacrifice to the enmity of
  Fabius, nor permit him to be destroyed, like the son of Manlius
  Torquatus, who was beheaded by his father for a victory fought and
  triumphantly won against order; he exhorted them to take away from
  Fabius that absolute power of a dictator, and to put it into more worthy
  hands, better able and more inclined to use it for the public good.
  These impressions very much prevailed upon the people, though not so far
  as wholly to dispossess Fabius of the dictatorship.  But they decreed
  that Minucius should have an equal authority with the dictator in the
  conduct of the war; which was a thing then without precedent, though a
  little later it was again practiced after the disaster at Cannae; when
  the dictator, Marcus Junius, being with the army, they chose at Rome
  Fabius Buteo dictator, that he might create new senators, to supply the
  numerous places of those who were killed.  But as soon as, once acting
  in public, he had filled those vacant places with a sufficient number,
  he immediately dismissed his lictors, and withdrew from all his
  attendance, and, mingling like a common person with the rest of the
  people, quietly went about his own affairs in the forum.

  The enemies of Fabius thought they had sufficiently humiliated and
  subdued him by raising Minucius to be his equal in authority; but they
  mistook the temper of the man, who looked upon their folly as not his
  loss, but like Diogenes, who, being told that some persons derided him,
  made answer, "But I am not derided," meaning that only those were really
  insulted on whom such insults made an impression, so Fabius, with great
  tranquillity and unconcern, submitted to what happened, and contributed
  a proof to the argument of the philosophers that a just and good man is
  not capable of being dishonored.  His only vexation arose from his fear
  lest this ill counsel, by supplying opportunities to the diseased
  military ambition of his subordinate, should damage the public cause.
  Lest the rashness of Minucius should now at once run headlong into some
  disaster, he returned back with all privacy and speed to the army; where
  he found Minucius so elevated with his new dignity, that, a
  joint-authority not contenting him, he required by turns to have the
  command of the army every other day.  This Fabius rejected, but was
  contented that the army should be divided; thinking each general singly
  would better command his part, than partially command the whole.  The
  first and fourth legion he took for his own division, the second and
  third he delivered to Minucius; so also of the auxiliary forces each
  had an equal share.

  Minucius, thus exalted, could not contain himself from boasting of his
  success in humiliating the high and powerful office of the dictatorship.
  Fabius quietly reminded him that it was, in all wisdom, Hannibal, and
  not Fabius, whom he had to combat; but if he must needs contend with his
  colleague, it had best be in diligence and care for the preservation of
  Rome; that it might not be said, a man so favored by the people served
  them worse than he who had been ill-treated and disgraced by them.

  The young general, despising these admonitions as the false humility of
  age, immediately removed with the body of his army, and encamped by
  himself.  Hannibal, who was not ignorant of all these passages, lay
  watching his advantage from them.  It happened that between his army and
  that of Minucius there was a certain eminence, which seemed a very
  advantageous and not difficult post to encamp upon; the level field
  around it appeared, from a distance, to be all smooth and even, though
  it had many inconsiderable ditches and dips in it, not discernible to
  the eye.  Hannibal, had he pleased, could easily have possessed himself
  of this ground; but he had reserved it for a bait, or train, in proper
  season, to draw the Romans to an engagement.  Now that Minucius and
  Fabius were divided, he thought the opportunity fair for his purpose;
  and, therefore, having in the night time lodged a convenient number of
  his men in these ditches and hollow places, early in the morning he sent
  forth a small detachment, who, in the sight of Minucius, proceeded to
  possess themselves of the rising ground.  According to his expectation,
  Minucius swallowed the bait, and first sends out his light troops, and
  after them some horse, to dislodge the enemy; and, at last, when he saw
  Hannibal in person advancing to the assistance of his men, marched down
  with his whole army drawn up.  He engaged with the troops on the
  eminence, and sustained their missiles; the combat for some time was
  equal; but as soon as Hannibal perceived that the whole army was now
  sufficiently advanced within the toils he had set for them, so that
  their backs were open to his men whom he had posted in the hollows, he
  gave the signal; upon which they rushed forth from various quarters, and
  with loud cries furiously attacked Minucius in the rear.  The surprise
  and the slaughter was great, and struck universal alarm and disorder
  through the whole army.  Minucius himself lost all his confidence; he
  looked from officer to officer, and found all alike unprepared to face
  the danger, and yielding to a flight, which, however, could not end in
  safety.  The Numidian horsemen were already in full victory riding about
  the plain, cutting down the fugitives.

  Fabius was not ignorant of this danger of his countrymen; he foresaw
  what would happen from the rashness of Minucius, and the cunning of
  Hannibal; and, therefore, kept his men to their arms, in readiness to
  wait the event; nor would he trust to the reports of others, but he
  himself, in front of his camp, viewed all that passed.  When, therefore,
  he saw the army of Minucius encompassed by the enemy, and that by their
  countenance and shifting their ground, they appeared more disposed to
  flight than to resistance, with a great sigh, striking his hand upon his
  thigh, he said to those about him, "O Hercules! how much sooner than I
  expected, though later than he seemed to desire, hath Minucius destroyed
  himself!"  He then commanded the ensigns to be led forward and the army
  to follow, telling them, "We must make haste to rescue Minucius, who is
  a valiant man, and a lover of his country; and if he hath been too
  forward to engage the enemy, at another time we will tell him of it."
  Thus, at the head of his men, Fabius marched up to the enemy, and first
  cleared the plain of the Numidians; and next fell upon those who were
  charging the Romans in the rear, cutting down all that made opposition,
  and obliging the rest to save themselves by a hasty retreat, lest they
  should be environed as the Romans had been.  Hannibal, seeing so sudden
  a change of affairs, and Fabius, beyond the force of his age, opening
  his way through the ranks up the hill-side, that he might join Minucius,
  warily forbore, sounded a retreat, and drew off his men into their camp;
  while the Romans on their part were no less contented to retire in
  safety.  It is reported that upon this occasion Hannibal said jestingly
  to his friends:  "Did not I tell you, that this cloud which always
  hovered upon the mountains would, at some time or other, come down with
  a storm upon us?"

  Fabius, after his men had picked up the spoils of the field, retired to
  his own camp, without saying any harsh or reproachful thing to his
  colleague; who also on his part, gathering his army together, spoke and
  said to them:  "To conduct great matters and never commit a fault is
  above the force of human nature; but to learn and improve by the faults
  we have committed, is that which becomes a good and sensible man.  Some
  reasons I may have to accuse fortune, but I have many more to thank her;
  for in a few hours she hath cured a long mistake, and taught me that I
  am not the man who should command others, but have need of another to
  command me; and that we are not to contend for victory over those to
  whom it is our advantage to yield.  Therefore in everything else
  henceforth the dictator must be your commander; only in showing
  gratitude towards him I will still be your leader, and always be the
  first to obey his orders."  Having said this, he commanded the Roman
  eagles to move forward, and all his men to follow him to the camp of
  Fabius.  The soldiers, then, as he entered, stood amazed at the novelty
  of the sight, and were anxious and doubtful what the meaning might be.
  When he came near the dictator's tent, Fabius went forth to meet him, on
  which he at once laid his standards at his feet, calling him with a loud
  voice his father; while the soldiers with him saluted the soldiers here
  as their patrons, the term employed by freedmen to those who gave them
  their liberty.  After silence was obtained, Minucius said, "You have
  this day, O dictator, obtained two victories; one by your valor and
  conduct over Hannibal, and another by your wisdom and goodness over your
  colleague; by one victory you preserved, and by the other instructed us;
  and when we were already suffering one shameful defeat from Hannibal, by
  another welcome one from you we were restored to honor and safety.  I
  can address you by no nobler name than that of a kind father, though a
  father's beneficence falls short of that I have received from you.  From
  a father I individually received the gift of life; to you I owe its
  preservation not for myself only, but for all these who are under me."
  After this, he threw himself into the arms of the dictator; and in the
  same manner the soldiers of each army embraced one another with gladness
  and tears of joy.

  Not long after, Fabius laid down the dictatorship, and consuls were
  again created.  Those who immediately succeeded, observed the same
  method in managing the war, and avoided all occasions of fighting
  Hannibal in a pitched battle; they only succored their allies, and
  preserved the towns from falling off to the enemy.  but afterwards, when
  Terentius Varro, a man of obscure birth, but very popular and bold, had
  obtained the consulship, he soon made it appear that by his rashness and
  ignorance he would stake the whole commonwealth on the hazard.  For it
  was his custom to declaim in all assemblies, that, as long as Rome
  employed generals like Fabius there never would be an end of the war;
  vaunting that whenever he should get sight of the enemy, he would that
  same day free Italy from the strangers.  With these promises he so
  prevailed, that he raised a greater army than had ever yet been sent out
  of Rome.  There were enlisted eighty-eight thousand fighting men; but
  what gave confidence to the populace, only terrified the wise and
  experienced, and none more than Fabius; since if so great a body, and
  the flower of the Roman youth, should be cut off, they could not see any
  new resource for the safety of Rome.  They addressed themselves,
  therefore, to the other consul, Aemilius Paulus, a man of great
  experience in war, but unpopular, and fearful also of the people, who
  once before upon some impeachment had condemned him; so that he needed
  encouragement to withstand his colleague's temerity.  Fabius told him,
  if he would profitably serve his country, he must no less oppose Varro's
  ignorant eagerness than Hannibal's conscious readiness, since both alike
  conspired to decide the fate of Rome by a battle.  "It is more
  reasonable," he said to him, "that you should believe me than Varro, in
  matters relating to Hannibal, when I tell you, that if for this year you
  abstain from fighting with him, either his army will perish of itself,
  or else he will be glad to depart of his own will.  This evidently
  appears, inasmuch as, notwithstanding his victories, none of the
  countries or towns of Italy come in to him, and his army is not now the
  third part of what it was at first."  To this Paulus is said to have
  replied, "Did I only consider myself, I should rather choose to be
  exposed to the weapons of Hannibal than once more to the suffrages of my
  fellow-citizens, who are urgent for what you disapprove; yet since the
  cause of Rome is at stake, I will rather seek in my conduct to please
  and obey Fabius than all the world besides."

  These good measures were defeated by the importunity of Varro; whom,
  when they were both come to the army, nothing would content but a
  separate command, that each consul should have his day; and when his
  turn came, he posted his army close to Hannibal, at a village called
  Cannae, by the river Aufidus.  It was no sooner day, but he set up the
  scarlet coat flying over his tent, which was the signal of battle.  This
  boldness of the consul, and the numerousness of his army, double theirs,
  startled the Carthaginians; but Hannibal commanded them to their arms,
  and with a small train rode out to take a full prospect of the enemy as
  they were now forming in their ranks, from a rising ground not far
  distant.  One of his followers, called Gisco, a Carthaginian of equal
  rank with himself, told him that the numbers of the enemy were
  astonishing; to which Hannibal replied, with a serious countenance,
  "There is one thing, Gisco, yet more astonishing, which you take no
  notice of;" and when Gisco inquired what, answered, that "in all those
  great numbers before us, there is not one man called Gisco."  This
  unexpected jest of their general made all the company laugh, and as they
  came down from the hill, they told it to those whom they met, which
  caused a general laughter amongst them all, from which they were hardly
  able to recover themselves.  The army, seeing Hannibal's attendants come
  back from viewing the enemy in such a laughing condition, concluded that
  it must be profound contempt of the enemy, that made their general at
  this moment indulge in such hilarity.

  According to his usual manner, Hannibal employed stratagems to advantage
  himself.  In the first place, he so drew up his men that the wind was at
  their backs, which at that time blew with a perfect storm of violence,
  and, sweeping over the great plains of sand, carried before it a cloud
  of dust over the Carthaginian army into the faces of the Romans, which
  much disturbed them in the fight.  In the next place, all his best men
  he put into his wings; and in the body, which was somewhat more advanced
  than the wings, placed the worst and the weakest of his army.  He
  commanded those in the wings, that, when the enemy had made a thorough
  charge upon that middle advanced body, which he knew would recoil, as
  not being able to withstand their shock, and when the Romans, in their
  pursuit, should be far enough engaged within the two wings, they should,
  both on the right and the left, charge them in the flank, and endeavor
  to encompass them.  This appears to have been the chief cause of the
  Roman loss.  Pressing upon Hannibal's front, which gave ground, they
  reduced the form of his army into a perfect half-moon, and gave ample
  opportunity to the captains of the chosen troops to charge them right
  and left on their flanks, and to cut off and destroy all who did not
  fall back before the Carthaginian wings united in their rear.  To this
  general calamity, it is also said, that a strange mistake among the
  cavalry much contributed.  For the horse of Aemilius receiving a hurt
  and throwing his master, those about him immediately alighted to aid the
  consul; and the Roman troops, seeing their commanders thus quitting
  their horses, took it for a sign that they should all dismount and
  charge the enemy on foot.  At the sight of this, Hannibal was heard to
  say, "This pleases me better than if they had been delivered to me bound
  hand and foot."  For the particulars of this engagement, we refer our
  reader to those authors who have written at large upon the subject.

  The consul Varro, with a thin company, fled to Venusia; Aemilius Paulus,
  unable any longer to oppose the flight of his men, or the pursuit of the
  enemy, his body all covered with wounds, and his soul no less wounded
  with grief, sat himself down upon a stone, expecting the kindness of a
  dispatching blow.  His face was so disfigured, and all his person so
  stained with blood, that his very friends and domestics passing by knew
  him not.  At last Cornelius Lentulus, a young man of patrician race,
  perceiving who he was, alighted from his horse, and, tendering it to
  him, desired him to get up and save a life so necessary to the safety of
  the commonwealth, which, at this time, would dearly want so great a
  captain.  But nothing could prevail upon him to accept of the offer; he
  obliged young Lentulus, with tears in his eyes, to remount his horse;
  then standing up, he gave him his hand, and commanded him to tell Fabius
  Maximus that Aemilius Paulus had followed his directions to his very
  last, and had not in the least deviated from those measures which were
  agreed between them; but that it was his hard fate to be overpowered by
  Varro in the first place, and secondly by Hannibal.  Having dispatched
  Lentulus with this commission, he marked where the slaughter was
  greatest, and there threw himself upon the swords of the enemy.  In this
  battle it is reported that fifty thousand Romans were slain, four
  thousand prisoners taken in the field, and ten thousand in the camp of
  both consuls.

  The friends of Hannibal earnestly persuaded him to follow up his
  victory, and pursue the flying Romans into the very gates of Rome,
  assuring him that in five days' time he might sup in the capitol; nor is
  it easy to imagine what consideration hindered him from it.  It would
  seem rather that some supernatural or divine intervention caused the
  hesitation and timidity which he now displayed, and which made Barcas, a
  Carthaginian, tell him with indignation, "You know, Hannibal, how to
  gain a victory, but not how to use it."  Yet it produced a marvelous
  revolution in his affairs; he, who hitherto had not one town, market, or
  seaport in his possession, who had nothing for the subsistence of his
  men but what he pillaged from day to day, who had no place of retreat or
  basis of operation, but was roving, as it were, with a huge troop of
  banditti, now became master of the best provinces and towns of Italy,
  and of Capua itself, next to Rome the most flourishing and opulent city,
  all which came over to him, and submitted to his authority.

  It is the saying of Euripides, that "a man is in ill-case when he must
  try a friend," and so neither, it would seem, is a state in a good one,
  when it needs an able general.  And so it was with the Romans; the
  counsels and actions of Fabius, which, before the battle, they had
  branded as cowardice and fear, now, in the other extreme they accounted
  to have been more than human wisdom; as though nothing but a divine
  power of intellect could have seen so far, and foretold, contrary to the
  judgment of all others, a result which, even now it had arrived, was
  hardly credible.  In him, therefore, they placed their whole remaining
  hopes; his wisdom was the sacred altar and temple to which they fled for
  refuge, and his counsels, more than anything, preserved them from
  dispersing and deserting their city, as in the time when the Gauls took
  possession of Rome.  He, whom they esteemed fearful and pusillanimous
  when they were, as they thought, in a prosperous condition, was now the
  only man, in this general and unbounded dejection and confusion, who
  showed no fear, but walked the streets with an assured and serene
  countenance, addressed his fellow-citizens, checked the women's
  lamentations, and the public gatherings of those who wanted thus to vent
  their sorrows.  He caused the senate to meet, he heartened up the
  magistrates, and was himself as the soul and life of every office.

  He placed guards at the gates of the city to stop the frighted multitude
  from flying; he regulated and controlled their mournings for their slain
  friends, both as to time and place; ordering that each family should
  perform such observances within private walls, and that they should
  continue only the space of one month, and then the whole city should be
  purified.  The feast of Ceres happening to fall within this time, it was
  decreed that the solemnity should be intermitted, lest the fewness, and
  the sorrowful countenance of those who should celebrate it, might too
  much expose to the people the greatness of their loss; besides that, the
  worship most acceptable to the gods is that which comes from cheerful
  hearts.  But those rites which were proper for appeasing their anger,
  and procuring auspicious signs and presages, were by the direction of
  the augurs carefully performed.  Fabius Pictor, a near kinsman to
  Maximus, was sent to consult the oracle of Delphi; and about the same
  time, two vestals having been detected to have been violated, the one
  killed herself, and the other, according to custom, was buried alive.

  Above all, let us admire the high spirit and equanimity of this Roman
  commonwealth; that when the consul Varro came beaten and flying home,
  full of shame and humiliation, after he had so disgracefully and
  calamitously managed their affairs, yet the whole senate and people went
  forth to meet him at the gates of the city, and received him with honor
  and respect.  And, silence being commanded, the magistrates and chief of
  the senate, Fabius amongst them, commended him before the people,
  because he did not despair of the safety of the commonwealth, after so
  great a loss, but was come to take the government into his hands, to
  execute the laws, and aid his fellow-citizens in their prospect of
  future deliverance.

  When word was brought to Rome that Hannibal, after the fight, had
  marched with his army into other parts of Italy, the hearts of the
  Romans began to revive, and they proceeded to send out generals and
  armies.  The most distinguished commands were held by Fabius Maximus and
  Claudius Marcellus, both generals of great fame, though upon opposite
  grounds.  For Marcellus, as we have set forth in his life, was a man of
  action and high spirit, ready and bold with his own hand, and, as Homer
  describes his warriors, fierce, and delighting in fights.  Boldness,
  enterprise, and daring, to match those of Hannibal, constituted his
  tactics, and marked his engagements.  But Fabius adhered to his former
  principles, still persuaded that, by following close and not fighting
  him, Hannibal and his army would at last be tired out and consumed, like
  a wrestler in too high condition, whose very excess of strength makes
  him the more likely suddenly to give way and lose it.  Posidonius tells
  us that the Romans called Marcellus their sword, and Fabius their
  buckler; and that the vigor of the one, mixed with the steadiness of the
  other, made a happy compound that proved the salvation of Rome.  So that
  Hannibal found by experience that, encountering the one, he met with a
  rapid, impetuous river, which drove him back, and still made some breach
  upon him; and by the other, though silently and quietly passing by him,
  he was insensibly washed away and consumed; and, at last, was brought to
  this, that he dreaded Marcellus when he was in motion, and Fabius when
  he sat still.  During the whole course of this war, he had still to do
  with one or both of these generals; for each of them was five times
  consul, and, as praetors or proconsuls or consuls, they had always a
  part in the government of the army, till, at last, Marcellus fell into
  the trap which Hannibal had laid for him, and was killed in his fifth
  consulship.  But all his craft and subtlety were unsuccessful upon
  Fabius, who only once was in some danger of being caught, when
  counterfeit letters came to him from the principal inhabitants of
  Metapontum, with promises to deliver up their town if he would come
  before it with his army, and intimations that they should expect him,
  This train had almost drawn him in; he resolved to march to them with
  part of his army, and was diverted only by consulting the omens of the
  birds, which he found to be inauspicious; and not long after it was
  discovered that the letters had been forged by Hannibal, who, for his
  reception, had laid an ambush to entertain him.  This, perhaps, we must
  rather attribute to the favor of the gods than to the prudence of
  Fabius.

  In preserving the towns and allies from revolt by fair and gentle
  treatment, and in not using rigor, or showing a suspicion upon every
  light suggestion, his conduct was remarkable.  It is told of him, that,
  being informed of a certain Marsian, eminent for courage and good birth,
  who had been speaking underhand with some of the soldiers about
  deserting, Fabius was so far from using severity against him, that he
  called for him, and told him he was sensible of the neglect that had
  been shown to his merit and good service, which, he said, was a great
  fault in the commanders who reward more by favor than by desert; "but
  henceforward, whenever you are aggrieved," said Fabius, "I shall
  consider it your fault, if you apply yourself to any but to me;" and
  when he had so spoken, he bestowed an excellent horse and other presents
  upon him; and, from that time forwards, there was not a faithfuller and
  more trusty man in the whole army.  With good reason he judged, that, if
  those who have the government of horses and dogs endeavor by gentle
  usage to cure their angry and untractable tempers, rather than by
  cruelty and beating, much more should those who have the command of men
  try to bring them to order and discipline by the mildest and fairest
  means, and not treat them worse than gardeners do those wild plants,
  which, with care and attention, lose gradually the savageness of their
  nature, and bear excellent fruit.

  At another time, some of his officers informed him that one of their men
  was very often absent from his place, and out at nights; he asked them
  what kind of man he was; they all answered, that the whole army had not
  a better man, that he was a native of Lucania, and proceeded to speak of
  several actions which they had seen him perform.  Fabius made strict
  inquiry, and discovered at last that these frequent excursions which he
  ventured upon were to visit a young girl, with whom he was in love.
  Upon which he gave private order to some of his men to find out the
  woman and secretly convey her into his own tent; and then sent for the
  Lucanian, and, calling him aside, told him, that he very well knew how
  often he had been out away from the camp at night, which was a capital
  transgression against military discipline and the Roman laws, but he
  knew also how brave he was, and the good services he had done;
  therefore, in consideration of them, he was willing to forgive him his
  fault; but to keep him in good order, he was resolved to place one over
  him to be his keeper, who should be accountable for his good behavior.
  Having said this, he produced the woman, and told the soldier, terrified
  and amazed at the adventure, "This is the person who must answer for
  you; and by your future behavior we shall see whether your night rambles
  were on account of love, or for any other worse design."

  Another passage there was, something of the same kind, which gained him
  possession of Tarentum.  There was a young Tarentine in the army that
  had a sister in Tarentum, then in possession of the enemy, who entirely
  loved her brother, and wholly depended upon him.  He, being informed
  that a certain Bruttian, whom Hannibal had made a commander of the
  garrison, was deeply in love with his sister, conceived hopes that he
  might possibly turn it to the advantage of the Romans.  And having first
  communicated his design to Fabius, he left the army as a deserter in
  show, and went over to Tarentum.  The first days passed, and the
  Bruttian abstained from visiting the sister; for neither of them knew
  that the brother had notice of the amour between them.  The young
  Tarentine, however, took an occasion to tell his sister how he had heard
  that a man of station and authority had made his addresses to her; and
  desired her, therefore, to tell him who it was; "for," said he, "if he
  be a man that has bravery and reputation, it matters not what countryman
  he is, since at this time the sword mingles all nations, and makes them
  equal; compulsion makes all things honorable; and in a time when right
  is weak, we may be thankful if might assumes a form of gentleness."
  Upon this the woman sends for her friend, and makes the brother and him
  acquainted; and whereas she henceforth showed more countenance to her
  lover than formerly, in the same degrees that her kindness increased,
  his friendship, also, with the brother advanced.  So that at last our
  Tarentine thought this Bruttian officer well enough prepared to receive
  the offers he had to make him; and that it would be easy for a mercenary
  man, who was in love, to accept, upon the terms proposed, the large
  rewards promised by Fabius.  In conclusion, the bargain was struck, and
  the promise made of delivering the town.  This is the common tradition,
  though some relate the story otherwise, and say, that this woman, by
  whom the Bruttian was inveigled, to betray the town, was not a native of
  Tarentum, but a Bruttian born, and was kept by Fabius as his concubine;
  and being a countrywoman and an acquaintance of the Bruttian governor,
  he privately sent her to him to corrupt him.

  Whilst these matters were thus in process, to draw off Hannibal from
  scenting the design, Fabius sends orders to the garrison in Rhegium,
  that they should waste and spoil the Bruttian country, and should also
  lay siege to Caulonia, and storm the place with all their might.  These
  were a body of eight thousand men, the worst of the Roman army, who had
  most of them been runaways, and had been brought home by Marcellus from
  Sicily, in dishonor, so that the loss of them would not be any great
  grief to the Romans.  Fabius, therefore, threw out these men as a bait
  for Hannibal, to divert him from Tarentum; who instantly caught at it,
  and led his forces to Caulonia; in the meantime, Fabius sat down before
  Tarentum.  On the sixth day of the siege, the young Tarentine slips by
  night out of the town, and, having carefully observed the place where
  the Bruttian commander, according to agreement, was to admit the Romans,
  gave an account of the whole matter to Fabius; who thought it not safe
  to rely wholly upon the plot, but, while proceeding with secrecy to the
  post, gave order for a general assault to be made on the other side of
  the town, both by land and sea.  This being accordingly executed, while
  the Tarentines hurried to defend the town on the side attacked, Fabius
  received the signal from the Bruttian, scaled the walls, and entered the
  town unopposed.

  Here, we must confess, ambition seems to have overcome him.  To make it
  appear to the world that he had taken Tarentum by force and his own
  prowess, and not by treachery, he commanded his men to kill the
  Bruttians before all others; yet he did not succeed in establishing the
  impression he desired, but merely gained the character of perfidy and
  cruelty.  Many of the Tarentines were also killed, and thirty thousand
  of them were sold for slaves; the army had the plunder of the town, and
  there was brought into the treasury three thousand talents.  Whilst they
  were carrying off everything else as plunder, the officer who took the
  inventory asked what should be done with their gods, meaning the
  pictures and statues; Fabius answered, "Let us leave their angry gods to
  the Tarentines."  Nevertheless, he removed the colossal statue of
  Hercules, and had it set up in the capitol, with one of himself on
  horseback, in brass, near it; proceedings very different from those of
  Marcellus on a like occasion, and which, indeed, very much set off in
  the eyes of the world his clemency and humanity, as appears in the
  account of his life.

  Hannibal, it is said, was within five miles of Tarentum, when he was
  informed that the town was taken.  He said openly, "Rome, then, has also
  got a Hannibal; as we won Tarentum, so have we lost it."  And, in
  private with some of his confidants, he told them, for the first time,
  that he always thought it difficult, but now he held it impossible, with
  the forces he then had, to master Italy.

  Upon this success, Fabius had a triumph decreed him at Rome, much more
  splendid than his first; they looked upon him now as a champion who had
  learned to cope with his antagonist, and could now easily foil his arts
  and prove his best skill ineffectual.  And, indeed, the army of Hannibal
  was at this time partly worn away with continual action, and partly
  weakened and become dissolute with overabundance and luxury.  Marcus
  Livius, who was governor of Tarentum when it was betrayed to Hannibal,
  and then retired into the citadel, which he kept till the town was
  retaken, was annoyed at these honors and distinctions, and, on one
  occasion, openly declared in the senate, that by his resistance, more
  than by any action of Fabius, Tarentum had been recovered; on which
  Fabius laughingly replied:  "You say very true, for if Marcus Livius had
  not lost Tarentum, Fabius Maximus had never recovered it."  The people,
  amongst other marks of gratitude, gave his son the consulship of the
  next year; shortly after whose entrance upon his office, there being
  some business on foot about provision for the war, his father, either by
  reason of age and infirmity, or perhaps out of design to try his son,
  came up to him on horseback.  While he was still at a distance, the
  young consul observed it, and bade one of his lictors command his father
  to alight, and tell him that, if be had any business with the consul, he
  should come on foot.  The standers by seemed offended at the
  imperiousness of the son towards a father so venerable for his age and
  his authority, and turned their eyes in silence towards Fabius.  He,
  however, instantly alighted from his horse, and with open arms came up,
  almost running, and embraced his son, saying, "Yes, my son, you do well,
  and understand well what authority you have received, and over whom you
  are to use it.  This was the way by which we and our forefathers
  advanced the dignity of Rome, preferring ever her honor and service to
  our own fathers and children."

  And, in fact, it is told that the great-grandfather of our Fabius, who
  was undoubtedly the greatest man of Rome in his time, both in reputation
  and authority, who had been five times consul, and had been honored with
  several triumphs for victories obtained by him, took pleasure in serving
  as lieutenant under his own son, when he went as consul to his command.
  And when afterwards his son had a triumph bestowed upon him for his good
  service, the old man followed, on horseback, his triumphant chariot, as
  one of his attendants; and made it his glory, that while he really was,
  and was acknowledged to be, the greatest man in Rome, and held a
  father's full power over his son, he yet submitted himself to the laws
  and the magistrate.

  But the praises of our Fabius are not bounded here.  He afterwards lost
  this son, and was remarkable for bearing the loss with the moderation
  becoming a pious father and a wise man, and, as it was the custom
  amongst the Romans, upon the death of any illustrious person, to have a
  funeral oration recited by some of the nearest relations, he took upon
  himself that office, and delivered a speech in the forum, which he
  committed afterwards to writing.

  After Cornelius Scipio, who was sent into Spain, had driven the
  Carthaginians, defeated by him in many battles, out of the country, and
  had gained over to Rome many towns and nations with large resources, he
  was received at his coming home with unexampled joy and acclamation of
  the people; who, to show their gratitude, elected him consul for the
  year ensuing.  Knowing what high expectation they had of him, he thought
  the occupation of contesting Italy with Hannibal a mere old man's
  employment, and proposed no less a task to himself than to make Carthage
  the seat of the war, fill Africa with arms and devastation, and so
  oblige Hannibal, instead of invading the countries of others, to draw
  back and defend his own.  And to this end he proceeded to exert all the
  influence he had with the people.  Fabius, on the other side, opposed
  the undertaking with all his might, alarming the city, and telling them
  that nothing but the temerity of a hot young man could inspire them with
  such dangerous counsels, and sparing no means, by word or deed, to
  prevent it.  He prevailed with the senate to espouse his sentiments; but
  the common people thought that he envied the fame of Scipio, and that he
  was afraid lest this young conqueror should achieve some great and noble
  exploit, and have the glory, perhaps, of driving Hannibal out of Italy,
  or even of ending the war, which had for so many years continued and
  been protracted under his management.

  To say the truth, when Fabius first opposed this project of Scipio, he
  probably did it out of caution and prudence, in consideration only of
  the public safety, and of the danger which the commonwealth might incur;
  but when he found Scipio every day increasing in the esteem of the
  people, rivalry and ambition led him further, and made him violent and
  personal in his opposition.  For he even applied to Crassus, the
  colleague of Scipio, and urged him not to yield the command to Scipio,
  but that, if his inclinations were for it, he should himself in person
  lead the army to Carthage.  He also hindered the giving money to Scipio
  for the war; so that he was forced to raise it upon his own credit and
  interest from the cities of Etruria, which were extremely attached to
  him.  On the other side, Crassus would not stir against him, nor remove
  out of Italy, being, in his own nature, averse to all contention, and
  also having, by his office of high priest, religious duties to retain
  him.  Fabius, therefore, tried other ways to oppose the design; he
  impeded the levies, and he declaimed, both in the senate and to the
  people, that Scipio was not only himself flying from Hannibal, but was
  also endeavoring to drain Italy of all its forces, and to spirit away
  the youth of the country to a foreign war, leaving behind them their
  parents, wives, and children, and the city itself, a defenseless prey to
  the conquering and undefeated enemy at their doors.  With this he so far
  alarmed the people, that at last they would only allow Scipio for the
  war the legions which were in Sicily, and three hundred, whom he
  particularly trusted, of those men who had served with him in Spain.  In
  these transactions, Fabius seems to have followed the dictates of his
  own wary temper.

  But, after that Scipio was gone over into Africa, when news almost
  immediately came to Rome of wonderful exploits and victories, of which
  the fame was confirmed by the spoils he sent home; of a Numidian king
  taken prisoner; of a vast slaughter of their men; of two camps of the
  enemy burnt and destroyed, and in them a great quantity of arms and
  horses; and when, hereupon, the Carthaginians were compelled to send
  envoys to Hannibal to call him home, and leave his idle hopes in Italy,
  to defend Carthage; when, for such eminent and transcending services,
  the whole people of Rome cried up and extolled the actions of Scipio;
  even then, Fabius contended that a successor should be sent in his
  place, alleging for it only the old reason of the mutability of fortune,
  as if she would be weary of long favoring the same person.  With this
  language many did begin to feel offended; it seemed to be morosity and
  ill-will, the pusillanimity of old age, or a fear, that had now become
  exaggerated, of the skill of Hannibal.  Nay, when Hannibal had put his
  army on shipboard, and taken his leave of Italy, Fabius still could not
  forbear to oppose and disturb the universal joy of Rome, expressing his
  fears and apprehensions, telling them that the commonwealth was never in
  more danger than now, and that Hannibal was a more formidable enemy
  under the walls of Carthage than ever he had been in Italy; that it
  would be fatal to Rome, whenever Scipio should encounter his victorious
  army, still warm with the blood of so many Roman generals, dictators,
  and consuls slain.  And the people were, in some degree, startled with
  these declamations, and were brought to believe, that the further off
  Hannibal was, the nearer was their danger.  Scipio, however, shortly
  afterwards fought Hannibal, and utterly defeated him, humbled the pride
  of Carthage beneath his feet, gave his countrymen joy and exultation
  beyond all their hopes, and

  "Long shaken on the seas restored the state."

  Fabius Maximus, however, did not live to see the prosperous end of this
  war, and the final overthrow of Hannibal, nor to rejoice in the
  reestablished happiness and security of the commonwealth; for about the
  time that Hannibal left Italy, he fell sick and died.  At Thebes,
  Epaminondas died so poor that he was buried at the public charge; one
  small iron coin was all, it is said, that was found in his house.
  Fabius did not need this, but the people, as a mark of their affection,
  defrayed the expenses of his funeral by a private contribution from each
  citizen of the smallest piece of coin; thus owning him their common
  father, and making his end no less honorable than his life.





COMPARISON OF PERICLES WITH FABIUS

  We have here had two lives rich in examples, both of civil and military
  excellence.  Let us first compare the two men in their warlike capacity.
  Pericles presided in his commonwealth when it was in its most
  flourishing and opulent condition, great and growing in power; so that
  it may be thought it was rather the common success and fortune that kept
  him from any fall or disaster.  But the task of Fabius, who undertook
  the government in the worst and most difficult times, was not to
  preserve and maintain the well-established felicity of a prosperous
  state, but to raise and uphold a sinking and ruinous commonwealth.
  Besides, the victories of Cimon, the trophies of Myronides and
  Leocrates, with the many famous exploits of Tolmides, were employed by
  Pericles rather to fill the city with festive entertainments and
  solemnities than to enlarge and secure its empire.  Whereas Fabius, when
  he took upon him the government, had the frightful object before his
  eyes of Roman armies destroyed, of their generals and consuls slain, of
  lakes and plains and forests strewed with the dead bodies, and rivers
  stained with the blood of his fellow-citizens; and yet, with his mature
  and solid cousels, with the firmness of his resolution, he, as it were,
  put his shoulder to the falling commonwealth, and kept it up from
  foundering through the failings and weakness of others.  Perhaps it may
  be more easy to govern a city broken and tamed with calamities and
  adversity, and compelled by danger and necessity to listen to wisdom,
  than to set a bridle on wantonness and temerity, and rule a people
  pampered and restive with long prosperity as were the Athenians when
  Pericles held the reins of government.  But then again, not to be
  daunted nor discomposed with the vast heap of calamities under which the
  people of Rome at that time groaned and succumbed, argues a courage in
  Fabius and a strength of purpose more than ordinary.

  We may set Tarentum retaken against Samos won by Pericles, and the
  conquest of Euboea we may well balance with the towns of Campania;
  though Capua itself was reduced by the consuls Fulvius and Appius.  I do
  not find that Fabius won any set battle but that against the Ligurians,
  for which he had his triumph; whereas Pericles erected nine trophies for
  as many victories obtained by land and by sea.  But no action of
  Pericles can be compared to that memorable rescue of Minucius, when
  Fabius redeemed both him and his army from utter destruction; a noble
  act, combining the highest valor, wisdom, and humanity.  On the other
  side, it does not appear that Pericles was ever so overreached as Fabius
  was by Hannibal with his flaming oxen.  His enemy there had, without his
  agency, put himself accidentally into his power, yet Fabius let him slip
  in the night, and, when day came, was worsted by him, was anticipated in
  the moment of success, and mastered by his prisoner.  If it is the part
  of a good general, not only to provide for the present, but also to have
  a clear foresight of things to come, in this point Pericles is the
  superior; for he admonished the Athenians, and told them beforehand the
  ruin the war would bring upon them, by their grasping more than they
  were able to manage.  But Fabius was not so good a prophet, when he
  denounced to the Romans that the undertaking of Scipio would be the
  destruction of the commonwealth.  So that Pericles was a good prophet of
  bad success, and Fabius was a bad prophet of success that was good.
  And, indeed, to lose an advantage through diffidence is no less blamable
  in a general than to fall into danger for want of foresight; for both
  these faults, though of a contrary nature, spring from the same root,
  want of judgment and experience.

  As for their civil policy, it is imputed to Pericles that he occasioned
  the war, since no terms of peace, offered by the Lacedaemonians, would
  content him.  It is true, I presume, that Fabius, also, was not for
  yielding any point to the Carthaginians, but was ready to hazard all,
  rather than lessen the empire of Rome.  The mildness of Fabius towards
  his colleague Minucius does, by way of comparison, rebuke and condemn
  the exertions of Pericles to banish Cimon and Thucydides, noble,
  aristocratic men, who by his means suffered ostracism.  The authority of
  Pericles in Athens was much greater than that of Fabius in Rome.  Hence
  it was more easy for him to prevent miscarriages arising from the
  mistakes and insufficiency of other officers; only Tolmides broke loose
  from him, and, contrary to his persuasions, unadvisedly fought with the
  Boeotians, and was slain.  The greatness of his influence made all
  others submit and conform themselves to his judgment.  Whereas Fabius,
  sure and unerring himself, for want of that general power, had not the
  means to obviate the miscarriages of others; but it had been happy for
  the Romans if his authority had been greater, for so, we may presume,
  their disasters had been fewer.

  As to liberality and public spirit, Pericles was eminent in never taking
  any gifts, and Fabius, for giving his own money to ransom his soldiers,
  though the sum did not exceed six talents.  Than Pericles, meantime, no
  man had ever greater opportunities to enrich himself, having had
  presents offered him from so many kings and princes and allies, yet no
  man was ever more free from corruption.  And for the beauty and
  magnificence of temples and public edifices with which he adorned his
  country, it must be confessed, that all the ornaments and structures of
  Rome, to the time of the Caesars, had nothing to compare, either in
  greatness of design or of expense, with the luster of those which
  Pericles only erected at Athens.





ALCIBIADES

  Alcibiades, as it is supposed, was anciently descended from Eurysaces,
  the son of Ajax, by his father's side; and by his mother's side from
  Alcmaeon.  Dinomache, his mother, was the daughter of Megacles.  His
  father Clinias, having fitted out a galley at his own expense, gained
  great honor in the sea-fight at Artemisium, and was afterwards slain in
  the battle of Coronea, fighting against the Boeotians.  Pericles and
  Ariphron, the sons of Xanthippus, nearly related to him, became the
  guardians of Alcibiades.  It has been said not untruly that the
  friendship which Socrates felt for him has much contributed to his fame;
  and certain it is, that, though we have no account from any writer
  concerning the mother of Nicias or Demosthenes, of Lamachus or Phormion,
  of Thrasybulus or Theramenes, notwithstanding these were all illustrious
  men of the same period, yet we know even the nurse of Alcibiades, that
  her country was Lacedaemon, and her name Amycla; and that Zopyrus was
  his teacher and attendant; the one being recorded by Antisthenes, and
  the other by Plato.

  It is not, perhaps, material to say anything of the beauty of
  Alcibiades, only that it bloomed with him in all the ages of his life,
  in his infancy, in his youth, and in his manhood; and, in the peculiar
  character becoming to each of these periods, gave him, in every one of
  them, a grace and a charm.  What Euripides says, that

  "Of all fair things the autumn, too, is fair,"

  is by no means universally true.  But it happened so with Alcibiades,
  amongst few others, by reason of his happy constitution and natural
  vigor of body.  It is said that his lisping, when he spoke, became him
  well, and gave a grace and persuasiveness to his rapid speech.
  Aristophanes takes notice of it in the verses in which he jests at
  Theorus; "How like a colax he is," says Alcibiades, meaning a corax;
  on which it is remarked,

  "How very happily he lisped the truth."

  Archippus also alludes to it in a passage where he ridicules the son of
  Alcibiades;

  "That people may believe him like his father,
  He walks like one dissolved in luxury,
  Lets his robe trail behind him on the ground,
  Carelessly leans his head, and in his talk affects to lisp."
  His conduct displayed many great inconsistencies and variations, not
  unnaturally, in accordance with the many and wonderful vicissitudes of
  his fortunes; but among the many strong passions of his real character,
  the one most prevailing of all was his ambition and desire of
  superiority, which appears in several anecdotes told of his sayings
  whilst he was a child.  Once being hard pressed in wrestling, and
  fearing to be thrown, he got the hand of his antagonist to his mouth,
  and bit it with all his force; and when the other loosed his hold
  presently, and said, "You bite, Alcibiades, like a woman."  "No,"
  replied he, "like a lion."  Another time as he played at dice in the
  street, being then but a child, a loaded cart came that way, when it was
  his turn to throw; at first he called to the driver to stop, because he
  was to throw in the way over which the cart was to pass; but the man
  giving him no attention and driving on, when the rest of the boys
  divided and gave way, Alcibiades threw himself on his face before the
  cart, and, stretching himself out, bade the carter pass on now if he
  would; which so startled the man, that he put back his horses, while all
  that saw it were terrified, and, crying out, ran to assist Alcibiades.
  When he began to study, he obeyed all his other masters fairly well, but
  refused to learn upon the flute, as a sordid thing, and not becoming a
  free citizen; saying, that to play on the lute or the harp does not in
  any way disfigure a man's body or face, but one is hardly to be known by
  the most intimate friends, when playing on the flute.  Besides, one who
  plays on the harp may speak or sing at the same time; but the use of the
  flute stops the mouth, intercepts the voice, and prevents all
  articulation.  "Therefore," said he, "let the Theban youths pipe, who do
  not know how to speak, but we Athenians, as our ancestors have told us,
  have Minerva for our patroness, and Apollo for our protector, one of
  whom threw away the flute, and the other stripped the Flute-player of
  his skin."  Thus, between raillery and good earnest, Alcibiades kept not
  only himself but others from learning, as it presently became the talk
  of the young boys, how Alcibiades despised playing on the flute, and
  ridiculed those who studied it.  In consequence of which, it ceased to
  be reckoned amongst the liberal accomplishments, and became generally
  neglected.

  It is stated in the invective which Antiphon wrote against Alcibiades,
  that once, when he was a boy, he ran away to the house of Democrates,
  one of those who made a favorite of him, and that Ariphron had
  determined to cause proclamation to be made for him, had not Pericles
  diverted him from it, by saying, that if he were dead, the proclaiming
  of him could only cause it to be discovered one day sooner, and if he
  were safe, it would be a reproach to him as long as he lived.  Antiphon
  also says, that he killed one of his own servants with the blow of a
  staff in Sibyrtius's wrestling ground.  But it is unreasonable to give
  credit to all that is objected by an enemy, who makes open profession of
  his design to defame him.

  It was manifest that the many well-born persons who were continually
  seeking his company, and making their court to him, were attracted and
  captivated by his brilliant and extraordinary beauty only.  But the
  affection which Socrates entertained for him is a great evidence of the
  natural noble qualities and good disposition of the boy, which Socrates,
  indeed, detected both in and under his personal beauty; and, fearing
  that his wealth and station, and the great number both of strangers and
  Athenians who flattered and caressed him, might at last corrupt him,
  resolved, if possible, to interpose, and preserve so hopeful a plant
  from perishing in the flower, before its fruit came to perfection.  For
  never did fortune surround and enclose a man with so many of those
  things which we vulgarly call goods, or so protect him from every weapon
  of philosophy, and fence him from every access of free and searching
  words, as she did Alcibiades; who, from the beginning, was exposed to
  the flatteries of those who sought merely his gratification, such as
  might well unnerve him, and indispose him to listen to any real adviser
  or instructor.  Yet such was the happiness of his genius, that he
  discerned Socrates from the rest, and admitted him, whilst he drove away
  the wealthy and the noble who made court to him.  And, in a little time,
  they grew intimate, and Alcibiades, listening now to language entirely
  free from every thought of unmanly fondness and silly displays of
  affection, finding himself with one who sought to lay open to him the
  deficiencies of his mind, and repress his vain and foolish arrogance,

  "Dropped like the craven cock his conquered wing."

  He esteemed these endeavors of Socrates as most truly a means which the
  gods made use of for the care and preservation of youth, and began to
  think meanly of himself, and to admire him; to be pleased with his
  kindness, and to stand in awe of his virtue; and, unawares to himself,
  there became formed in his mind that reflex image and reciprocation of
  Love, or Anteros, that Plato talks of.  It was a matter of general
  wonder, when people saw him joining Socrates in his meals and his
  exercises, living with him in the same tent, whilst he was reserved and
  rough to all others who made their addresses to him, and acted, indeed,
  with great insolence to some of them.  As in particular to Anytus, the
  son of Anthemion, one who was very fond of him, and invited him to an
  entertainment which he had prepared for some strangers.  Alcibiades
  refused the invitation; but, having drunk to excess at his own house
  with some of his companions, went thither with them to play some frolic;
  and, standing at the door of the room where the guests were enjoying
  themselves, and seeing the tables covered with gold and silver cups, he
  commanded his servants to take away the one half of them, and carry them
  to his own house; and then, disdaining so much as to enter into the room
  himself, as soon as he had done this, went away.  The company was
  indignant, and exclaimed at his rude and insulting conduct; Anytus,
  however, said, on the contrary he had shown great consideration and
  tenderness in taking only a part, when he might have taken all.

  He behaved in the same manner to all others who courted him, except only
  one stranger, who, as the story is told, having but a small estate, sold
  it all for about a hundred staters, which he presented to Alcibiades,
  and besought him to accept.  Alcibiades, smiling and well pleased at the
  thing, invited him to supper, and, after a very kind entertainment, gave
  him his gold again, requiring him, moreover, not to fail to be present
  the next day, when the public revenue was offered to farm, and to outbid
  all others.  The man would have excused himself, because the contract
  was so large, and would cost many talents; but Alcibiades, who had at
  that time a private pique against the existing farmers of the revenue,
  threatened to have him beaten if he refused.  The next morning, the
  stranger, coming to the marketplace, offered a talent more than the
  existing rate; upon which the farmers, enraged and consulting together,
  called upon him to name his sureties, concluding that he could find
  none.  The poor man, being startled at the proposal, began to retire;
  but Alcibiades, standing at a distance, cried out to the magistrates,
  "Set my name down, he is a friend of mine; I will be security for him."
  When the other bidders heard this, they perceived that all their
  contrivance was defeated; for their way was, with the profits of the
  second year to pay the rent for the year preceding; so that, not seeing
  any other way to extricate themselves out of the difficulty, they began
  to entreat the stranger, and offered him a sum of money.  Alcibiades
  would not suffer him to accept of less than a talent; but when that was
  paid down, he commanded him to relinquish the bargain, having by this
  device relieved his necessity.

  Though Socrates had many and powerful rivals, yet the natural good
  qualities of Alcibiades gave his affection the mastery.  His words
  overcame him so much, as to draw tears from his eyes, and to disturb his
  very soul.  Yet sometimes he would abandon himself to flatterers, when
  they proposed to him varieties of pleasure, and would desert Socrates;
  who, then, would pursue him, as if he had been a fugitive slave.  He
  despised everyone else, and had no reverence or awe for any but him.
  Cleanthes the philosopher; speaking of one to whom he was attached, says
  his only hold on him was by his ears, while his rivals had all the
  others offered them; and there is no question that Alcibiades was very
  easily caught by pleasures; and the expression used by Thucydides about
  the excesses of his habitual course of living gives occasion to believe
  so.  But those who endeavored to corrupt Alcibiades, took advantage
  chiefly of his vanity and ambition, and thrust him on unseasonably to
  undertake great enterprises, persuading him, that as soon as he began to
  concern himself in public affairs, he would not only obscure the rest of
  the generals and statesmen, but outdo the authority and the reputation
  which Pericles himself had gained in Greece.  But in the same manner as
  iron which is softened by the fire grows hard with the cold, and all its
  parts are closed again; so, as often as Socrates observed Alcibiades to
  be misled by luxury or pride, he reduced and corrected him by his
  addresses, and made him humble and modest, by showing him in how many
  things he was deficient, and how very far from perfection in virtue.

  When he was past his childhood, he went once to a grammar-school, and
  asked the master for one of Homer's books; and he making answer that he
  had nothing of Homer's, Alcibiades gave him a blow with his fist, and
  went away.  Another schoolmaster telling him that he had Homer corrected
  by himself; "How," said Alcibiades, "and do you employ your time in
  teaching children to read?  You, who are able to amend Homer, may well
  undertake to instruct men."  Being once desirous to speak with Pericles,
  he went to his house and was told there that he was not at leisure, but
  busied in considering how to give up his accounts to the Athenians;
  Alcibiades, as he went away, said, "It were better for him to consider
  how he might avoid giving up his accounts at all."

  Whilst he was very young, he was a soldier in the expedition against
  Potidaea, where Socrates lodged in the same tent with him, and stood
  next him in battle.  Once there happened a sharp skirmish, in which
  they both behaved with signal bravery; but Alcibiades receiving a wound,
  Socrates threw himself before him to defend him, and beyond any question
  saved him and his arms from the enemy, and so in all justice might have
  challenged the prize of valor.  But the generals appearing eager to
  adjudge the honor to Alcibiades, because of his rank, Socrates, who
  desired to increase his thirst after glory of a noble kind, was the
  first to give evidence for him, and pressed them to crown him, and to
  decree to him the complete suit of armor.  Afterwards, in the battle of
  Delium, when the Athenians were routed and Socrates with a few others
  was retreating on foot, Alcibiades, who was on horseback, observing it,
  would not pass on, but stayed to shelter him from the danger, and
  brought him safe off, though the enemy pressed hard upon them, and cut
  off many.  But this happened some time after.

  He gave a box on the ear to Hipponicus, the father of Callias, whose
  birth and wealth made him a person of great influence and repute.  And
  this he did unprovoked by any passion or quarrel between them, but only
  because, in a frolic, he had agreed with his companions to do it.
  People were justly offended at this insolence, when it became known
  through the city; but early the next morning, Alcibiades went to his
  house and knocked at the door, and, being admitted to him, took off his
  outer garment, and, presenting his naked body, desired him to scourge
  and chastise him as he pleased.  Upon this Hipponicus forgot all his
  resentment, and not only pardoned him, but soon after gave him his
  daughter Hipparete in marriage.  Some say that it was not Hipponicus,
  but his son Callias, who gave Hipparete to Alcibiades, together with a
  portion of ten talents, and that after, when she had a child, Alcibiades
  forced him to give ten talents more, upon pretense that such was the
  agreement if she brought him any children.  Afterwards, Callias, for
  fear of coming to his death by his means, declared, in a full assembly
  of the people, that if he should happen to die without children, the
  state should inherit his house and all his goods.  Hipparete was a
  virtuous and dutiful wife, but, at last, growing impatient of the
  outrages done to her by her husband's continual entertaining of
  courtesans, as well strangers as Athenians, she departed from him and
  retired to her brother's house.  Alcibiades seemed not at all concerned
  at this, and lived on still in the same luxury; but the law requiring
  that she should deliver to the archon in person, and not by proxy, the
  instrument by which she claimed a divorce, when, in obedience to the
  law, she presented herself before him to perform this, Alcibiades came
  in, caught her up, and carried her home through the marketplace, no one
  daring to oppose him, nor to take her from him.  She continued with him
  till her death, which happened not long after, when Alcibiades had gone
  to Ephesus.  Nor is this violence to be thought so very enormous or
  unmanly.  For the law, in making her who desires to be divorced appear
  in public, seems to design to give her husband an opportunity of
  treating with her, and of endeavoring to retain her.

  Alcibiades had a dog which cost him seventy minas, and was a very large
  one, and very handsome.  His tail, which was his principal ornament, he
  caused to be cut off, and his acquaintance exclaiming at him for it, and
  telling him that all Athens was sorry for the dog, and cried out upon
  him for this action, he laughed, and said, "Just what I wanted has
  happened, then.  I wished the Athenians to talk about this, that they
  might not say something worse of me."

  It is said that the first time he came into the assembly was upon
  occasion of a largess of money which he made to the people.  This was
  not done by design, but as he passed along he heard a shout, and
  inquiring the cause, and having learned that there was a donative making
  to the people, he went in amongst them and gave money also.  The
  multitude thereupon applauding him, and shouting, he was so transported
  at it, that he forgot a quail which he had under his robe, and the bird,
  being frighted with the noise, flew off; upon which the people made
  louder acclamations than before, and many of them started up to pursue
  the bird; and one Antiochus, a pilot, caught it and restored it to him,
  for which he was ever after a favorite with Alcibiades.

  He had great advantages for entering public life; his noble birth, his
  riches, the personal courage he had shown in divers battles, and the
  multitude of his friends and dependents, threw open, so to say, folding
  doors for his admittance.  But he did not consent to let his power with
  the people rest on any thing, rather than on his own gift of eloquence.
  That he was a master in the art of speaking, the comic poets bear him
  witness; and the most eloquent of public speakers, in his oration
  against Midias, allows that Alcibiades, among other perfections, was a
  most accomplished orator.  If, however, we give credit to Theophrastus,
  who of all philosophers was the most curious inquirer, and the greatest
  lover of history, we are to understand that Alcibiades had the highest
  capacity for inventing, for discerning what was the right thing to be
  said for any purpose, and on any occasion; but, aiming not only at
  saying what was required, but also at saying it well, in respect, that
  is, of words and phrases, when these did not readily occur, he would
  often pause in the middle of his discourse for want of the apt word, and
  would be silent and stop till he could recollect himself, and had
  considered what to say.

  His expenses in horses kept for the public games, and in the number of
  his chariots, were matter of great observation; never did anyone but
  he, either private person or king, send seven chariots to the Olympic
  games.  And to have carried away at once the first, the second, and the
  fourth prize, as Thucydides says, or the third, as Euripides relates it,
  outdoes far away every distinction that ever was known or thought of in
  that kind.  Euripides celebrates his success in this manner:—

  "—But my song to you, Son of Clinias, is due.
  Victory is noble; how much more
  To do as never Greek before;
  To obtain in the great chariot race
  The first, the second, and third place;
  With easy step advanced to fame,
  To bid the herald three times claim
  The olive for one victor's name."

  The emulation displayed by the deputations of various states, in the
  presents which they made to him, rendered this success yet more
  illustrious.  The Ephesians erected a tent for him, adorned
  magnificently; the city of Chios furnished him with provender for his
  horses and with great numbers of beasts for sacrifice; and the Lesbians
  sent him wine and other provisions for the many great entertainments
  which he made.  Yet in the midst of all this he escaped not without
  censure, occasioned either by the ill-nature of his enemies or by his
  own misconduct.  For it is said, that one Diomedes, all Athenian, a
  worthy man and a friend to Alcibiades, passionately desiring to obtain
  the victory at the Olympic games, and having heard much of a chariot
  which belonged to the state at Argos, where he knew that Alcibiades had
  great power and many friends, prevailed with him to undertake to buy the
  chariot.  Alcibiades did indeed buy it, but then claimed it for his own,
  leaving Diomedes to rage at him, and to call upon the gods and men to
  bear witness to the injustice.  It would seem there was a suit at law
  commenced upon this occasion, and there is yet extant an oration
  concerning the chariot, written by Isocrates in defense of the son of
  Alcibiades.  But the plaintiff in this action is named Tisias, and not
  Diomedes.

  As soon as he began to intermeddle in the government, which was when he
  was very young, he quickly lessened the credit of all who aspired to the
  confidence of the people, except Phaeax, the son of Erasistratus, and
  Nicias, the son of Niceratus, who alone could contest it with him.
  Nicias was arrived at a mature age, and was esteemed their first
  general.  Phaeax was but a rising statesman like Alcibiades; he was
  descended from noble ancestors, but was his inferior, as in many other
  things, so, principally, in eloquence.  He possessed rather the art of
  persuading in private conversation than of debate before the people, and
  was, as Eupolis said of him,

  "The best of talkers, and of speakers worst."

  There is extant an oration written by Phaeax against Alcibiades, in
  which, amongst other things, it is said, that Alcibiades made daily use
  at his table of many gold and silver vessels, which belonged to the
  commonwealth, as if they had been his own.

  There was a certain Hyperbolus, of the township of Perithoedae, whom
  Thucydides also speaks of as a man of bad character, a general butt for
  the mockery of all the comic writers of the time, but quite unconcerned
  at the worst things they could say, and, being careless of glory, also
  insensible of shame; a temper which some people call boldness and
  courage, whereas it is indeed impudence and recklessness.  He was liked
  by nobody, yet the people made frequent use of him, when they had a mind
  to disgrace or calumniate any persons in authority.  At this time, the
  people, by his persuasions, were ready to proceed to pronounce the
  sentence of ten years' banishment, called ostracism.  This they made use
  of to humiliate and drive out of the city such citizens as outdid the
  rest in credit and power, indulging not so much perhaps their
  apprehensions as their jealousies in this way.  And when, at this time,
  there was no doubt but that the ostracism would fall upon one of those
  three, Alcibiades contrived to form a coalition of parties, and,
  communicating his project to Nicias, turned the sentence upon Hyperbolus
  himself.  Others say, that it was not with Nicias, but Phaeax, that he
  consulted, and, by help of his party, procured the banishment of
  Hyperbolus, when he suspected nothing less.  For, before that time, no
  mean or obscure person had ever fallen under that punishment, so that
  Plato, the comic poet, speaking of Hyperbolus, might well say,

  "The man deserved the fate; deny 't who can?
  Yes, but the fate did not deserve the man;
  Not for the like of him and his slave-brands
  Did Athens put the sherd into our hands."

  But we have given elsewhere a fuller statement of what is known to us of
  the matter.

  Alcibiades was not less disturbed at the distinctions which Nicias
  gained amongst the enemies of Athens, than at the honors which the
  Athenians themselves paid to him.  For though Alcibiades was the proper
  appointed person to receive all Lacedaemonians when they came to
  Athens, and had taken particular care of those that were made prisoners
  at Pylos, yet, after they had obtained the peace and restitution of the
  captives, by the procurement chiefly of Nicias, they paid him very
  special attentions.  And it was commonly said in Greece, that the war
  was begun by Pericles, and that Nicias made an end of it, and the peace
  was generally called the peace of Nicias.  Alcibiades was extremely
  annoyed at this, and, being full of envy, set himself to break the
  league.  First, therefore, observing that the Argives, as well out of
  fear as hatred to the Lacedaemonians, sought for protection against
  them, he gave them a secret assurance of alliance with Athens.  And
  communicating, as well in person as by letters, with the chief advisers
  of the people there, he encouraged them not to fear the Lacedaemonians,
  nor make concessions to them, but to wait a little, and keep their eyes
  on the Athenians, who, already, were all but sorry they had made peace,
  and would soon give it up.  And, afterwards, when the Lacedaemonians had
  made a league with the Boeotians, and had not delivered up Panactum
  entire, as they ought to have done by the treaty, but only after first
  destroying it, which gave great offense to the people of Athens,
  Alcibiades laid hold of that opportunity to exasperate them more highly.
  He exclaimed fiercely against Nicias, and accused him of many things,
  which seemed probable enough:  as that, when he was general, he made no
  attempt himself to capture their enemies that were shut up in the isle
  of Sphacteria, but, when they were afterwards made prisoners by others,
  he procured their release and sent them back to the Lacedaemonians, only
  to get favor with them; that he would not make use of his credit with
  them, to prevent their entering into this confederacy with the Boeotians
  and Corinthians, and yet, on the other side, that he sought to stand in
  the way of those Greeks who were inclined to make an alliance and
  friendship with Athens, if the Lacedaemonians did not like it.

  It happened, at the very time when Nicias was by these arts brought into
  disgrace with the people, that ambassadors arrived from Lacedaemon, who,
  at their first coming, said what seemed very satisfactory, declaring
  that they had full powers to arrange all matters in dispute upon fair
  and equal terms.  The council received their propositions, and the
  people was to assemble on the morrow to give them audience.  Alcibiades
  grew very apprehensive of this, and contrived to gain a secret
  conference with the ambassadors.  When they were met, he said:  "What is
  it you intend, you men of Sparta?  Can you be ignorant that the council
  always act with moderation and respect towards ambassadors, but that the
  people are full of ambition and great designs?  So that, if you let them
  know what full powers your commission gives you, they will urge and
  press you to unreasonable conditions.  Quit therefore, this indiscreet
  simplicity, if you expect to obtain equal terms from the Athenians, and
  would not have things extorted from you contrary to your inclinations,
  and begin to treat with the people upon some reasonable articles, not
  avowing yourselves plenipotentiaries; and I will be ready to assist you,
  out of good-will to the Lacedaemonians."  When he had said thus, he gave
  them his oath for the performance of what he promised, and by this way
  drew them from Nicias to rely entirely upon himself, and left them full
  of admiration of the discernment and sagacity they had seen in him.  The
  next day, when the people were assembled and the ambassadors introduced,
  Alcibiades, with great apparent courtesy, demanded of them, With what
  powers they were come? They made answer that they were not come as
  plenipotentiaries.

  Instantly upon that, Alcibiades, with a loud voice, as though he had
  received and not done the wrong, began to call them dishonest
  prevaricators, and to urge that such men could not possibly come with a
  purpose to say or do anything that was sincere.  The council was
  incensed, the people were in a rage, and Nicias, who knew nothing of the
  deceit and the imposture, was in the greatest confusion, equally
  surprised and ashamed at such a change in the men.  So thus the
  Lacedaemonian ambassadors were utterly rejected, and Alcibiades was
  declared general, who presently united the Argives, the Eleans, and the
  people of Mantinea, into a confederacy with the Athenians.

  No man commended the method by which Alcibiades effected all this, yet
  it was a great political feat thus to divide and shake almost all
  Peloponnesus, and to combine so many men in arms against the
  Lacedaemonians in one day before Mantinea; and, moreover, to remove the
  war and the danger so far from the frontier of the Athenians, that even
  success would profit the enemy but little, should they be conquerors,
  whereas, if they were defeated, Sparta itself was hardly safe.

  After this battle at Mantinea, the select thousand of the army of the
  Argives attempted to overthrow the government of the people in Argos,
  and make themselves masters of the city; and the Lacedaemonians came to
  their aid and abolished the democracy.  But the people took arms again,
  and gained the advantage, and Alcibiades came in to their aid and
  completed the victory, and persuaded them to build long walls, and by
  that means to join their city to the sea, and so to bring it wholly
  within the reach of the Athenian power.  To this purpose, he procured
  them builders and masons from Athens, and displayed the greatest zeal
  for their service, and gained no less honor and power to himself than to
  the commonwealth of Athens.  He also persuaded the people of Patrae to
  join their city to the sea, by building long walls; and when some one
  told them, by way of warning, that the Athenians would swallow them up
  at last Alcibiades made answer, "Possibly it may be so, but it will be
  by little and little, and beginning at the feet, whereas the
  Lacedaemonians will begin at the head and devour you all at once."  Nor
  did he neglect either to advise the Athenians to look to their interests
  by land, and often put the young men in mind of the oath which they had
  made at Agraulos, to the effect that they would account wheat and
  barley, and vines and olives, to be the limits of Attica; by which they
  were taught to claim a title to all land that was cultivated and
  productive.

  But with all these words and deeds, and with all this sagacity and
  eloquence, he intermingled exorbitant luxury and wantonness in his
  eating and drinking and dissolute living; wore long purple robes like a
  woman, which dragged after him as he went through the market-place;
  caused the planks of his galley to be cut away, that so he might lie the
  softer, his bed not being placed on the boards, but hanging upon girths.
  His shield, again, which was richly gilded, had not the usual ensigns of
  the Athenians, but a Cupid, holding a thunderbolt in his hand, was
  painted upon it.  The sight of all this made the people of good repute
  in the city feel disgust and abhorrence, and apprehension also, at his
  free-living, and his contempt of law, as things monstrous in themselves,
  and indicating designs of usurpation.  Aristophanes has well expressed
  the people's feeling towards him:—

  "They love, and hate, and cannot do without him."

  And still more strongly, under a figurative expression,

  "Best rear no lion in your state, 'tis true;
  But treat him like a lion if you do."

  The truth is, his liberalities, his public shows, and other munificence
  to the people, which were such as nothing could exceed, the glory of his
  ancestors, the force of his eloquence, the grace of his person, his
  strength of body, joined with his great courage and knowledge in
  military affairs, prevailed upon the Athenians to endure patiently his
  excesses, to indulge many things to him, and, according to their habit,
  to give the softest names to his faults, attributing them to youth and
  good nature.  As, for example, he kept Agatharcus, the painter, a
  prisoner till he had painted his whole house, but then dismissed him
  with a reward.  He publicly struck Taureas, who exhibited certain shows
  in opposition to him and contended with him for the prize.  He selected
  for himself one of the captive Melian women, and had a son by her, whom
  he took care to educate.  This the Athenians styled great humanity; and
  yet he was the principal cause of the slaughter of all the inhabitants
  of the isle of Melos who were of age to bear arms, having spoken in
  favor of that decree.  When Aristophon, the painter, had drawn Nemea
  sitting and holding Alcibiades in her arms, the multitude seemed pleased
  with the piece, and thronged to see it, but older people disliked and
  disrelished it, and looked on these things as enormities, and movements
  towards tyranny.  So that it was not said amiss by Archestratus, that
  Greece could not support a second Alcibiades.  Once, when Alcibiades
  succeeded well in an oration which he made, and the whole assembly
  attended upon him to do him honor, Timon the misanthrope did not pass
  slightly by him, nor avoid him, as he did others, but purposely met him,
  and, taking him by the hand, said, "Go on boldly, my son, and increase
  in credit with the people, for thou wilt one day bring them calamities
  enough."  Some that were present laughed at the saying, and some reviled
  Timon; but there were others upon whom it made a deep impression; so
  various was the judgment which was made of him, and so irregular his own
  character.

  The Athenians, even in the lifetime of Pericles, had already cast a
  longing eye upon Sicily; but did not attempt any thing till after his
  death.  Then, under pretense of aiding their confederates, they sent
  succors upon all occasions to those who were oppressed by the
  Syracusans, preparing the way for sending over a greater force.  But
  Alcibiades was the person who inflamed this desire of theirs to the
  height, and prevailed with them no longer to proceed secretly, and by
  little and little, in their design, but to sail out with a great fleet,
  and undertake at once to make themselves masters of the island.  He
  possessed the people with great hopes, and he himself entertained yet
  greater; and the conquest of Sicily, which was the utmost bound of their
  ambition, was but the mere outset of his expectation.  Nicias endeavored
  to divert the people from the expedition, by representing to them that
  the taking of Syracuse would be a work of great difficulty; but
  Alcibiades dreamed of nothing less than the conquest of Carthage and
  Libya, and by the accession of these conceiving himself at once made
  master of Italy and of Peloponnesus, seemed to look upon Sicily as
  little more than a magazine for the war.  The young men were soon
  elevated with these hopes, and listened gladly to those of riper years,
  who talked wonders of the countries they were going to; so that you
  might see great numbers sitting in the wrestling grounds and public
  places, drawing on the ground the figure of the island and the situation
  of Libya and Carthage.  Socrates the philosopher and Meton the
  astrologer are said, however, never to have hoped for any good to the
  commonwealth from this war; the one, it is to be supposed, presaging
  what would ensue, by the intervention of his attendant Genius; and the
  other, either upon rational consideration of the project, or by use of
  the art of divination, conceived fears for its issue, and, feigning
  madness, caught up a burning torch, and seemed as if he would have set
  his own house on fire.  Others report, that he did not take upon him to
  act the madman, but secretly in the night set his house on fire, and the
  next morning besought the people, that for his comfort, after such a
  calamity, they would spare his son from the expedition.  By which
  artifice, he deceived his fellow-citizens, and obtained of them what he
  desired.

  Together with Alcibiades, Nicias, much against his will, was appointed
  general:  and he endeavored to avoid the command, not the less on
  account of his colleague.  But the Athenians thought the war would
  proceed more prosperously, if they did not send Alcibiades free from
  all restraint, but tempered his heat with the caution of Nicias.  This
  they chose the rather to do, because Lamachus, the third general, though
  he was of mature years, yet in several battles had appeared no less hot
  and rash than Alcibiades himself.  When they began to deliberate of the
  number of forces, and of the manner of making the necessary provisions,
  Nicias made another attempt to oppose the design, and to prevent the
  war; but Alcibiades contradicted him, and carried his point with the
  people.  And one Demostratus, an orator, proposing to give the generals
  absolute power over the preparations and the whole management of the
  war, it was presently decreed so.  When all things were fitted for the
  voyage, many unlucky omens appeared.  At that very time the feast of
  Adonis happened, in which the women were used to expose, in all parts of
  the city, images resembling dead men carried out to their burial, and to
  represent funeral solemnities by lamentations and mournful songs.  The
  mutilation, however, of the images of Mercury, most of which, in one
  night, had their faces all disfigured, terrified many persons who were
  wont to despise most things of that nature.  It was given out that it
  was done by the Corinthians, for the sake of the Syracusans, who were
  their colony, in hopes that the Athenians, by such prodigies, might be
  induced to delay or abandon the war.  But the report gained no credit
  with the people, nor yet the opinion of those who would not believe that
  there was anything ominous in the matter, but that it was only an
  extravagant action, committed, in that sort of sport which runs into
  license, by wild young men coming from a debauch.  Alike enraged and
  terrified at the thing, looking upon it to proceed from a conspiracy of
  persons who designed some commotions in the state, the council, as well
  as the assembly of the people, which was held frequently in a few days'
  space, examined diligently everything that might administer ground for
  suspicion.  During this examination, Androcles, one of the demagogues,
  produced certain slaves and strangers before them, who accused
  Alcibiades and some of his friends of defacing other images in the same
  manner, and of having profanely acted the sacred mysteries at a drunken
  meeting, where one Theodorus represented the herald, Polytion the torch-
  bearer, and Alcibiades the chief priest, while the rest of the party
  appeared as candidates for initiation, and received the title of
  Initiates.  These were the matters contained in the articles of
  information, which Thessalus, the son of Cimon, exhibited against
  Alcibiades, for his impious mockery of the goddesses, Ceres and
  Proserpine.  The people were highly exasperated and incensed against
  Alcibiades upon this accusation, which, being aggravated by Androcles,
  the most malicious of all his enemies, at first disturbed his friends
  exceedingly.  But when they perceived that all the sea-men designed for
  Sicily were for him, and the soldiers also, and when the Argive and
  Mantinean auxiliaries, a thousand men at arms, openly declared that they
  had undertaken this distant maritime expedition for the sake of
  Alcibiades, and that, if he was ill-used, they would all go home, they
  recovered their courage, and became eager to make use of the present
  opportunity for justifying him.  At this his enemies were again
  discouraged, fearing lest the people should be more gentle to him in
  their sentence, because of the occasion they had for his service.
  Therefore, to obviate this, they contrived that some other orators, who
  did not appear to be enemies to Alcibiades, but really hated him no less
  than those who avowed it, should stand up in the assembly and say, that
  it was a very absurd thing that one who was created general of such an
  army with absolute power, after his troops were assembled, and the
  confederates were come, should lose the opportunity, whilst the people
  were choosing his judges by lot, and appointing times for the hearing of
  the cause.  And, therefore, let him set sail at once; good fortune
  attend him; and when the war should be at an end, he might then in
  person make his defense according to the laws.

  Alcibiades perceived the malice of this postponement, and, appearing in
  the assembly represented that it was monstrous for him to be sent with
  the command of so large an army, when he lay under such accusations and
  calumnies; that he deserved to die, if he could not clear himself of the
  crimes objected to him; but when he had so done, and had proved his
  innocence, he should then cheerfully apply himself to the war, as
  standing no longer in fear of false accusers.  But he could not prevail
  with the people, who commanded him to sail immediately.  So he departed,
  together with the other generals, having with them near 140 galleys,
  5,100 men at arms, and about 1,300 archers, slingers, and light-armed
  men, and all the other provisions corresponding.

  Arriving on the coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium, and there stated
  his views of the manner in which they ought to conduct the war.  He was
  opposed by Nicias, but Lamachus being of his opinion, they sailed for
  Sicily forthwith, and took Catana.  This was all that was done while he
  was there, for he was soon after recalled by the Athenians to abide his
  trial.  At first, as we before said, there were only some slight
  suspicions advanced against Alcibiades, and accusations by certain
  slaves and strangers.  But afterwards, in his absence, his enemies
  attacked him more violently, and confounded together the breaking the
  images with the profanation of the mysteries, as though both had been
  committed in pursuance of the same conspiracy for changing the
  government.  The people proceeded to imprison all that were accused,
  without distinction, and without hearing them, and repented now,
  considering the importance of the charge, that they had not immediately
  brought Alcibiades to his trial, and given judgment against him.  Any of
  his friends or acquaintance who fell into the people's hands, whilst
  they were in this fury, did not fail to meet with very severe usage.
  Thucydides has omitted to name the informers, but others mention
  Dioclides and Teucer.  Amongst whom is Phrynichus, the comic poet, in
  whom we find the following:—

  "O dearest Hermes! only do take care,
  And mind you do not miss your footing there;
  Should you get hurt, occasion may arise
  For a new Dioclides to tell lies."

  To which he makes Mercury return this answer:—

  "I will so, for I feel no inclination
  To reward Teucer for more information."

  The truth is, his accusers alleged nothing that was certain or solid
  against him.  One of them, being asked how he knew the men who defaced
  the images, replying, that he saw them by the light of the moon, made a
  palpable misstatement, for it was just new moon when the fact was
  committed.  This made all men of understanding cry out upon the thing;
  but the people were as eager as ever to receive further accusations, nor
  was their first heat at all abated, but they instantly seized and
  imprisoned every one that was accused.  Amongst those who were detained
  in prison for their trials was Andocides the orator, whose descent the
  historian Hellanicus deduces from Ulysses.  He was always supposed to
  hate popular government, and to support oligarchy.  The chief ground of
  his being suspected of defacing the images was because the great
  Mercury, which stood near his house, and was an ancient monument of the
  tribe Aegeis, was almost the only statue of all the remarkable ones,
  which remained entire.  For this cause, it is now called the Mercury of
  Andocides, all men giving it that name, though the inscription is
  evidence to the contrary.  It happened that Andocides, amongst the rest
  who were prisoners upon the same account, contracted particular
  acquaintance and intimacy with one Timaeus, a person inferior to him in
  repute, but of remarkable dexterity and boldness.  He persuaded
  Andocides to accuse himself and some few others of this crime, urging
  to him that, upon his confession, he would be, by the decree of the
  people, secure of his pardon, whereas the event of judgment is uncertain
  to all men, but to great persons, such as he was, most formidable.  So
  that it was better for him, if he regarded himself, to save his life by
  a falsity, than to suffer an infamous death, as really guilty of the
  crime.  And if he had regard to the public good, it was commendable to
  sacrifice a few suspected men, by that means to rescue many excellent
  persons from the fury of the people.  Andocides was prevailed upon, and
  accused himself and some others, and, by the terms of the decree,
  obtained his pardon, while all the persons named by him, except some few
  who had saved themselves by flight, suffered death.  To gain the greater
  credit to his information, he accused his own servants amongst others.
  But notwithstanding this, the people's anger was not wholly appeased;
  and being now no longer diverted by the mutilators, they were at leisure
  to pour out their whole rage upon Alcibiades.  And, in conclusion, they
  sent the galley named the Salaminian, to recall him.  But they expressly
  commanded those that were sent, to use no violence, nor seize upon his
  person, but address themselves to him in the mildest terms, requiring
  him to follow them to Athens in order to abide his trial, and clear
  himself before the people.  For they feared mutiny and sedition in the
  army in an enemy's country, which indeed it would have been easy for
  Alcibiades to effect, if he had wished it.  For the soldiers were
  dispirited upon his departure, expecting for the future tedious delays,
  and that the war would be drawn out into a lazy length by Nicias, when
  Alcibiades, who was the spur to action, was taken away.  For though
  Lamachus was a soldier, and a man of courage, poverty deprived him of
  authority and respect in the army.  Alcibiades, just upon his departure,
  prevented Messena from falling into the hands of the Athenians.  There
  were some in that city who were upon the point of delivering it up, but
  he, knowing the persons, gave information to some friends of the
  Syracusans, and so defeated the whole contrivance.  When he arrived at
  Thurii, he went on shore, and, concealing himself there, escaped those
  who searched after him.  But to one who knew him, and asked him if he
  durst not trust his own native country, he made answer, "In everything
  else, yes; but in a matter that touches my life, I would not even my own
  mother, lest she might by mistake throw in the black ball instead of the
  white."  When, afterwards, he was told that the assembly had pronounced
  judgment of death against him, all he said was, "I will make them feel
  that I am alive."

  The information against him was conceived in this form:—

  "Thessalus, the son of Cimon, of the township of Lacia, lays information
  that Alcibiades, the son of Clinias, of the township of the Scambonidae,
  has committed a crime against the goddesses Ceres and Proserpine, by
  representing in derision the holy mysteries, and showing them to his
  companions in his own house.  Where, being habited in such robes as are
  used by the chief priest when he shows the holy things, he named himself
  the chief priest, Polytion the torch-bearer, and Theodorus, of the
  township of Phegaea, the herald; and saluted the rest of his company as
  Initiates and Novices.  All which was done contrary to the laws and
  institutions of the Eumolpidae, and the heralds and priests of the
  temple at Eleusis."

  He was condemned as contumacious upon his not appearing, his property
  confiscated, and it was decreed that all the priests and priestesses
  should solemnly curse him.  But one of them, Theano, the daughter of
  Menon, of the township of Agraule, is said to have opposed that part of
  the decree, saying that her holy office obliged her to make prayers, but
  not execrations.

  Alcibiades, lying under these heavy decrees and sentences, when first he
  fled from Thurii, passed over into Peloponnesus and remained some time
  at Argos.  But being there in fear of his enemies and seeing himself
  utterly hopeless of return to his native country, he sent to Sparta,
  desiring safe conduct, and assuring them that he would make them amends
  by his future services for all the mischief he had done them while he
  was their enemy.  The Spartans giving him the security he desired, he
  went eagerly, was well received, and, at his very first coming,
  succeeded in inducing them, without any further caution or delay, to
  send aid to the Syracusans; and so roused and excited them, that they
  forthwith dispatched Gylippus into Sicily, to crush the forces which the
  Athenians had in Sicily.  A second point was, to renew the war upon the
  Athenians at home.  But the third thing, and the most important of all,
  was to make them fortify Decelea, which above everything reduced and
  wasted the resources of the Athenians.

  The renown which he earned by these public services was equaled by the
  admiration he attracted to his private life; he captivated and won over
  everybody by his conformity to Spartan habits.  People who saw him
  wearing his hair close cut, bathing in cold water, eating coarse meal,
  and dining on black broth, doubted, or rather could not believe, that he
  ever had a cook in his house, or had ever seen a perfumer, or had worn a
  mantle of Milesian purple.  For he had, as it was observed, this
  peculiar talent and artifice for gaining men's affections, that he could
  at once comply with and really embrace and enter into their habits and
  ways of life, and change faster than the chameleon.  One color, indeed,
  they say the chameleon cannot assume; it cannot make itself appear
  white; but Alcibiades, whether with good men or with bad, could adapt
  himself to his company, and equally wear the appearance of virtue or
  vice.  At Sparta, he was devoted to athletic exercises, was frugal and
  reserved; in Ionia, luxurious, gay, and indolent; in Thrace, always
  drinking; in Thessaly, ever on horseback; and when he lived with
  Tisaphernes, the Persian satrap, he exceeded the Persians themselves in
  magnificence and pomp.  Not that his natural disposition changed so
  easily, nor that his real character was so very variable, but, whenever
  he was sensible that by pursuing his own inclinations he might give
  offense to those with whom he had occasion to converse, he transformed
  himself into any shape, and adopted any fashion, that he observed to be
  most agreeable to them.  So that to have seen him at Lacedaemon, a man,
  judging by the outward appearance, would have said, "'Tis not Achilles's
  son, but he himself, the very man" that Lycurgus designed to form; while
  his real feelings and acts would have rather provoked the exclamation,
  "'Tis the same woman still."  For while king Agis was absent, and abroad
  with the army, he corrupted his wife Timaea, and had a child born by
  her.  Nor did she even deny it, but when she was brought to bed of a
  son, called him in public Leotychides, but, amongst her confidants and
  attendants, would whisper that his name was Alcibiades.  To such a
  degree was she transported by her passion for him.  He, on the other
  side, would say, in his vain way, he had not done this thing out of mere
  wantonness of insult, nor to gratify a passion, but that his race might
  one day be kings over the Lacedaemonians.

  There were many who told Agis that this was so, but time itself gave the
  greatest confirmation to the story.  For Agis, alarmed by an earthquake,
  had quitted his wife, and, for ten months after, was never with her;
  Leotychides, therefore, being born after those ten months, he would not
  acknowledge him for his son; which was the reason that afterwards he was
  not admitted to the succession.

  After the defeat which the Athenians received in Sicily, ambassadors
  were dispatched to Sparta at once from Chios and Lesbos and Cyzicus, to
  signify their purpose of revolting from the Athenians.  The Boeotians
  interposed in favor of the Lesbians, and Pharnabazus of the Cyzicenes,
  but the Lacedaemonians, at the persuasion of Alcibiades, chose to assist
  Chios before all others.  He himself, also, went instantly to sea,
  procured the immediate revolt of almost all Ionia, and, cooperating with
  the Lacedaemonian generals, did great mischief to the Athenians.  But
  Agis was his enemy, hating him for having dishonored his wife, and also
  impatient of his glory, as almost every enterprise and every success was
  ascribed to Alcibiades.  Others, also, of the most powerful and
  ambitious amongst the Spartans, were possessed with jealousy of him,
  and, at last, prevailed with the magistrates in the city to send orders
  into Ionia that he should be killed.  Alcibiades, however, had secret
  intelligence of this, and, in apprehension of the result, while he
  communicated all affairs to the Lacedaemonians, yet took care not to put
  himself into their power.  At last he retired to Tisaphernes, the king
  of Persia's satrap, for his security, and immediately became the first
  and most influential person about him.  For this barbarian, not being
  himself sincere, but a lover of guile and wickedness, admired his
  address and wonderful subtlety.  And, indeed, the charm of daily
  intercourse with him was more than any character could resist or any
  disposition escape.  Even those who feared and envied him could not but
  take delight, and have a sort of kindness for him, when they saw him and
  were in his company.  So that Tisaphernes, otherwise a cruel character,
  and, above all other Persians, a hater of the Greeks, was yet so won by
  the flatteries of Alcibiades, that he set himself even to exceed him in
  responding to them.  The most beautiful of his parks, containing
  salubrious streams and meadows, where he had built pavilions, and places
  of retirement royally and exquisitely adorned, received by his direction
  the name of Alcibiades, and was always so called and so spoken of.

  Thus Alcibiades, quitting the interests of the Spartans, whom he could
  no longer trust, because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavored to do them
  ill offices, and render them odious to Tisaphernes, who, by his means,
  was hindered from assisting them vigorously, and from finally ruining
  the Athenians.  For his advice was to furnish them but sparingly with
  money, and so wear them out, and consume them insensibly; when they had
  wasted their strength upon one another, they would both become ready to
  submit to the king.  Tisaphernes readily pursued his counsel, and so
  openly expressed the liking and admiration which he had for him, that
  Alcibiades was looked up to by the Greeks of both parties, and the
  Athenians, now in their misfortunes, repented them of their severe
  sentence against him.  And he, on the other side, began to be troubled
  for them, and to fear lest, if that commonwealth were utterly destroyed,
  he should fall into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, his enemies.

  At that time the whole strength of the Athenians was in Samos.  Their
  fleet maintained itself here, and issued from these head-quarters to
  reduce such as had revolted, and protect the rest of their territories;
  in one way or other still contriving to be a match for their enemies at
  sea.  What they stood in fear of, was Tisaphernes and the Phoenician
  fleet of one hundred and fifty galleys, which was said to be already
  under sail; if those came, there remained then no hopes for the
  commonwealth of Athens.  Understanding this, Alcibiades sent secretly to
  the chief men of the Athenians, who were then at Samos, giving them
  hopes that he would make Tisaphernes their friend; he was willing, he
  implied, to do some favor, not to the people, nor in reliance upon them,
  but to the better citizens, if only, like brave men, they would make the
  attempt to put down the insolence of the people, and, by taking upon
  them the government, would endeavor to save the city from ruin.  All of
  them gave a ready ear to the proposal made by Alcibiades, except only
  Phrynichus of the township of Dirades, one of the generals, who
  suspected, as the truth was, that Alcibiades concerned not himself
  whether the government were in the people or the better citizens, but
  only sought by any means to make way for his return into his native
  country, and to that end inveighed against the people, thereby to gain
  the others, and to insinuate himself into their good opinion.  But when
  Phrynichus found his counsel to be rejected, and that he was himself
  become a declared enemy of Alcibiades, he gave secret intelligence to
  Astyochus, the enemy's admiral, cautioning him to beware of Alcibiades,
  and to seize him as a double dealer, unaware that one traitor was making
  discoveries to another.  For Astyochus, who was eager to gain the favor
  of Tisaphernes, observing the credit Alcibiades had with him, revealed
  to Alcibiades all that Phrynichus had said against him.  Alcibiades at
  once dispatched messengers to Samos, to accuse Phrynichus of the
  treachery.  Upon this, all the commanders were enraged with Phrynichus,
  and set themselves against him, and he, seeing no other way to extricate
  himself from the present danger, attempted to remedy one evil by a
  greater.  He sent to Astyochus to reproach him for betraying him, and to
  make an offer to him at the same time, to deliver into his hands both
  the army and the navy of the Athenians.  This occasioned no damage to
  the Athenians, because Astyochus repeated his treachery, and revealed
  also this proposal to Alcibiades.  But this again was foreseen by
  Phrynichus, who, expecting a second accusation from Alcibiades, to
  anticipate him, advertised the Athenians beforehand that the enemy was
  ready to sail in order to surprise them, and therefore advised them to
  fortify their camp, and to be in a readiness to go aboard their ships.
  While the Athenians were intent upon doing these things, they received
  other letters from Alcibiades, admonishing them to beware of Phrynichus,
  as one who designed to betray their fleet to the enemy, to which they
  then gave no credit at all, conceiving that Alcibiades, who knew
  perfectly the counsels and preparations of the enemy, was merely making
  use of that knowledge, in order to impose upon them in this false
  accusation of Phrynichus.  Yet, afterwards, when Phrynichus was stabbed
  with a dagger in the market-place by Hermon, one of the guard, the
  Athenians, entering into an examination of the cause, solemnly condemned
  Phrynichus of treason, and decreed crowns to Hermon and his associates.
  And now the friends of Alcibiades, carrying all before them at Samos,
  dispatched Pisander to Athens, to attempt a change of government, and to
  encourage the aristocratical citizens to take upon themselves the
  government, and overthrow the democracy, representing to them, that,
  upon these terms, Alcibiades would procure them the friendship and
  alliance of Tisaphernes.

  This was the color and pretense made use of by those who desired to
  change the government of Athens to an oligarchy.  But as soon as they
  prevailed, and had got the administration of affairs into their hands,
  under the name of the Five Thousand (whereas, indeed, they were but four
  hundred), they slighted Alcibiades altogether, and prosecuted the war
  with less vigor; partly because they durst not yet trust the citizens,
  who secretly detested this change, and partly because they thought the
  Lacedaemonians, who always befriended the government of the few, would
  be inclined to give them favorable terms.

  The people in the city were terrified into submission, many of those who
  had dared openly to oppose the four hundred having been put to death.
  But those who were at Samos, indignant when they heard this news, were
  eager to set sail instantly for the Piraeus; and, sending for
  Alcibiades, they declared him general, requiring him to lead them on to
  put down the tyrants.  He, however, in that juncture, did not, as it
  might have been thought a man would, on being suddenly exalted by the
  favor of a multitude, think himself under an obligation to gratify and
  submit to all the wishes of those who, from a fugitive and an exile, had
  created him general of so great an army, and given him the command of
  such a fleet.  But, as became a great captain, he opposed himself to the
  precipitate resolutions which their rage led them to, and, by
  restraining them from the great error they were about to commit,
  unequivocally saved the commonwealth.  For if they then had sailed to
  Athens, all Ionia and the islands and the Hellespont would have fallen
  into the enemies' hands without opposition, while the Athenians,
  involved in civil war, would have been fighting with one another within
  the circuit of their own walls.  It was Alcibiades alone, or, at least,
  principally, who prevented all this mischief; for he not only used
  persuasion to the whole army, and showed them the danger, but applied
  himself to them, one by one, entreating some, and constraining others.
  He was much assisted, however, by Thrasybulus of Stiria, who, having the
  loudest voice, as we are told of all the Athenians, went along with him,
  and cried out to those who were ready to be gone.  A second great
  service which Alcibiades did for them was, his undertaking that the
  Phoenician fleet, which the Lacedaemonians expected to be sent to them
  by the king of Persia, should either come in aid of the Athenians, or
  otherwise should not come at all.  He sailed off with all expedition in
  order to perform this, and the ships, which had already been seen as
  near as Aspendus, were not brought any further by Tisaphernes, who thus
  deceived the Lacedaemonians; and it was by both sides believed that they
  had been diverted by the procurement of Alcibiades.  The Lacedaemonians,
  in particular, accused him, that he had advised the Barbarian to stand
  still, and suffer the Greeks to waste and destroy one another, as it was
  evident that the accession of so great a force to either party would
  enable them to take away the entire dominion of the sea from the other
  side.

  Soon after this, the four hundred usurpers were driven out, the friends
  of Alcibiades vigorously assisting those who were for the popular
  government.  And now the people in the city not only desired, but
  commanded Alcibiades to return home from his exile.  He, however,
  desired not to owe his return to the mere grace and commiseration of the
  people, and resolved to come back, not with empty hands, but with glory,
  and after some service done.  To this end, he sailed from Samos with a
  few ships, and cruised on the sea of Cnidos, and about the isle of Cos;
  but receiving intelligence there that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, had
  sailed with his whole army into the Hellespont, and that the Athenians
  had followed him, he hurried back to succor the Athenian commanders,
  and, by good fortune, arrived with eighteen galleys at a critical time.
  For both the fleets having engaged near Abydos, the fight between them
  had lasted till night, the one side having the advantage on one quarter,
  and the other on another.  Upon his first appearance, both sides formed
  a false impression; the enemy was encouraged, and the Athenians
  terrified.  But Alcibiades suddenly raised the Athenian ensign in the
  admiral ship, and fell upon those galleys of the Peloponnesians which
  had the advantage and were in pursuit.  He soon put these to flight, and
  followed them so close that he forced them on shore, and broke the ships
  in pieces, the sailors abandoning them and swimming away, in spite of
  all the efforts of Pharnabazus, who had come down to their assistance by
  land, and did what he could to protect them from the shore.  In fine,
  the Athenians, having taken thirty of the enemy's ships, and recovered
  all their own, erected a trophy.  After the gaining of so glorious a
  victory, his vanity made him eager to show himself to Tisaphernes, and,
  having furnished himself with gifts and presents, and an equipage
  suitable to his dignity, he set out to visit him.  But the thing did not
  succeed as he had imagined, for Tisaphernes had been long suspected by
  the Lacedaemonians, and was afraid to fall into disgrace with his king,
  upon that account, and therefore thought that Alcibiades arrived very
  opportunely, and immediately caused him to be seized, and sent away
  prisoner to Sardis; fancying, by this act of injustice, to clear himself
  from all former imputations.

  But about thirty days after, Alcibiades escaped from his keepers, and,
  having got a horse, fled to Clazomenae, where he procured Tisaphernes'
  additional disgrace by professing he was a party to his escape.  From
  there he sailed to the Athenian camp, and, being informed there that
  Mindarus and Pharnabazus were together at Cyzicus, he made a speech to
  the soldiers, telling them that sea-fighting, land-fighting, and, by the
  gods, fighting against fortified cities too, must be all one for them,
  as, unless they conquered everywhere, there was no money for them.  As
  soon as ever he got them on shipboard, he hasted to Proconnesus, and
  gave command to seize all the small vessels they met, and guard them
  safely in the interior of the fleet, that the enemy might have no notice
  of his coming; and a great storm of rain, accompanied with thunder and
  darkness, which happened at the same time, contributed much to the
  concealment of his enterprise.  Indeed, it was not only undiscovered by
  the enemy, but the Athenians themselves were ignorant of it, for he
  commanded them suddenly on board, and set sail when they had abandoned
  all intention of it.  As the darkness presently passed away, the
  Peloponnesian fleet were seen riding out at sea in front of the harbor
  of Cyzicus.  Fearing, if they discovered the number of his ships, they
  might endeavor to save themselves by land, he commanded the rest of the
  captains to slacken, and follow him slowly, whilst he, advancing with
  forty ships, showed himself to the enemy, and provoked them to fight.
  The enemy, being deceived as to their numbers; despised them, and,
  supposing they were to contend with those only, made themselves ready
  and began the fight.  But as soon as they were engaged, they perceived
  the other part of the fleet coming down upon them, at which they were so
  terrified that they fled immediately.  Upon that, Alcibiades, breaking
  through the midst of them with twenty of his best ships, hastened to the
  shore, disembarked, and pursued those who abandoned their ships and fled
  to land, and made a great slaughter of them.  Mindarus and Pharnabazus,
  coming to their succor, were utterly defeated.  Mindarus was slain upon
  the place, fighting valiantly; Pharnabazus saved himself by flight.  The
  Athenians slew great numbers of their enemies, won much spoil, and took
  all their ships.  They also made themselves masters of Cyzicus, which
  was deserted by Pharnabazus, and destroyed its Peloponnesian garrison,
  and thereby not only secured to themselves the Hellespont, but by force
  drove the Lacedaemonians from out of all the rest of the sea.  They
  intercepted some letters written to the ephors, which gave an account of
  this fatal overthrow, after their short laconic manner.  "Our hopes are
  at an end.  Mindarus is slain.  The men starve.  We know not what to
  do."

  The soldiers who followed Alcibiades in this last fight were so exalted
  with their success, and felt that degree of pride, that, looking on
  themselves as invincible, they disdained to mix with the other soldiers,
  who had been often overcome.  For it happened not long before,
  Thrasyllus had received a defeat near Ephesus, and, upon that occasion,
  the Ephesians erected their brazen trophy to the disgrace of the
  Athenians.  The soldiers of Alcibiades reproached those who were under
  the command of Thrasyllus with this misfortune, at the same time
  magnifying themselves and their own commander, and it went so far that
  they would not exercise with them, nor lodge in the same quarters.  But
  soon after, Pharnabazus, with a great force of horse and foot, falling
  upon the soldiers of Thrasyllus, as they were laying waste the territory
  of Abydos, Alcibiades came to their aid, routed Pharnabazus, and,
  together with Thrasyllus, pursued him till it was night; and in this
  action the troops united, and returned together to the camp, rejoicing
  and congratulating one another.  The next day he erected a trophy, and
  then proceeded to lay waste with fire and sword the whole province which
  was under Pharnabazus, where none ventured to resist; and he took divers
  priests and priestesses, but released them without ransom.  He prepared
  next to attack the Chalcedonians, who had revolted from the Athenians,
  and had received a Lacedaemonian governor and garrison.  But having
  intelligence that they had removed their corn and cattle out of the
  fields, and were conveying it all to the Bithynians, who were their
  friends, he drew down his army to the frontier of the Bithynians, and
  then sent a herald to charge them with this proceeding.  The Bithynians,
  terrified at his approach, delivered up to him the booty, and entered
  into alliance with him.

  Afterwards he proceeded to the siege of Chalcedon, and enclosed it with
  a wall from sea to sea.  Pharnabazus advanced with his forces to raise
  the siege, and Hippocrates, the governor of the town, at the same time,
  gathering together all the strength he had, made a sally upon the
  Athenians.  Alcibiades divided his army so as to engage them both at
  once, and not only forced Pharnabazus to a dishonorable flight, but
  defeated Hippocrates, and killed him and a number of the soldiers with
  him.  After this he sailed into the Hellespont, in order to raise
  supplies of money, and took the city of Selymbria, in which action,
  through his precipitation, he exposed himself to great danger.  For some
  within the town had undertaken to betray it into his hands, and, by
  agreement, were to give him a signal by a lighted torch about midnight.
  But one of the conspirators beginning to repent himself of the design,
  the rest, for fear of being discovered, were driven to give the signal
  before the appointed hour.  Alcibiades, as soon as he saw the torch
  lifted up in the air, though his army was not in readiness to march, ran
  instantly towards the walls, taking with him about thirty men only, and
  commanding the rest of the army to follow him with all possible speed.
  When he came thither, he found the gate opened for him, and entered with
  his thirty men, and about twenty more light-armed men, who were come up
  to them.  They were no sooner in the city, but he perceived the
  Selymbrians all armed, coming down upon him; so that there was no hope
  of escaping if he stayed to receive them; and, on the other hand, having
  been always successful till that day, wherever he commanded, he could
  not endure to be defeated and fly.  So, requiring silence by sound of a
  trumpet, he commanded one of his men to make proclamation that the
  Selymbrians should not take arms against the Athenians.  This cooled
  such of the inhabitants as were fiercest for the fight, for they
  supposed that all their enemies were within the walls, and it raised the
  hopes of others who were disposed to an accommodation.  Whilst they were
  parleying, and propositions making on one side and the other,
  Alcibiades's whole army came up to the town.  And now, conjecturing
  rightly, that the Selymbrians were well inclined to peace, and fearing
  lest the city might be sacked by the Thracians, who came in great
  numbers to his army to serve as volunteers, out of kindness for him, he
  commanded them all to retreat without the walls.  And upon the
  submission of the Selymbrians, he saved them from being pillaged, only
  taking of them a sum of money, and, after placing an Athenian garrison
  in the town, departed.

  During this action, the Athenian captains who besieged Chalcedon
  concluded a treaty with Pharnabazus upon these articles:  that he should
  give them a sum of money; that the Chalcedonians should return to the
  subjection of Athens; and that the Athenians should make no inroad into
  the province whereof Pharnabazus was governor; and Pharnabazus was also
  to provide safe conducts for the Athenian ambassadors to the king of
  Persia.  Afterwards, when Alcibiades returned thither, Pharnabazus
  required that he also should be sworn to the treaty; but he refused it,
  unless Pharnabazus would swear at the same time.  When the treaty was
  sworn to on both sides Alcibiades went against the Byzantines, who had
  revolted from the Athenians, and drew a line of circumvallation about
  the city.  But Anaxilaus and Lycurgus, together with some others, having
  undertaken to betray the city to him upon his engagement to preserve the
  lives and property of the inhabitants, he caused a report to be spread
  abroad, as if, by reason of some unexpected movement in Ionia, he should
  be obliged to raise the siege.  And, accordingly, that day he made a
  show to depart with his whole fleet; but returned the same night, and
  went ashore with all his men at arms, and, silently and undiscovered,
  marched up to the walls.  At the same time, his ships rowed into the
  harbor with all possible violence, coming on with much fury, and with
  great shouts and outcries.  The Byzantines, thus surprised and
  astonished, while they all hurried to the defense of their port and
  shipping, gave opportunity to those who favored the Athenians, securely
  to receive Alcibiades into the city.  Yet the enterprise was not
  accomplished without fighting, for the Peloponnesians, Boeotians, and
  Megarians not only repulsed those who came out of the ships, and forced
  them on board again, but, hearing that the Athenians were entered on
  the other side, drew up in order, and went to meet them.  Alcibiades,
  however, gained the victory after some sharp fighting, in which he
  himself had the command of the right wing, and Theramenes of the left,
  and took about three hundred, who survived of the enemy, prisoners of
  war.  After the battle, not one of the Byzantines was slain, or driven
  out of the city, according to the terms upon which the city was put into
  his hands, that they should receive no prejudice in life or property.
  And thus Anaxilaus, being afterwards accused at Lacedaemon for this
  treason, neither disowned nor professed to be ashamed of the action; for
  he urged that he was not a Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantine and saw not
  Sparta, but Byzantium, in extreme danger; the city so blockaded that it
  was not possible to bring in any new provisions, and the Peloponnesians
  and Boeotians, who were in garrison, devouring the old stores, whilst
  the Byzantines, with their wives and children, were starving; that he
  had not, therefore, betrayed his country to enemies, but had delivered
  it from the calamities of war, and had but followed the example of the
  most worthy Lacedaemonians, who esteemed nothing to be honorable and
  just, but what was profitable for their country.  The Lacedaemonians,
  upon hearing his defense, respected it, and discharged all that were
  accused.

  And now Alcibiades began to desire to see his native country again, or
  rather to show his fellow-citizens a person who had gained so many
  victories for them.  He set sail for Athens, the ships that accompanied
  him being adorned with great numbers of shields and other spoils, and
  towing after them many galleys taken from the enemy, and the ensigns and
  ornaments of many others which he had sunk and destroyed; all of them
  together amounting to two hundred.  Little credit, perhaps, can be given
  to what Duris the Samian, who professed to be descended from Alcibiades,
  adds, that Chrysogonus, who had gained a victory at the Pythian games,
  played upon his flute for the galleys, whilst the oars kept time with
  the music; and that Callippides, the tragedian, attired in his buskins,
  his purple robes, and other ornaments used in the theater, gave the word
  to the rowers, and that the admiral galley entered into the port with a
  purple sail.  Neither Theopompus, nor Ephorus, nor Xenophon, mention
  them.  Nor, indeed, is it credible, that one who returned from so long
  an exile, and such variety of misfortunes, should come home to his
  countrymen in the style of revelers breaking up from a drinking-party.
  On the contrary, he entered the harbor full of fear, nor would he
  venture to go on shore, till, standing on the deck, he saw Euryptolemus,
  his cousin, and others of his friends and acquaintance, who were ready
  to receive him, and invited him to land.  As soon as he was landed, the
  multitude who came out to meet him scarcely seemed so much as to see any
  of the other captains, but came in throngs about Alcibiades, and saluted
  him with loud acclamations, and still followed him; those who could
  press near him crowned him with garlands, and they who could not come up
  so close yet stayed to behold him afar off, and the old men pointed him
  out, and showed him to the young ones.  Nevertheless, this public joy
  was mixed with some tears, and the present happiness was allayed by the
  remembrance of the miseries they had endured.  They made reflections,
  that they could not have so unfortunately miscarried in Sicily, or been
  defeated in any of their other expectations, if they had left the
  management of their affairs formerly, and the command of their forces,
  to Alcibiades, since, upon his undertaking the administration, when they
  were in a manner driven from the sea, and could scarce defend the
  suburbs of their city by land, and, at the same time, were miserably
  distracted with intestine factions, he had raised them up from this low
  and deplorable condition, and had not only restored them to their
  ancient dominion of the sea, but had also made them everywhere
  victorious over their enemies on land.

  There had been a decree for recalling him from his banishment already
  passed by the people, at the instance of Critias, the son of
  Callaeschrus, as appears by his elegies, in which he puts Alcibiades in
  mind of this service:—

  From my proposal did that edict come,
  Which from your tedious exile brought you home;
  The public vote at first was moved by me,
  And my voice put the seal to the decree.

  The people being summoned to an assembly, Alcibiades came in amongst
  them, and first bewailed and lamented his own sufferings, and, in gentle
  terms complaining of the usage he had received, imputed all to his hard
  fortune, and some ill genius that attended him:  then he spoke at large
  of their prospects, and exhorted them to courage and good hope.  The
  people crowned him with crowns of gold, and created him general, both at
  land and sea, with absolute power.  They also made a decree that his
  estate should be restored to him, and that the Eumolpidae and the holy
  heralds should absolve him from the curses which they had solemnly
  pronounced against him by sentence of the people.  Which when all the
  rest obeyed, Theodorus, the high-priest, excused himself, "For," said
  he, "if he is innocent, I never cursed him."

  But notwithstanding the affairs of Alcibiades went so prosperously, and
  so much to his glory, yet many were still somewhat disturbed, and looked
  upon the time of his arrival to be ominous.  For on the day that he came
  into the port, the feast of the goddess Minerva, which they call the
  Plynteria, was kept.  It is the twenty-fifth day of Thargelion, when the
  Praxiergidae solemnize their secret rites, taking all the ornaments from
  off her image, and keeping the part of the temple where it stands close
  covered.  Hence the Athenians esteem this day most inauspicious and
  never undertake any thing of importance upon it; and, therefore, they
  imagined that the goddess did not receive Alcibiades graciously and
  propitiously, thus hiding her face and rejecting him.  Yet,
  notwithstanding, everything succeeded according to his wish.  When the
  one hundred galleys, that were to return with him, were fitted out and
  ready to sail, an honorable zeal detained him till the celebration of
  the mysteries was over.  For ever since Decelea had been occupied, as
  the enemy commanded the roads leading from Athens to Eleusis, the
  procession, being conducted by sea, had not been performed with any
  proper solemnity; they were forced to omit the sacrifices and dances and
  other holy ceremonies, which had usually been performed in the way, when
  they led forth Iacchus.  Alcibiades, therefore, judged it would be a
  glorious action, which would do honor to the gods and gain him esteem
  with men, if he restored the ancient splendor to these rites, escorting
  the procession again by land, and protecting it with his army in the
  face of the enemy.  For either, if Agis stood still and did not oppose,
  it would very much diminish and obscure his reputation, or, in the other
  alternative, Alcibiades would engage in a holy war, in the cause of the
  gods, and in defense of the most sacred and solemn ceremonies; and this
  in the sight of his country, where he should have all his fellow-
  citizens witnesses of his valor.  As soon as he had resolved upon this
  design, and had communicated it to the Eumolpidae and heralds, he placed
  sentinels on the tops of the hills, and at the break of day sent forth
  his scouts.  And then taking with him the priests and Initiates and the
  Initiators, and encompassing them with his soldiers, he conducted them
  with great order and profound silence; an august and venerable
  procession, wherein all who did not envy him said, he performed at once
  the office of a high-priest and of a general.  The enemy did not dare to
  attempt any thing against them, and thus he brought them back in safety
  to the city.  Upon which, as he was exalted in his own thought, so the
  opinion which the people had of his conduct was raised to that degree,
  that they looked upon their armies as irresistible and invincible while
  he commanded them; and he so won, indeed, upon the lower and meaner sort
  of people, that they passionately desired to have him "tyrant" over
  them, and some of them did not scruple to tell him so, and to advise him
  to put himself out of the reach of envy, by abolishing the laws and
  ordinances of the people, and suppressing the idle talkers that were
  ruining the state, that so he might act and take upon him the management
  of affairs, without standing in fear of being called to an account.

  How far his own inclinations led him to usurp sovereign power, is
  uncertain, but the most considerable persons in the city were so much
  afraid of it, that they hastened him on ship-board as speedily as they
  could, appointing the colleagues whom he chose, and allowing him all
  other things as he desired.  Thereupon he set sail with a fleet of one
  hundred ships, and, arriving at Andros, he there fought with and
  defeated as well the inhabitants as the Lacedaemonians who assisted
  them.  He did not, however, take the city; which gave the first occasion
  to his enemies for all their accusations against him.  Certainly, if
  ever man was ruined by his own glory, it was Alcibiades.  For his
  continual success had produced such an idea of his courage and conduct,
  that, if he failed in anything he undertook, it was imputed to his
  neglect, and no one would believe it was through want of power.  For
  they thought nothing was too hard for him, if he went about it in good
  earnest.  They fancied, every day, that they should hear news of the
  reduction of Chios, and of the rest of Ionia, and grew impatient that
  things were not effected as fast and as rapidly as they could wish for
  them.  They never considered how extremely money was wanting, and that,
  having to carry on war with an enemy who had supplies of all things from
  a great king, he was often forced to quit his armament, in order to
  procure money and provisions for the subsistence of his soldiers.  This
  it was which gave occasion for the last accusation which was made
  against him.  For Lysander, being sent from Lacedaemon with a commission
  to be admiral of their fleet, and being furnished by Cyrus with a great
  sum of money, gave every sailor four obols a day, whereas before they
  had but three.  Alcibiades could hardly allow his men three obols, and
  therefore was constrained to go into Caria to furnish himself with
  money.  He left the care of the fleet, in his absence, to Antiochus, an
  experienced seaman, but rash and inconsiderate, who had express orders
  from Alcibiades not to engage, though the enemy provoked him.  But he
  slighted and disregarded these directions to that degree, that, having
  made ready his own galley and another, he stood for Ephesus, where the
  enemy lay, and, as he sailed before the heads of their galleys, used
  every provocation possible, both in words and deeds.  Lysander at first
  manned out a few ships, and pursued him.  But all the Athenian ships
  coming in to his assistance, Lysander, also, brought up his whole fleet,
  which gained an entire victory.  He slew Antiochus himself, took many
  men and ships, and erected a trophy.

  As soon as Alcibiades heard this news, he returned to Samos, and loosing
  from thence with his whole fleet, came and offered battle to Lysander.
  But Lysander, content with the victory he had gained, would not stir.
  Amongst others in the army who hated Alcibiades, Thrasybulus, the son of
  Thrason, was his particular enemy, and went purposely to Athens to
  accuse him, and to exasperate his enemies in the city against him.
  Addressing the people, he represented that Alcibiades had ruined their
  affairs and lost their ships by mere self-conceited neglect of his
  duties, committing the government of the army, in his absence, to men
  who gained his favor by drinking and scurrilous talking, whilst he
  wandered up and down at pleasure to raise money, giving himself up to
  every sort of luxury and excess amongst the courtesans of Abydos and
  Ionia, at a time when the enemy's navy were on the watch close at hand.
  It was also objected to him, that he had fortified a castle near
  Bisanthe in Thrace, for a safe retreat for himself, as one that either
  could not, or would not, live in his own country.  The Athenians gave
  credit to these informations, and showed the resentment and displeasure
  which they had conceived against him, by choosing other generals.

  As soon as Alcibiades heard of this, he immediately forsook the army,
  afraid of what might follow; and, collecting a body of mercenary
  soldiers, made war upon his own account against those Thracians who
  called themselves free, and acknowledged no king.  By this means he
  amassed to himself a considerable treasure, and, at the same time,
  secured the bordering Greeks from the incursions of the barbarians.

  Tydeus, Menander, and Adimantus, the new-made generals, were at that
  time posted at Aegospotami, with all the ships which the Athenians had
  left.  From whence they were used to go out to sea every morning, and
  offer battle to Lysander, who lay near Lampsacus; and when they had done
  so, returning back again, lay, all the rest of the day, carelessly and
  without order, in contempt of the enemy.  Alcibiades, who was not far
  off, did not think so slightly of their danger, nor neglect to let them
  know it, but, mounting his horse, came to the generals, and represented
  to them that they had chosen a very inconvenient station, where there
  was no safe harbor, and where they were distant from any town; so that
  they were constrained to send for their necessary provisions as far as
  Sestos.  He also pointed out to them their carelessness in suffering the
  soldiers, when they went ashore, to disperse and wander up and down at
  their pleasure, while the enemy's fleet, under the command of one
  general, and strictly obedient to discipline, lay so very near them.  He
  advised them to remove the fleet to Sestos.  But the admirals not only
  disregarded what he said, but Tydeus, with insulting expressions;
  commanded him to be gone, saying, that now not he, but others, had the
  command of the forces.  Alcibiades, suspecting something of treachery in
  them, departed, and told his friends, who accompanied him out of the
  camp, that if the generals had not used him with such insupportable
  contempt, he would within a few days have forced the Lacedaemonians,
  however unwilling, either to have fought the Athenians at sea, or to
  have deserted their ships.  Some looked upon this as a piece of
  ostentation only; others said, the thing was probable, for that he might
  have brought down by land great numbers of the Thracian cavalry and
  archers, to assault and disorder them in their camp.  The event
  however, soon made it evident how rightly he had judged of the errors
  which the Athenians committed.  For Lysander fell upon them on a sudden,
  when they least suspected it, with such fury that Conon alone, with
  eight galleys, escaped him; all the rest, which were about two hundred,
  he took and carried away, together with three thousand prisoners, whom
  he put to death.  And within a short time after, he took Athens itself,
  burnt all the ships which he found there, and demolished their long
  walls.

  After this, Alcibiades, standing in dread of the Lacedaemonians, who
  were now masters both at sea and land, retired into Bithynia.  He sent
  thither great treasure before him, took much with him, but left much
  more in the castle where he had before resided.  But he lost great part
  of his wealth in Bithynia, being robbed by some Thracians who lived in
  those parts, and thereupon determined to go to the court of Artaxerxes,
  not doubting but that the king, if he would make trial of his abilities,
  would find him not inferior to Themistocles, besides that he was
  recommended by a more honorable cause.  For he went, not as Themistocles
  did, to offer his service against his fellow-citizens, but against their
  enemies, and to implore the king's aid for the defense of his country.
  He concluded that Pharnabazus would most readily procure him a safe
  conduct, and therefore went into Phrygia to him, and continued to dwell
  there some time, paying him great respect, and being honorably treated
  by him.  The Athenians, in the meantime, were miserably afflicted at
  their loss of empire, but when they were deprived of liberty also, and
  Lysander set up thirty despotic rulers in the city, in their ruin now
  they began to turn to those thoughts which, while safety was yet
  possible, they would not entertain; they acknowledged and bewailed their
  former errors and follies, and judged this second ill-usage of
  Alcibiades to be of all the most inexcusable.  For he was rejected,
  without any fault committed by himself; and only because they were
  incensed against his subordinate for having shamefully lost a few ships,
  they much more shamefully deprived the commonwealth of its most valiant
  and accomplished general.  Yet in this sad state of affairs, they had
  still some faint hopes left them, nor would they utterly despair of the
  Athenian commonwealth, while Alcibiades was safe.  For they persuaded
  themselves that if before, when he was an exile, he could not content
  himself to live idly and at ease, much less now, if he could find any
  favorable opportunity, would he endure the insolence of the
  Lacedaemonians, and the outrages of the Thirty.  Nor was it an absurd
  thing in the people to entertain such imaginations, when the Thirty
  themselves were so very solicitous to be informed and to get
  intelligence of all his actions and designs.  In fine, Critias
  represented to Lysander that the Lacedaemonians could never securely
  enjoy the dominion of Greece, till the Athenian democracy was absolutely
  destroyed; and though now the people of Athens seemed quietly and
  patiently to submit to so small a number of governors, yet so long as
  Alcibiades lived, the knowledge of this fact would never suffer them to
  acquiesce in their present circumstances.

  Yet Lysander would not be prevailed upon by these representations, till
  at last he received secret orders from the magistrates of Lacedaemon,
  expressly requiring him to get Alcibiades dispatched:  whether it was
  that they feared his energy and boldness in enterprising what was
  hazardous, or that it was done to gratify king Agis.  Upon receipt of
  this order, Lysander sent away a messenger to Pharnabazus, desiring him
  to put it in execution.  Pharnabazus committed the affair to Magaeus,
  his brother, and to his uncle Susamithres.  Alcibiades resided at that
  time in a small village in Phrygia, together with Timandra, a mistress
  of his.  As he slept, he had this dream:  he thought himself attired in
  his mistress's habit, and that she, holding him in her arms, dressed his
  head and painted his face as if he had been a woman; others say, he
  dreamed that he saw Magaeus cut off his head and burn his body; at any
  rate, it was but a little while before his death that he had these
  visions.  Those who were sent to assassinate him had not courage enough
  to enter the house, but surrounded it first, and set it on fire.
  Alcibiades, as soon as he perceived it, getting together great
  quantities of clothes and furniture, threw them upon the fire to choke
  it, and, having wrapped his cloak about his left arm, and holding his
  naked sword in his right, he cast himself into the middle of the fire,
  and escaped securely through it, before his clothes were burnt.  The
  barbarians, as soon as they saw him, retreated, and none of them durst
  stay to expect him, or to engage with him, but, standing at a distance,
  they slew him with their darts and arrows.  When he was dead, the
  barbarians departed, and Timandra took up his dead body, and, covering
  and wrapping it up in her own robes, she buried it as decently and as
  honorably as her circumstances would allow.  It is said, that the famous
  Lais, who was called the Corinthian, though she was a native of Hyccara,
  a small town in Sicily, from whence she was brought a captive, was the
  daughter of this Timandra.  There are some who agree with this account
  of Alcibiades's death in all points, except that they impute the cause
  of it neither to Pharnabazus, nor Lysander, nor the Lacedaemonians:
  but, they say, he was keeping with him a young lady of a noble house,
  whom he had debauched, and that her brothers, not being able to endure
  the indignity, set fire by night to the house where he was living, and,
  as he endeavored to save himself from the flames, slew him with their
  darts, in the manner just related.





CORIOLANUS

  The patrician house of the Marcii in Rome produced many men of
  distinction, and among the rest, Ancus Marcius, grandson to Numa by his
  daughter, and king after Tullus Hostilius.  Of the same family were also
  Publius and Quintus Marcius, which two conveyed into the city the best
  and most abundant supply of water they have at Rome.  As likewise
  Censorinus, who, having been twice chosen censor by the people,
  afterwards himself induced them to make a law that nobody should bear
  that office twice.  But Caius Marcius, of whom I now write, being left
  an orphan, and brought up under the widowhood of his mother, has shown
  us by experience, that, although the early loss of a father may be
  attended with other disadvantages, yet it can hinder none from being
  either virtuous or eminent in the world, and that it is no obstacle to
  true goodness and excellence; however bad men may be pleased to lay the
  blame of their corruptions upon that misfortune and the neglect of them
  in their minority.  Nor is he less an evidence to the truth of their
  opinion, who conceive that a generous and worthy nature without proper
  discipline, like a rich soil without culture, is apt, with its better
  fruits, to produce also much that is bad and faulty.  While the force
  and vigor of his soul, and a persevering constancy in all he undertook,
  led him successfully into many noble achievements, yet, on the other
  side, also, by indulging the vehemence of his passion, and through all
  obstinate reluctance to yield or accommodate his humors and sentiments
  to those of people about him, he rendered himself incapable of acting
  and associating with others.  Those who saw with admiration how proof
  his nature was against all the softnesses of pleasure, the hardships of
  service, and the allurements of gain, while allowing to that universal
  firmness of his the respective names of temperance, fortitude, and
  justice, yet, in the life of the citizen and the statesman, could not
  choose but be disgusted at the severity and ruggedness of his
  deportment, and with his overbearing, haughty, and imperious temper.
  Education and study, and the favors of the muses, confer no greater
  benefit on those that seek them, than these humanizing and civilizing
  lessons, which teach our natural qualities to submit to the limitations
  prescribed by reason, and to avoid the wildness of extremes.

  Those were times at Rome in which that kind of worth was most esteemed
  which displayed itself in military achievements; one evidence of which
  we find in the Latin word for virtue, which is properly equivalent to
  manly courage.  As if valor and all virtue had been the same thing, they
  used as the common term the name of the particular excellence.  But
  Marcius, having a more passionate inclination than any of that age for
  feats of war, began at once, from his very childhood, to handle arms;
  and feeling that adventitious implements and artificial arms would
  effect little, and be of small use to such as have not their native and
  natural weapons well fixed and prepared for service, he so exercised and
  inured his body to all sorts of activity and encounter, that, besides
  the lightness of a racer, he had a weight in close seizures and
  wrestlings with an enemy, from which it was hard for any to disengage
  himself; so that his competitors at home in displays of bravery, loath
  to own themselves inferior in that respect, were wont to ascribe their
  deficiencies to his strength of body, which they said no resistance and
  no fatigue could exhaust.

  The first time he went out to the wars, being yet a stripling, was when
  Tarquinius Superbus, who had been king of Rome and was afterwards
  expelled, after many unsuccessful attempts, now entered upon his last
  effort, and proceeded to hazard all as it were upon a single throw.  A
  great number of the Latins and other people of Italy joined their
  forces, and were marching with him toward the city, to procure his
  restoration; not, however, so much out of a desire to serve and
  oblige Tarquin, as to gratify their own fear and envy at the increase of
  the Roman greatness, which they were anxious to check and reduce.  The
  armies met and engaged in a decisive battle, in the vicissitudes of
  which, Marcius, while fighting bravely in the dictator's presence, saw a
  Roman soldier struck down at a little distance, and immediately stepped
  in and stood before him, and slew his assailant.  The general, after
  having gained the victory, crowned him for this act, one of the first,
  with a garland of oaken branches; it being the Roman custom thus to
  adorn those who had saved the life of a citizen; whether that the law
  intended some special honor to the oak, in memory of the Arcadians, a
  people the oracle had made famous by the name of acorn-eaters; or
  whether the reason of it was because they might easily, and in all
  places where they fought, have plenty of oak for that purpose; or,
  finally, whether the oaken wreath, being sacred to Jupiter, the guardian
  of the city, might, therefore, be thought a propel ornament for one who
  preserved a citizen.  And the oak, in truth, is the tree which bears the
  most and the prettiest fruit of any that grow wild, and is the strongest
  of all that are under cultivation; its acorns were the principal diet of
  the first mortals, and the honey found in it gave them drink.  I may
  say, too, it furnished fowl and other creatures as dainties, in
  producing mistletoe for birdlime to ensnare them.  In this battle,
  meantime, it is stated that Castor and Pollux appeared, and, immediately
  after the battle, were seen at Rome just by the fountain where their
  temple now stands, with their horses foaming with sweat, and told the
  news of the victory to the people in the Forum.  The fifteenth of July,
  being the day of this conquest, became consequently a solemn holiday
  sacred to the Twin Brothers.

  It may be observed in general, that when young men arrive early at fame
  and repute, if they are of a nature but slightly touched with emulation,
  this early attainment is apt to extinguish their thirst and satiate
  their small appetite; whereas the first distinctions of more solid and
  weighty characters do but stimulate and quicken them and take them away,
  like a wind, in the pursuit of honor; they look upon these marks and
  testimonies to their virtue not as a recompense received for what they
  have already done, but as a pledge given by themselves of what they will
  perform hereafter, ashamed now to forsake or underlive the credit they
  have won, or, rather, not to exceed and obscure all that is gone before
  by the luster of their following actions.  Marcius, having a spirit of
  this noble make, was ambitious always to surpass himself, and did
  nothing, how extraordinary soever, but he thought he was bound to outdo
  it at the next occasion; and ever desiring to give continual fresh
  instances of his prowess he added one exploit to another, and heaped up
  trophies upon trophies, so as to make it a matter of contest also among
  his commanders, the later still vying with the earlier, which should
  pay him the greatest honor and speak highest in his commendation.  Of
  all the numerous wars and conflicts in those days, there was not one
  from which he returned without laurels and rewards.  And, whereas others
  made glory the end of their daring, the end of his glory was his
  mother's gladness; the delight she took to hear him praised and to see
  him crowned, and her weeping for joy in his embraces, rendered him, in
  his own thoughts, the most honored and most happy person in the world.
  Epaminondas is similarly said to have acknowledged his feeling, that it
  was the greatest felicity of his whole life that his father and mother
  survived to hear of his successful generalship and his victory at
  Leuctra.  And he had the advantage, indeed, to have both his parents
  partake with him, and enjoy the pleasure of his good fortune.  But
  Marcius, believing himself bound to pay his mother Volumnia all that
  gratitude and duty which would have belonged to his father, had he also
  been alive, could never satiate himself in his tenderness and respect to
  her.  He took a wife, also, at her request and wish, and continued, even
  after he had children, to live still with his mother, without parting
  families.

  The repute of his integrity and courage had, by this time, gained him a
  considerable influence and authority in Rome, when the senate, favoring
  the wealthier citizens, began to be at variance with the common people,
  who made sad complaints of the rigorous and inhuman usage they received
  from the money-lenders.  For as many as were behind with them, and had
  any sort of property, they stripped of all they had, by the way of
  pledges and sales; and such as through former exactions were reduced
  already to extreme indigence, and had nothing more to be deprived of,
  these they led away in person and put their bodies under constraint,
  notwithstanding the scars and wounds that they could show in attestation
  of their public services in numerous campaigns; the last of which had
  been against the Sabines, which they undertook upon a promise made by
  their rich creditors that they would treat them with more gentleness for
  the future, Marcus Valerius, the consul, having, by order from the
  senate, engaged also for the performance of it.  But when, after they
  had fought courageously and beaten the enemy, there was, nevertheless,
  no moderation or forbearance used, and the senate also professed to
  remember nothing of that agreement, and sat without testifying the least
  concern to see them dragged away like slaves and their goods seized upon
  as formerly, there began now to be open disorders and dangerous meetings
  in the city; and the enemy, also, aware of the popular confusion,
  invaded and laid waste the country.  And when the consuls now gave
  notice, that all who were of an age to bear arms should make their
  personal appearance, but found no one regard the summons, the members of
  the government, then coming to consult what course should be taken,
  were themselves again divided in opinion:  some thought it most
  advisable to comply a little in favor of the poor, by relaxing their
  overstrained rights, and mitigating the extreme rigor of the law, while
  others withstood this proposal; Marcius in particular, with more
  vehemence than the rest, alleging that the business of money on either
  side was not the main thing in question, urged that this disorderly
  proceeding was but the first insolent step towards open revolt against
  the laws, which it would become the wisdom of the government to check at
  the earliest moment.

  There had been frequent assemblies of the whole senate, within a small
  compass of time, about this difficulty, but without any certain issue;
  the poor commonalty, therefore, perceiving there was likely to be no
  redress of their grievances, on a sudden collected in a body, and,
  encouraging each other in their resolution, forsook the city with one
  accord and seizing the hill which is now called the Holy Mount, sat down
  by the river Anio, without committing any sort of violence or seditious
  outrage, but merely exclaiming, as they went along, that they had this
  long time past been, in fact, expelled and excluded from the city by the
  cruelty of the rich; that Italy would everywhere afford them the benefit
  of air and water and a place of burial, which was all they could expect
  in the city, unless it were, perhaps, the privilege of being wounded and
  killed in time of war for the defense of their creditors.  The senate,
  apprehending the consequences, sent the most moderate and popular men of
  their own order to treat with them.

  Menenius Agrippa, their chief spokesman, after much entreaty to the
  people, and much plain speaking on behalf of the senate, concluded, at
  length, with the celebrated fable.  "It once happened," he said, "that
  all the other members of a man mutinied against the stomach, which they
  accused as the only idle, uncontributing part in the whole body, while
  the rest were put to hardships and the expense of much labor to supply
  and minister to its appetites.  The stomach, however, merely ridiculed
  the silliness of the members, who appeared not to be aware that the
  stomach certainly does receive the general nourishment, but only to
  return it again, and redistribute it amongst the rest.  Such is the
  case," he said, "ye citizens, between you and the senate.  The counsels
  and plans that are there duly digested, convey and secure to all of you,
  your proper benefit and support."

  A reconciliation ensued, the senate acceding to the request of the
  people for the annual election of five protectors for those in need of
  succor, the same that are now called the tribunes of the people; and the
  first two they pitched upon were Junius Brutus and Sicinnius Vellutus,
  their leaders in the secession.

  The city being thus united, the commons stood presently to their arms,
  and followed their commanders to the war with great alacrity.  As for
  Marcius, though he was not a little vexed himself to see the populace
  prevail so far and gain ground of the senators, and might observe many
  other patricians have the same dislike of the late concessions, he yet
  besought them not to yield at least to the common people in the zeal and
  forwardness they now allowed for their country's service, but to prove
  that they were superior to them, not so much in power and riches as in
  merit and worth.

  The Romans were now at war with the Volscian nation, whose principal
  city was Corioli; when, therefore, Cominius the consul had invested this
  important place, the rest of the Volscians, fearing it would be taken,
  mustered up whatever force they could from all parts, to relieve it,
  designing to give the Romans battle before the city, and so attack them
  on both sides.  Cominius, to avoid this inconvenience, divided his army,
  marching himself with one body to encounter the Volscians on their
  approach from without, and leaving Titus Lartius, one of the bravest
  Romans of his time, to command the other and continue the siege.  Those
  within Corioli, despising now the smallness of their number, made a
  sally upon them, and prevailed at first, and pursued the Romans into
  their trenches.  Here it was that Marcius, flying out with a slender
  company, and cutting those in pieces that first engaged him, obliged the
  other assailants to slacken their speed; and then, with loud cries,
  called upon the Romans to renew the battle.  For he had, what Cato
  thought a great point in a soldier, not only strength of hand and
  stroke, but also a voice and look that of themselves were a terror to an
  enemy.  Divers of his own party now rallying and making up to him, the
  enemies soon retreated; but Marcius, not content to see them draw off
  and retire, pressed hard upon the rear, and drove them, as they fled
  away in haste, to the very gates of their city; where, perceiving the
  Romans to fall back from their pursuit, beaten off by the multitude of
  darts poured in upon them from the walls, and that none of his followers
  had the hardiness to think of falling in pellmell among the fugitives
  and so entering a city full of enemies in arms, he, nevertheless, stood
  and urged them to the attempt, crying out, that fortune had now set open
  Corioli, not so much to shelter the vanquished, as to receive the
  conquerors.  Seconded by a few that were willing to venture with him, he
  bore along through the crowd, made good his passage, and thrust himself
  into the gate through the midst of them, nobody at first daring to
  resist him.  But when the citizens, on looking about, saw that a very
  small number had entered, they now took courage, and came up and
  attacked them.  A combat ensued of the most extraordinary description,
  in which Marcius, by strength of hand, and swiftness of foot, and daring
  of soul, overpowering every one that he assailed, succeeded in driving
  the enemy to seek refuge, for the most part, in the interior of the
  town, while the remainder submitted, and threw down their arms; thus
  affording Lartius abundant opportunity to bring in the rest of the
  Romans with ease and safety.

  Corioli being thus surprised and taken, the greater part of the soldiers
  employed themselves in spoiling and pillaging it, while Marcius
  indignantly reproached them, and exclaimed that it was a dishonorable
  and unworthy thing, when the consul and their fellow-citizens had now
  perhaps encountered the other Volscians, and were hazarding their lives
  in battle, basely to misspend the time in running up and down for booty,
  and, under a pretense of enriching themselves, keep out of danger.  Few
  paid him any attention, but, putting himself at the head of these, he
  took the road by which the consul's army had marched before him,
  encouraging his companions, and beseeching them, as they went along, not
  to give up, and praying often to the gods, too, that he might be so happy
  as to arrive before the fight was over, and come seasonably up to assist
  Cominius, and partake in the peril of the action.

  It was customary with the Romans of that age, when they were moving into
  battle array, and were on the point of taking up their bucklers, and
  girding their coats about them, to make at the same time an unwritten
  will, or verbal testament, and to name who should be their heirs, in the
  hearing of three or four witnesses.  In this precise posture Marcius
  found them at his arrival, the enemy being advanced within view.

  They were not a little disturbed by his first appearance, seeing him
  covered with blood and sweat, and attended with a small train; but when
  he hastily made up to the consul with gladness in his looks, giving him
  his hand, and recounting to him how the city had been taken, and when
  they saw Cominius also embrace and salute him, every one took fresh
  heart; those that were near enough hearing, and those that were at a
  distance guessing, what had happened; and all cried out to be led to
  battle.  First, however, Marcius desired to know of him how the
  Volscians had arrayed their army, and where they had placed their best
  men, and on his answering that he took the troops of the Antiates in the
  center to be their prime warriors, that would yield to none in bravery,
  "Let me then demand and obtain of you," said Marcius, "that we may be
  posted against them."  The consul granted the request, with much
  admiration of his gallantry.  And when the conflict began by the
  soldiers darting at each other, and Marcius sallied out before the rest,
  the Volscians opposed to him were not able to make head against him;
  wherever he fell in, he broke their ranks, and made a lane through them;
  but the parties turning again, and enclosing him on each side with their
  weapons, the consul, who observed the danger he was in, dispatched some
  of the choicest men he had for his rescue.  The conflict then growing
  warm and sharp about Marcius, and many falling dead in a little space,
  the Romans bore so hard upon the enemies, and pressed them with such
  violence, that they forced them at length to abandon their ground, and
  to quit the field.  And, going now to prosecute the victory, they
  besought Marcius, tired out with his toils, and faint and heavy through
  the loss of blood, that he would retire to the camp.  He replied,
  however, that weariness was not for conquerors, and joined with them in
  the pursuit.  The rest of the Volscian army was in like manner defeated,
  great numbers killed, and no less taken captive.

  The day after, when Marcius, with the rest of the army, presented
  themselves at the consul's tent, Cominius rose, and having rendered all
  due acknowledgment to the gods for the success of that enterprise,
  turned next to Marcius, and first of all delivered the strongest
  encomium upon his rare exploits, which he had partly been an eyewitness
  of himself, in the late battle, and had partly learned from the
  testimony of Lartius.  And then he required him to choose a tenth part
  of all the treasure and horses and captives that had fallen into their
  hands, before any division should be made to others; besides which, he
  made him the special present of a horse with trappings and ornaments, in
  honor of his actions.  The whole army applauded; Marcius, however,
  stepped forth, and declaring his thankful acceptance of the horse, and
  his gratification at the praises of his general, said, that all other
  things, which he could only regard rather as mercenary advantages than
  any significations of honor, he must waive, and should be content with
  the ordinary proportion of such rewards.  "I have only," said he; "one
  special grace to beg, and this I hope you will not deny me.  There was a
  certain hospitable friend of mine among the Volscians, a man of probity
  and virtue, who is become a prisoner, and from former wealth and freedom
  is now reduced to servitude.  Among his many misfortunes let my
  intercession redeem him from the one of being sold as a common slave."
  Such a refusal and such a request on the part of Marcius were followed
  with yet louder acclamations; and he had many more admirers of this
  generous superiority to avarice, than of the bravery he had shown in
  battle.  The very persons who conceived some envy and despite to see him
  so specially honored, could not but acknowledge, that one who so nobly
  could refuse reward, was beyond others worthy to receive it; and were
  more charmed with that virtue which made him despise advantage, than
  with any of those former actions that had gained him his title to it.
  It is the hither accomplishment to use money well than to use arms; but
  not to need it is more noble than to use it.

  When the noise of approbation and applause ceased, Cominius, resuming,
  said, "It is idle, fellow-soldiers, to force and obtrude those other
  gifts of ours on one who is unwilling to accept them ; let us,
  therefore, give him one of such a kind that he cannot well reject it;
  let us pass a vote, I mean, that he shall hereafter be called
  Coriolanus, unless you think that his performance at Corioli has itself
  anticipated any such resolution."  Hence, therefore, he had his third
  name of Coriolanus, making it all the plainer that Caius was a personal
  proper name, and the second, or surname, Marcius, one common to his
  house and family; the third being a subsequent addition which used to be
  imposed either from some particular act or fortune, bodily
  characteristic, or good quality of the bearer.  Just as the Greeks, too,
  gave additional names in old time, in some cases from some achievement,
  Soter, for example, and Callinicus; or personal appearance, as Physcon
  and Grypus; good qualities, Euergetes and Philadelphus; good fortune,
  Eudaemon, the title of the second Battus.  Several monarchs have also
  had names given them in mockery, as Antigonus was called Doson, and
  Ptolemy, Lathyrus.  This sort of title was yet more common among the
  Romans.  One of the Metelli was surnamed Diadematus, because he walked
  about for a long time with a bandage on his head, to conceal a scar; and
  another, of the same family, got the name of Celer, from the rapidity he
  displayed in giving a funeral entertainment of gladiators within a few
  days after his father's death, his speed and energy in doing which was
  thought extraordinary.  There are some, too, who even at this day take
  names from certain casual incidents at their nativity; a child that is
  born when his father is away from home is called Proculus; or Postumus,
  if after his decease; and when twins come into the world, and one dies
  at the birth, the survivor has the name of Vopiscus.  From bodily
  peculiarities they derive not only their Syllas and Nigers, but their
  Caeci and Claudii; wisely endeavoring to accustom their people not to
  reckon either the loss of sight, or any other bodily misfortune, as a
  matter of disgrace to them, but to answer to such names without shame,
  as if they were really their own.  But this discussion better befits
  another place.

  The war against the Volscians was no sooner at an end, than the popular
  orators revived domestic troubles, and raised another sedition, without
  any new cause of complaint or just grievance to proceed upon, but
  merely turning the very mischiefs that unavoidably ensued from their
  former contests into a pretext against the patricians.  The greatest
  part of their arable land had been left unsown and without tillage, and
  the time of war allowing them no means or leisure to import provision
  from other countries, there was an extreme scarcity.  The movers of the
  people then observing, that there was no corn to be bought, and that, if
  there had been, they had no money to buy it, began to calumniate the
  wealthy with false stories, and whisper it about, as if they, out of
  malice, had purposely contrived the famine.  Meanwhile, there came an
  embassy from the Velitrani, proposing to deliver up their city to the
  Romans, and desiring they would send some new inhabitants to people it,
  as a late pestilential disease had swept away so many of the natives,
  that there was hardly a tenth part remaining of their whole community.
  This necessity of the Velitrani was considered by all more prudent
  people as most opportune in the present state of affairs; since the
  dearth made it needful to ease the city of its superfluous members, and
  they were in hope also, at the same time, to dissipate the gathering
  sedition by ridding themselves of the more violent and heated partisans,
  and discharging, so to say, the elements of disease and disorder in the
  state.  The consuls, therefore, singled out such citizens to supply the
  desolation at Velitrae, and gave notice to others, that they should be
  ready to march against the Volscians, with the politic design of
  preventing intestine broils by employment abroad, and in the hope, that
  when rich as well as poor, plebeians and patricians, should be mingled
  again in the same army and the same camp, and engage in one common
  service for the public, it would mutually dispose them to reconciliation
  and friendship.

  But Sicinnius and Brutus, the popular orators, interposed, crying out,
  that the consuls disguised the most cruel and barbarous action in the
  world under that mild and plausible name of a colony, and were simply
  precipitating so many poor citizens into a mere pit of destruction,
  bidding them settle down in a country where the air was charged with
  disease, and the ground covered with dead bodies, and expose themselves
  to the evil influence of a strange and angered deity.  And then, as if
  it would not satisfy their hatred to destroy some by hunger, and offer
  others to the mercy of a plague, they must proceed to involve them also
  in a needless war of their own making, that no calamity might be
  wanting to complete the punishment of the citizens for refusing to
  submit to that of slavery to the rich.

  By such addresses, the people were so possessed, that none of them would
  appear upon the consular summons to be enlisted for the war; and they
  showed entire aversion to the proposal for a new plantation; so that the
  senate was at a loss what to say or do.  But Marcius, who began now to
  bear himself higher and to feel confidence in his past actions,
  conscious, too, of the admiration of the best and greatest men of Rome,
  openly took the lead in opposing the favorers of the people.  The colony
  was dispatched to Velitrae, those that were chosen by lot being
  compelled to depart upon high penalties; and when they obstinately
  persisted in refusing to enroll themselves for the Volscian service, he
  mustered up his own clients, and as many others as could be wrought upon
  by persuasion, and with these made an inroad into the territories of the
  Antiates, where, finding a considerable quantity of corn, and collecting
  much booty, both of cattle and prisoners, he reserved nothing for
  himself in private, but returned safe to Rome, while those that ventured
  out with him were seen laden with pillage, and driving their prey before
  them.  This sight filled those that had stayed at home with regret for
  their perverseness, with envy at their fortunate fellow-citizens, and
  with feelings of dislike to Marcius, and hostility to his growing
  reputation and power, which might probably be used against the popular
  interest.

  Not long after he stood for the consulship; when, however, the people
  began to relent and incline to favor him, being sensible what a shame it
  would be to repulse and affront a man of his birth and merit, after he
  had done them so many signal services.  It was usual for those who stood
  for offices among them to solicit and address themselves personally to
  the citizens, presenting themselves in the forum with the toga on alone,
  and no tunic under it; either to promote their supplications by the
  humility of their dress, or that such as had received wounds might more
  readily display those marks of their fortitude.  Certainly, it was not
  out of suspicion of bribery and corruption that they required all such
  petitioners for their favor to appear ungirt and open, without any close
  garment; as it was much later, and many ages after this, that buying and
  selling crept in at their elections, and money became an ingredient in
  the public suffrages; proceeding thence to attempt their tribunals, and
  even attack their camps, till, by hiring the valiant, and enslaving iron
  to silver, it grew master of the state, and turned their commonwealth
  into a monarchy.  For it was well and truly said that the first
  destroyer of the liberties of a people is he who first gave them
  bounties and largesses.  At Rome the mischief seems to have stolen
  secretly in, and by little and little, not being at once discerned and
  taken notice of.  It is not certainly known who the man was that did
  there first either bribe the citizens, or corrupt the courts; whereas,
  in Athens, Anytus, the son of Anthemion, is said to have been the first
  that gave money to the judges, when on his trial, toward the latter end
  of the Peloponnesian war, for letting the fort of Pylos fall into the
  hands of the enemy; in a period while the pure and golden race of men
  were still in possession of the Roman forum.

  Marcius, therefore, as the fashion of candidates was showing the scars
  and gashes that were still visible on his body, from the many conflicts
  in which he had signalized himself during a service of seventeen years
  together they were, so to say, put out of countenance at this display of
  merit, and told one another that they ought in common modesty to create
  him consul.  But when the day of election was now come, and Marcius
  appeared in the forum, with a pompous train of senators attending him;
  and the patricians all manifested greater concern, and seemed to be
  exerting greater efforts, than they had ever done before on the like
  occasion, the commons then fell off again from the kindness they had
  conceived for him, and in the place of their late benevolence, began to
  feel something of indignation and envy; passions assisted by the fear
  they entertained, that if a man of such aristocratic temper, and so
  influential among the patricians, should be invested with the power
  which that office would give him, he might employ it to deprive the
  people of all that liberty which was yet left them.  In conclusion, they
  rejected Marcius.  Two other names were announced, to the great
  mortification of the senators, who felt as if the indignity reflected
  rather upon themselves than on Marcius.  He, for his part, could not
  bear the affront with any patience.  He had always indulged his temper,
  and had regarded the proud and contentious element of human nature as a
  sort of nobleness and magnanimity; reason and discipline had not imbued
  him with that solidity and equanimity which enters so largely into the
  virtues of the statesman.  He had never learned how essential it is for
  any one who undertakes public business, and desires to deal with
  mankind, to avoid above all things that self-will, which, as Plato says,
  belongs to the family of solitude; and to pursue, above all things, that
  capacity so generally ridiculed, of submission to ill treatment.
  Marcius, straightforward and direct, and possessed with the idea that to
  vanquish and overbear all apposition is the true part of bravery, and
  never imagining that it was the weakness and womanishness of his nature
  that broke out, so to say, in these ulcerations of anger, retired, full
  of fury and bitterness against the people.  The young patricians, too,
  all that were proudest and most conscious of their noble birth, had
  always been devoted to his interest, and, adhering to him now, with a
  fidelity that did him no good, aggravated his resentment with the
  expression of their indignation and condolence.  He had been their
  captain, and their willing instructor in the arts of war, when out upon
  expeditions, and their model in that true emulation and love of
  excellence which makes men extol, without envy or jealousy, each other's
  brave achievements.

  In the midst of these distempers, a large quantity of corn reached Rome,
  a great part bought up in Italy, but an equal amount sent as a present
  from Syracuse, from Gelo, then reigning there.  Many began now to hope
  well of their affairs, supposing the city, by this means, would be
  delivered at once, both of its want and discord.  A council, therefore,
  being presently held, the people came flocking about the senate-house,
  eagerly awaiting the issue of that deliberation, expecting that the
  market prices would now be less cruel, and that what had come as a gift
  would be distributed as such.  There were some within who so advised the
  senate; but Marcius, standing up, sharply inveighed against those who
  spoke in favor of the multitude, calling them flatterers of the rabble
  traitors to the nobility, and alleging, that, by such gratifications,
  they did but cherish those ill seeds of boldness and petulance that had
  been sown among the people, to their own prejudice, which they should
  have done well to observe and stifle at their first appearance, and not
  have suffered the plebeians to grow so strong, by granting them
  magistrates of such authority as the tribunes.  They were, indeed, even
  now formidable to the state, since everything they desired was granted
  them; no constraint was put on their will; they refused obedience to the
  consuls, and, overthrowing all law and magistracy, gave the title of
  magistrate to their private factious leaders.  "When things are come to
  such a pass, for us to sit here and decree largesses and bounties for
  them, like those Greeks where the populace is supreme and absolute, what
  would it be else," said he, "but to take their disobedience into pay,
  and maintain it for the common ruin of us all?  They certainly cannot
  look upon these liberalities as a reward of public service, which they
  know they have so often deserted; nor yet of those secessions, by which
  they openly renounced their country; much less of the calumnies and
  slanders they have been always so ready to entertain against the senate;
  but will rather conclude that a bounty which seems to have no other
  visible cause or reason, must needs be the effect of our fear and
  flattery; and will, therefore, set no limit to their disobedience, nor
  ever cease from disturbances and sedition.  Concession is mere madness;
  if we have any wisdom and resolution at all, we shall, on the contrary,
  never rest till we have recovered from them that tribunician power they
  have extorted from us; as being a plain subversion of the consulship,
  and a perpetual ground of separation in our city, that is no longer one,
  as heretofore, but has in this received such a wound and rupture, as is
  never likely to close and unite again, or suffer us to be of one mind,
  and to give over inflaming our distempers, and being a torment to each
  other."

  Marcius, with much more to this purpose, succeeded, to an extraordinary
  degree, in inspiring the younger men with the same furious sentiments,
  and had almost all the wealthy on his side, who cried him up as the only
  person their city had, superior alike to force and flattery; some of the
  older men, however, opposed him, suspecting the consequences.  As,
  indeed, there came no good of it; for the tribunes, who were present,
  perceiving how the proposal of Marcius took, ran out into the crowd with
  exclamations, calling on the plebeians to stand together, and come in to
  their assistance.  The assembly met, and soon became tumultuous.  The
  sum of what Marcius had spoken, having been reported to the people,
  excited them to such fury, that they were ready to break in upon the
  senate.  The tribunes prevented this, by laying all the blame on
  Coriolanus, whom, therefore, they cited by their messengers to come
  before them, and defend himself.  And when he contemptuously repulsed
  the officers who brought him the summons, they came themselves, with the
  Aediles, or overseers of the market, proposing to carry him away by
  force, and, accordingly, began to lay hold on his person.  The
  patricians, however, coming to his rescue, not only thrust off the
  tribunes, but also beat the Aediles, that were their seconds in the
  quarrel; night, approaching, put an end to the contest.  But, as soon as
  it was day, the consuls, observing the people to be highly exasperated,
  and that they ran from all quarters and gathered in the forum, were
  afraid for the whole city, so that, convening the senate afresh, they
  desired them to advise how they might best compose and pacify the
  incensed multitude by equitable language and indulgent decrees; since,
  if they wisely considered the state of things, they would find that it
  was no time to stand upon terms of honor, and a mere point of glory;
  such a critical conjuncture called for gentle methods, and for temperate
  and humane counsels.  The majority, therefore, of the senators giving
  way, the consuls proceeded to pacify the people in the best manner they
  were able, answering gently to such imputations and charges as had been
  cast upon the senate, and using much tenderness and moderation in the
  admonitions and reproof they gave them.  On the point of the price of
  provisions, they said, there should be no difference at all between
  them.  When a great part of the commonalty was grown cool, and it
  appeared from their orderly and peaceful behavior that they had been
  very much appeased by what they had heard, the tribunes, standing up,
  declared, in the name of the people, that since the senate was pleased
  to act soberly and do them reason, they, likewise, should be ready to
  yield in all that was fair and equitable on their side; they must
  insist, however, that Marcius should give in his answer to the several
  charges as follows:  first, could he deny that he instigated the senate
  to overthrow the government and annul the privileges of the people? and,
  in the next place, when called to account for it, did he not disobey
  their summons? and, lastly, by the blows and other public affronts to
  the Aediles, had he not done all he could to commence a civil war?

  These articles were brought in against him, with a design either to
  humble Marcius, and show his submission if, contrary to his nature, he
  should now court and sue the people; or, if he should follow his natural
  disposition, which they rather expected from their judgment of his
  character, then that he might thus make the breach final between himself
  and the people.

  He came, therefore, as it were, to make his apology, and clear himself;
  in which belief the people kept silence, and gave him a quiet hearing.
  But when, instead of the submissive and deprecatory language expected
  from him, he began to use not only an offensive kind of freedom, seeming
  rather to accuse than apologize, but, as well by the tone of his voice
  as the air of his countenance, displayed a security that was not far
  from disdain and contempt of them, the whole multitude then became
  angry, and gave evident signs of impatience and disgust; and Sicinnius,
  the most violent of the tribunes, after a little private conference with
  his colleagues, proceeded solemnly to pronounce before them all, that
  Marcius was condemned to die by the tribunes of the people, and bid the
  Aediles take him to the Tarpeian rock, and without delay throw him
  headlong from the precipice.  When they, however, in compliance with the
  order, came to seize upon his body, many, even of the plebeian party,
  felt it to be a horrible and extravagant act; the patricians, meantime,
  wholly beside themselves with distress and horror, hurried up with cries
  to the rescue; and while some made actual use of their hands to hinder
  the arrest, and, surrounding Marcius, got him in among them, others, as
  in so great a tumult no good could be done by words, stretched out
  theirs, beseeching the multitude that they would not proceed to such
  furious extremities; and at length, the friends and acquaintance of the
  tribunes, wisely perceiving how impossible it would be to carry off
  Marcius to punishment without much bloodshed and slaughter of the
  nobility, persuaded them to forbear everything unusual and odious; not
  to dispatch him by any sudden violence, or without regular process, but
  refer the cause to the general suffrage of the people.  Sicinnius then,
  after a little pause, turning to the patricians, demanded what their
  meaning was, thus forcibly to rescue Marcius out of the people's hands,
  as they were going to punish him; when it was replied by them, on the
  other side, and the question put, "Rather, how came it into your minds,
  and what is it you design, thus to drag one of the worthiest men of
  Rome, without trial, to a barbarous and illegal execution?"  "Very
  well," said Sicinnius, "you shall have no ground in this respect for
  quarrel or complaint against the people.  The people grant your request,
  and your partisan shall be tried.  We appoint you, Marcius," directing
  his speech to him, "the third market-day ensuing, to appear and defend
  yourself, and to try if you can satisfy the Roman citizens of your
  innocence, who will then judge your case by vote."  The patricians were
  content with such a truce and respite for that time, and gladly returned
  home, having for the present brought off Marcius in safety.

  During the interval before the appointed time (for the Romans hold their
  sessions every ninth day, which from that cause are called nundinae in
  Latin), a war fell out with the Antiates, likely to be of some
  continuance, which gave them hope they might one way or other elude the
  judgment.  The people, they presumed, would become tractable, and their
  indignation lessen and languish by degrees in so long a space, if
  occupation and war did not wholly put it out of their mind.  But when,
  contrary to expectation, they made a speedy agreement with the people of
  Antium, and the army came back to Rome, the patricians were again in
  great perplexity, and had frequent meetings to consider how things might
  be arranged, without either abandoning Marcius, or yet giving occasion
  to the popular orators to create new disorders.  Appius Claudius, whom
  they counted among the senators most averse to the popular interest,
  made a solemn declaration, and told them beforehand, that the senate
  would utterly destroy itself and betray the government, if they should
  once suffer the people to assume the authority of pronouncing sentence
  upon any of the patricians; but the oldest senators and most favorable
  to the people maintained, on the other side, that the people would not
  be so harsh and severe upon them, as some were pleased to imagine, but
  rather become more gentle and humane upon the concession of that power,
  since it was not contempt of the senate, but the impression of being
  contemned by it, which made them pretend to such a prerogative.  Let
  that be once allowed them as a mark of respect and kind feeling, and the
  mere possession of this power of voting would at once dispossess them of
  their animosity.

  When, therefore, Marcius saw that the senate was in pain and suspense
  upon his account, divided, as it were, betwixt their kindness for him
  and their apprehensions from the people, he desired to know of the
  tribunes what the crimes were they intended to charge him with, and what
  the heads of the indictment they would oblige him to plead to before the
  people; and being told by them that he was to be impeached for
  attempting usurpation, and that they would prove him guilty of designing
  to establish arbitrary government, stepping forth upon this, "Let me go
  then," he said, "to clear myself from that imputation before an assembly
  of them; I freely offer myself to any sort of trial, nor do I refuse any
  kind of punishment whatsoever; only," he continued, "let what you now
  mention be really made my accusation, and do not you play false with the
  senate."  On their consenting to these terms, he came to his trial.  But
  when the people met together, the tribunes, contrary to all former
  practice, extorted first, that votes should be taken, not by centuries,
  but tribes; a change, by which the indigent and factious rabble, that
  had no respect for honesty and justice, would be sure to carry it
  against those who were rich and well known, and accustomed to serve the
  state in war.  In the next place, whereas they had engaged to prosecute
  Marcius upon no other head but that of tyranny, which could never be
  made out against him, they relinquished this plea, and urged instead,
  his language in the senate against an abatement of the price of corn,
  and for the overthrow of the tribunician power; adding further, as a new
  impeachment, the distribution that was made by him of the spoil and
  booty he had taken from the Antiates, when he overran their country,
  which he had divided among those that had followed him, whereas it ought
  rather to have been brought into the public treasury; which last
  accusation did, they say, more discompose Marcius than all the rest, as
  he had not anticipated he should ever be questioned on that subject,
  and, therefore, was less provided with any satisfactory answer to it on
  the sudden.  And when, by way of excuse, he began to magnify the merits
  of those who had been partakers with him in the action, those that had
  stayed at home, being more numerous than the other, interrupted him with
  outcries.  In conclusion, when they came to vote, a majority of three
  tribes condemned him; the penalty being perpetual banishment.  The
  sentence of his condemnation being pronounced, the people went away with
  greater triumph and exultation than they had ever shown for any victory
  over enemies; while the senate was in grief and deep dejection,
  repenting now and vexed to the soul that they had not done and suffered
  all things rather than give way to the insolence of the people, and
  permit them to assume and abuse so great an authority.  There was no need
  then to look at men's dresses, or other marks of distinction, to know
  one from another:  any one who was glad was, beyond all doubt, a
  plebeian; any one who looked sorrowful, a patrician.

  Marcius alone, himself, was neither stunned nor humiliated.  In mien,
  carriage, and countenance, he bore the appearance of entire composure,
  and while all his friends were full of distress, seemed the only man
  that was not touched with his misfortune.  Not that either reflection
  taught him, or gentleness of temper made it natural for him, to submit:
  he was wholly possessed, on the contrary, with a profound and deep-
  seated fury, which passes with many for no pain at all.  And pain, it is
  true, transmuted, so to say, by its own fiery heat into anger, loses
  every appearance of depression and feebleness; the angry man makes a
  show of energy, as the man in a high fever does of natural heat, while,
  in fact, all this action of the soul is but mere diseased palpitation,
  distention, and inflammation.  That such was his distempered state
  appeared presently plainly enough in his actions.  On his return home,
  after saluting his mother and his wife, who were all in tears and full
  of loud lamentations, and exhorting them to moderate the sense they had
  of his calamity, he proceeded at once to the city gates, whither all the
  nobility came to attend him; and so, not so much as taking anything
  with him, or making any request to the company, he departed from them,
  having only three or four clients with him.  He continued solitary for a
  few days in a place in the country, distracted with a variety of
  counsels, such as rage and indignation suggested to him; and proposing
  to himself no honorable or useful end, but only how he might best
  satisfy his revenge on the Romans, he resolved at length to raise up a
  heavy war against them from their nearest neighbors.  He determined,
  first to make trial of the Volscians, whom he knew to be still vigorous
  and flourishing, both in men and treasure, and he imagined their force
  and power was not so much abated, as their spite and auger increased, by
  the late overthrows they had received from the Romans.

  There was a man of Antium, called Tullus Aufidius, who, for his wealth
  and bravery and the splendor of his family, had the respect and
  privilege of a king among the Volscians, but whom Marcius knew to have a
  particular hostility to himself, above all other Romans.  Frequent
  menaces and challenges had passed in battle between them, and those
  exchanges of defiance to which their hot and eager emulation is apt to
  prompt young soldiers had added private animosity to their national
  feelings of opposition.  Yet for all this, considering Tullus to have a
  certain generosity of temper, and knowing that no Volscian, so much as
  he, desired an occasion to requite upon the Romans the evils they had
  done, he did what much confirms the saying, that

  Hard and unequal is with wrath the strife,
  Which makes us buy its pleasure with our life.

  Putting on such a dress as would make him appear to any whom he might
  meet most unlike what he really was, thus, like Ulysses, —

  The town he entered of his mortal foes.

  His arrival at Antium was about evening, and though several met him in
  the streets, yet he passed along without being known to any, and went
  directly to the house of Tullus, and, entering undiscovered, went up to
  the fire-hearth, and seated himself there without speaking a word,
  covering up his head.  Those of the family could not but wonder, and yet
  they were afraid either to raise or question him, for there was a
  certain air of majesty both in his posture and silence, but they
  recounted to Tullus, being then at supper, the strangeness of this
  accident.  He immediately rose from table and came in, and asked him who
  he was, and for what business he came thither; and then Marcius,
  unmuffling himself, and pausing awhile, "If," said he, "you cannot yet
  call me to mind, Tullus, or do not believe your eyes concerning me, I
  must of necessity be my own accuser.  I am Caius Marcius, the author of
  so much mischief to the Volscians; of which, were I seeking to deny it,
  the surname of Coriolanus I now bear would be a sufficient evidence
  against me.  The one recompense I received for all the hardships and
  perils I have gone through, was the title that proclaims my enmity to
  your nation, and this is the only thing which is still left me.  Of all
  other advantages, I have been stripped and deprived by the envy and
  outrage of the Roman people, and the cowardice and treachery of the
  magistrates and those of my own order.  I am driven out as an exile, and
  become an humble suppliant at your hearth, not so much for safety and
  protection (should I have come hither, had I been afraid to die?), as to
  seek vengeance against those that expelled me; which, methinks, I have
  already obtained, by putting myself into your hands.  If, therefore, you
  have really a mind to attack your enemies, come then, make use of that
  affliction you see me in to assist the enterprise, and convert my
  personal infelicity into a common blessing to the Volscians; as, indeed,
  I am likely to be more serviceable in fighting for than against you,
  with the advantage, which I now possess, of knowing all the secrets of
  the enemy that I am attacking.  But if you decline to make any further
  attempts, I am neither desirous to live myself, nor will it be well in
  you to preserve a person who has been your rival and adversary of old,
  and now, when he offers you his service, appears unprofitable and
  useless to you."

  Tullus, on hearing this, was extremely rejoiced, and giving him his
  right hand, exclaimed, "Rise, Marcius, and be of good courage; it is a
  great happiness you bring to Antium, in the present you make us of
  yourself; expect everything that is good from the Volscians."  He then
  proceeded to feast and entertain him with every display of kindness, and
  for several days after they were in close deliberation together on the
  prospects of a war.

  While this design was forming, there were great troubles and commotions
  at Rome, from the animosity of the senators against the people,
  heightened just now by the late condemnation of Marcius.  Besides that,
  their soothsayers and priests, and even private persons, reported
  signs and prodigies not to be neglected; one of which is stated to have
  occurred as follows:  Titus Latinus, a man of ordinary condition, but
  of a quiet and virtuous character, free from all superstitious fancies,
  and yet more from vanity and exaggeration, had an apparition in his
  sleep, as if Jupiter came and bade him tell the senate, that it was with
  a bad and unacceptable dancer that they had headed his procession.
  Having beheld the vision, he said, he did not much attend to it at the
  first appearance; but after he had seen and slighted it a second and
  third time, he had lost a hopeful son, and was himself struck with
  palsy.  He was brought into the senate on a litter to tell this, and the
  story goes, that he had no sooner delivered his message there, but he at
  once felt his strength return, and got upon his legs, and went home
  alone, without need of any support.  The senators, in wonder and
  surprise, made a diligent search into the matter.  That which his dream
  alluded to was this:  some citizen had, for some heinous offense, given
  up a servant of his to the rest of his fellows, with charge to whip him
  first through the market, and then to kill him; and while they were
  executing this command, and scourging the wretch, who screwed and turned
  himself into all manner of shapes and unseemly motions, through the pain
  he was in, the solemn procession in honor of Jupiter chanced to follow
  at their heels.  Several of the attendants on which were, indeed,
  scandalized at the sight, yet no one of them interfered, or acted
  further in the matter than merely to utter some common reproaches and
  execrations on a master who inflicted so cruel a punishment.  For the
  Romans treated their slaves with great humanity in these times, when,
  working and laboring themselves, and living together among them, they
  naturally were more gentle and familiar with them.  It was one of the
  severest punishments for a slave who had committed a fault, to have to
  take the piece of wood which supports the pole of a wagon, and carry it
  about through the neighborhood; a slave who had once undergone the shame
  of this, and been thus seen by the household and the neighbors, had no
  longer any trust or credit among them, and had the name of furcifer;
  furca being the Latin word for a prop, or support.

  When, therefore, Latinus had related his dream, and the senators were
  considering who this disagreeable and ungainly dancer could be, some of
  the company, having been struck with the strangeness of the punishment,
  called to mind and mentioned the miserable slave who was lashed through
  the streets and afterward put to death.  The priests, when consulted,
  confirmed the conjecture; the master was punished; and orders given for
  a new celebration of the procession and the spectacles in honor of the
  god.  Numa, in other respects also a wise arranger of religious offices,
  would seem to have been especially judicious in his direction, with a
  view to the attentiveness of the people, that, when the magistrates or
  priests performed any divine worship, a herald should go before, and
  proclaim with a loud voice, Hoc age, Do this you are about, and so warn
  them to mind whatever sacred action they were engaged in, and not suffer
  any business or worldly avocation to disturb and interrupt it; most of
  the things which men do of this kind, being in a manner forced from
  them, and effected by constraint.  It is usual with the Romans to
  recommence their sacrifices and processions and spectacles, not only
  upon such a cause as this, but for any slighter reason.  If but one of
  the horses which drew the chariots called Tensae, upon which the images
  of their gods were placed, happened to fail and falter, or if the driver
  took hold of the reins with his left hand, they would decree that the
  whole operation should commence anew; and, in latter ages, one and the
  same sacrifice was performed thirty times over, because of the
  occurrence of some defect or mistake or accident in the service.  Such
  was the Roman reverence and caution in religious matters.

  Marcius and Tullus were now secretly discoursing of their project with
  the chief men of Antium, advising them to invade the Romans while they
  were at variance among themselves.  And when shame appeared to hinder
  them from embracing the motion, as they had sworn to a truce and
  cessation of arms for the space of two years, the Romans themselves soon
  furnished them with a pretense, by making proclamation, out of some
  jealousy or slanderous report, in the midst of the spectacles, that all
  the Volscians who had come to see them should depart the city before
  sunset.  Some affirm that this was a contrivance of Marcius, who sent a
  man privately to the consuls, falsely to accuse the Volscians of
  intending to fall upon the Romans during the games, and to set the city
  on fire.  This public affront roused and inflamed their hostility to the
  Romans, and Tullus, perceiving it, made his advantage of it, aggravating
  the fact, and working on their indignation, till he persuaded them, at
  last, to dispatch ambassadors to Rome, requiring the Romans to restore
  that part of their country and those towns which they had taken from the
  Volscians in the late war.  When the Romans heard the message, they
  indignantly replied, that the Volscians were the first that took up
  arms, but the Romans would be the last to lay them down.  This answer
  being brought back, Tullus called a general assembly of the Volscians;
  and the vote passing for a war, he then proposed that they should call
  in Marcius, laying aside the remembrance of former grudges, and
  assuring themselves that the services they should now receive from him
  as a friend and associate, would abundantly outweigh any harm or damage
  he had done them when he was their enemy.  Marcius was accordingly
  summoned, and having made his entrance, and spoken to the people, won
  their good opinion of his capacity, his skill, counsel, and boldness,
  not less by his present words than by his past actions.  They joined him
  in commission with Tullus, to have full power as general of their forces
  in all that related to the war.  And he, fearing lest the time that
  would be requisite to bring all the Volscians together in full
  preparation might be so long as to lose him the opportunity of action,
  left order with the chief persons and magistrates of the city to provide
  other things, while he himself, prevailing upon the most forward to
  assemble and march out with him as volunteers without staying to be
  enrolled, made a sudden inroad into the Roman confines, when nobody
  expected him, and possessed himself of so much booty, that the Volscians
  found they had more than they could either carry away or use in the
  camp.  The abundance of provision which he gained, and the waste and
  havoc of the country which he made, were, however, of themselves and in
  his account, the smallest results of that invasion; the great mischief
  he intended, and his special object in all, was to increase at Rome the
  suspicions entertained of the patricians, and to make them upon worse
  terms with the people.  With this view, while spoiling all the fields
  and destroying the property of other men, he took special care to
  preserve their farms and lands untouched, and would not allow his
  soldiers to ravage there, or seize upon anything which belonged to
  them.  From hence their invectives and quarrels against one another
  broke out afresh, and rose to a greater height than ever; the senators
  reproaching those of the commonalty with their late injustice to
  Marcius; while the plebeians, on their side, did not hesitate to accuse
  them of having, out of spite and revenge, solicited him to this
  enterprise, and thus, when others were involved in the miseries of a war
  by their means, they sat like unconcerned spectators, as being furnished
  with a guardian and protector abroad of their wealth and fortunes, in
  the very person of the public enemy.  After this incursion and exploit,
  which was of great advantage to the Volscians, as they learned by it to
  grow more hardy and to contemn their enemy, Marcius drew them off, and
  returned in safety.

  But when the whole strength of the Volscians was brought together into
  the field, with great expedition and alacrity, it appeared so
  considerable a body, that they agreed to leave part in garrison, for the
  security of their towns, and with the other part to march against the
  Romans.  Marcius now desired Tullus to choose which of the two charges
  would be most agreeable to him.  Tullus answered, that since he knew
  Marcius to be equally valiant with himself, and far more fortunate, he
  would have him take the command of those that were going out to the war,
  while he made it his care to defend their cities at home, and provide
  all conveniences for the army abroad.  Marcius thus reinforced, and much
  stronger than before, moved first towards the city called Circaeum, a
  Roman colony.  He received its surrender, and did the inhabitants no
  injury; passing thence, he entered and laid waste the country of the
  Latins, where he expected the Romans would meet him, as the Latins were
  their confederates and allies, and had often sent to demand succors from
  them.  The people, however, on their part, showing little inclination
  for the service, and the consuls themselves being unwilling to run the
  hazard of a battle, when the time of their office was almost ready to
  expire, they dismissed the Latin ambassadors without any effect; so that
  Marcius, finding no army to oppose him, marched up to their cities, and,
  having taken by force Toleria, Lavici, Peda, and Bola, all of which
  offered resistance, not only plundered their houses, but made a prey
  likewise of their persons.  Meantime, he showed particular regard for
  all such as came over to his party, and, for fear they might sustain any
  damage against his will, encamped at the greatest distance he could, and
  wholly abstained from the lands of their property.

  After, however, that he had made himself master of Bola, a town not
  above ten miles from Rome, where he found great treasure, and put almost
  all the adults to the sword; and when, on this, the other Volscians that
  were ordered to stay behind and protect their cities, hearing of his
  achievements and success, had not patience to remain any longer at home,
  but came hastening in their arms to Marcius, saying that he alone was
  their general and the sole commander they would own; with all this, his
  name and renown spread throughout all Italy, and universal wonder
  prevailed at the sudden and mighty revolution in the fortunes of two
  nations which the loss and the accession of a single man had effected.

  All at Rome was in great disorder; they were utterly averse from
  fighting, and spent their whole time in cabals and disputes and
  reproaches against each other; until news was brought that the enemy had
  laid close siege to Lavinium, where were the images and sacred things of
  their tutelar gods, and from whence they derived the origin of their
  nation, that being the first city which Aeneas built in Italy.  These
  tidings produced a change as universal as it was extraordinary in the
  thoughts inclinations of the people, but occasioned a yet stranger
  revulsion of feeling among the patricians.  The people now were for
  repealing the sentence against Marcius, an calling him back into the
  city; whereas the senate, being assembled to preconsider the decree,
  opposed and finally rejected the proposal, either out of the mere humor
  of contradicting and withstanding the people in whatever they should
  desire, or because they were unwilling, perhaps, that he should owe his
  restoration to their kindness or having now conceived a displeasure
  against Marcius himself, who was bringing distress upon all alike,
  though he had not been ill treated by all, and was become, declared
  enemy to his whole country, though he knew well enough that the
  principal and all the better men condoled with him, and suffered in his
  injuries.

  This resolution of theirs being made public, the people could proceed no
  further, having no authority to pass anything by suffrage, and enact it
  for a law, without a previous decree from the senate.  When Marcius
  heard of this, he was more exasperated than ever, and, quitting the
  seige of Lavinium, marched furiously towards Rome, and encamped at a
  place called the Cluilian ditches, about five miles from the city.  The
  nearness of his approach did, indeed, create much terror and
  disturbance, yet it also ended their dissensions for the present; as
  nobody now, whether consul or senator, durst any longer contradict the
  people in their design of recalling Marcius but, seeing their women
  running affrighted up and down the streets, and the old men at prayer in
  every temple with tears and supplications, and that, in short, there was
  a general absence among them both of courage and wisdom to provide for
  their own safety, they came at last to be all of one mind, that the
  people had been in the right to propose as they did a reconciliation
  with Marcius, and that the senate was guilty of a fatal error to begin a
  quarrel with him when it was a time to forget offenses, and they should
  have studied rather to appease him.  It was, therefore, unanimously
  agreed by all parties, that ambassadors should be dispatched, offering
  him return to his country, and desiring he would free them from the
  terrors and distresses of the war.  The persons sent by the senate with
  this message were chosen out of his kindred and acquaintance, who
  naturally expected a very kind reception at their first interview, upon
  the score of that relation and their old familiarity and friendship with
  him; in which, however, they were much mistaken.  Being led through the
  enemy's camp, they found him sitting in state amidst the chief men of
  the Volscians, looking insupportably proud and arrogant.  He bade them
  declare the cause of their coming, which they did in the most gentle and
  tender terms, and with a behavior suitable to their language.  When they
  had made an end of speaking, he returned them a sharp answer, full of
  bitterness and angry resentment, as to what concerned himself, and the
  ill usage he had received from them; but as general of the Volscians, he
  demanded restitution of the cities and the lands which had been seized
  upon during the late war, and that the same rights and franchises should
  be granted them at Rome, which had been before accorded to the Latins;
  since there could be no assurance that a peace would be firm and
  lasting, without fair and just conditions on both sides.  He allowed
  them thirty days to consider and resolve.

  The ambassadors being departed, he withdrew his forces out of the Roman
  territory.  This, those of the Volscians who had long envied his
  reputation, and could not endure to see the influence he had with the
  people laid hold of, as the first matter of complaint against him.  Among
  them was also Tullus himself, not for any wrong done him personally by
  Marcius, but through the weakness incident to human nature.  He could
  not help feeling mortified to find his own glory thus totally obscured,
  and himself overlooked and neglected now by the Volscians, who had so
  great an opinion of their new leader that he alone was all to them,
  while other captains, they thought, should be content with that share of
  power, which he might think fit to accord.  From hence the first seeds
  of complaint and accusation were scattered about in secret, and the
  malcontents met and heightened each other's indignation, saying, that to
  retreat as he did was in effect to betray and deliver up, though not
  their cities and their arms, yet what was as bad, the critical times and
  opportunities for action, on which depend the preservation or the loss
  of everything else; since in less than thirty days' space, for which he
  had given a respite from the war, there might happen the greatest
  changes in the world.  Yet Marcius spent not any part of the time idly,
  but attacked the confederates of the enemy ravaged their land, and took
  from them seven great and populous cities in that interval.  The Romans,
  in the meanwhile, durst not venture out to their relief; but were
  utterly fearful, and showed no more disposition or capacity for action,
  than if their bodies had been struck with a palsy, and become destitute
  of sense and motion.  But when the thirty days were expired, and Marcius
  appeared again with his whole army, they sent another embassy- to
  beseech him that he would moderate his displeasure, and would withdraw
  the Volscian army, and then make any proposals he thought best for both
  parties; the Romans would make no concessions to menaces, but if it
  were his opinion that the Volscians ought to have any favor shown them,
  upon laying down their arms they might obtain all they could in reason
  desire.

  The reply of Marcius was, that he should make no answer to this as
  general of the Volscians, but, in the quality still of a Roman citizen,
  he would advise and exhort them, as the case stood, not to carry it so
  high, but think rather of just compliance, and return to him, before
  three days were at an end, with a ratification of his previous demands;
  otherwise, they must understand that they could not have any further
  freedom of passing through his camp upon idle errands.

  When the ambassadors were come back, and had acquainted the senate with
  the answer, seeing the whole state now threatened as it were by a
  tempest, and the waves ready to overwhelm them, they were forced, as we
  say in extreme perils, to let down the sacred anchor.  A decree was
  made, that the whole order of their priests, those who initiated in the
  mysteries or had the custody of them, and those who, according to the
  ancient practice of the country, divined from birds, should all and
  every one of them go in full procession to Marcius with their pontifical
  array, and the dress and habit which they respectively used in their
  several functions, and should urge him, as before, to withdraw his
  forces, and then treat with his countrymen in favor of the Volscians.
  He consented so far, indeed, as to give the deputation an admittance
  into his camp, but granted nothing at all, nor so much as expressed
  himself more mildly; but, without capitulating or receding, bade them
  once for all choose whether they would yield or fight, since the old
  terms were the only terms of peace.  When this solemn application proved
  ineffectual, the priests, too, returning unsuccessful, they determined to
  sit still within the city, and keep watch about their walls, intending
  only to repulse the enemy, should he offer to attack them, and placing
  their hopes chiefly in time and in extraordinary accidents of fortune;
  as to themselves, they felt incapable of doing any thing for their own
  deliverance; mere confusion and terror and ill-boding reports possessed
  the whole city; till at last a thing happened not unlike what we so
  often find represented, without, however, being accepted as true by
  people in general, in Homer.  On some great and unusual occasion we find
  him say: —

  But him the blue-eyed goddess did inspire;

  and elsewhere: —

  But some immortal turned my mind away,
  To think what others of the deed would say;

  and again: —

  Were 't his own thought or were 't a god's command.

  People are apt, in such passages, to censure and disregard the poet, as
  if, by the introduction of mere impossibilities and idle fictions, he
  were denying the action of a man's own deliberate thought and free
  choice; which is not, in the least, the case in Homer's representation,
  where the ordinary, probable, and habitual conclusions that common
  reason leads to are continually ascribed to our own direct agency.  He
  certainly says frequently enough: —

  But I consulted with my own great soul;

  or, as in another passage: —

  He spoke.  Achilles, with quick pain possessed,
  Revolved two purposes in his strong breast;

  and in a third: —

  — Yet never to her wishes won
  The just mind of the brave Bellerophon.

  But where the act is something out of the way and extraordinary, and
  seems in a manner to demand some impulse of divine possession and sudden
  inspiration to account for it here he does introduce divine agency, not
  to destroy, but to prompt the human will; not to create in us another
  agency, but offering images to stimulate our own; images that in no sort
  or kind make our action involuntary, but give occasion rather to
  spontaneous action, aided and sustained by feelings of confidence and
  hope.  For either we must totally dismiss and exclude divine influences
  from every kind of causality and origination in what we do, or else what
  other way can we conceive in which divine aid and cooperation can act?
  Certainly we cannot suppose that the divine beings actually and
  literally turn our bodies and direct our hands and our feet this way or
  that, to do what is right:  it is obvious that they must actuate the
  practical and elective element of our nature, by certain initial
  occasions, by images presented to the imagination, and thoughts
  suggested to the mind, such either as to excite it to, or avert and
  withhold it from, any particular course.

  In the perplexity which I have described, the Roman women went, some to
  other temples, but the greater part, and the ladies of highest rank, to
  the altar of Jupiter Capitolinus.  Among these suppliants was Valeria,
  sister to the great Poplicola, who did the Romans eminent service both
  in peace and war.  Poplicola himself was now deceased, as is told in the
  history of his life; but Valeria lived still, and enjoyed great respect
  and honor at Rome, her life and conduct no way disparaging her birth.
  She, suddenly seized with the sort of instinct or emotion of mind which
  I have described, and happily lighting, not without divine guidance,
  on the right expedient, both rose herself, and bade the others rise,
  and went directly with them to the house of Volumnia, the mother of
  Marcius.  And coming in and finding her sitting with her daughter-in-
  law, and with her little grandchildren on her lap, Valeria, then
  surrounded by her female companions, spoke in the name of them all:—

  "We that now make our appearance, O Volumnia, and you, Vergilia, are
  come as mere women to women, not by direction of the senate, or an order
  from the consuls, or the appointment of any other magistrate; but the
  divine being himself, as I conceive, moved to compassion by prayers,
  prompted us to visit you in a body, and request a thing on which our own
  and the common safety depends, and which, if you consent to it, will
  raise your glory above that of the daughters of the Sabines, who won
  over their fathers and their husbands from mortal enmity to peace and
  friendship.  Arise and come with us to Marcius; join in our
  supplication, and bear for your country this true and just testimony on
  her behalf:  that, notwithstanding the many mischiefs that have been
  done her, yet she has never outraged you, nor so much as thought of
  treating you ill, in all her resentment, but does now restore you safe
  into his hands, though there be small likelihood she should obtain from
  him any equitable terms."

  The words of Valeria were seconded by the acclamations of the other
  women, to which Volumnia made answer:—

  "I and Vergilia, my countrywomen, have an equal share with you all in
  the common miseries, and we have the additional sorrow, which is wholly
  ours, that we have lost the merit and good fame of Marcius, and see his
  person confined, rather than protected, by the arms of the enemy.  Yet I
  account this the greatest of all misfortunes, if indeed the affairs of
  Rome be sunk to so feeble a state as to have their last dependence upon
  us.  For it is hardly imaginable he should have any consideration left
  for us, when he has no regard for the country which he was wont to
  prefer before his mother and wife and children.  Make use, however, of
  our service; and lead us, if you please, to him; we are able, if nothing
  more, at least to spend our last breath in making suit to him for our
  country."

  Having spoken thus, she took Vergilia by the hand, and the young
  children, and so accompanied them to the Volscian camp.  So lamentable a
  sight much affected the enemies themselves, who viewed them in
  respectful silence.  Marcius was then sitting in his place, with his
  chief officers about him, and, seeing the party of women advance toward
  them, wondered what should be the matter; but perceiving at length that
  his mother was at the head of them, he would fain have hardened himself
  in his former inexorable temper, but, overcome by his feelings, and
  confounded at what he saw, he did not endure they should approach him
  sitting in state, but came down hastily to meet them, saluting his
  mother first, and embracing her a long time, and then his wife and
  children, sparing neither tears nor caresses, but suffering himself to
  be borne away and carried headlong, as it were, by the impetuous
  violence of his passion.

  When he had satisfied himself, and observed that his mother Volumnia was
  desirous to say something, the Volscian council being first called in,
  he heard her to the following effect:  "Our dress and our very persons,
  my son, might tell you, though we should say nothing ourselves, in how
  forlorn a condition we have lived at home since your banishment and
  absence from us; and now consider with yourself, whether we may not pass
  for the most unfortunate of all women, to have that sight, which should
  be the sweetest that we could see, converted, through I know not what
  fatality, to one of all others the most formidable and dreadful, —
  Volumnia to behold her son, and Vergilia her husband, in arms against
  the walls of Rome.  Even prayer itself, whence others gain comfort and
  relief in all manner of misfortunes, is that which most adds to our
  confusion and distress; since our best wishes are inconsistent with
  themselves, nor can we at the same time petition the gods for Rome's
  victory and your preservation, but what the worst of our enemies would
  imprecate as a curse, is the very object of our vows.  Your wife and
  children are under the sad necessity, that they must either be deprived
  of you, or of their native soil.  As for myself, I am resolved not to
  wait till war shall determine this alternative for me; but if I cannot
  prevail with you to prefer amity and concord to quarrel and hostility,
  and to be the benefactor to both parties, rather than the destroyer of
  one of them, be assured of this from me, and reckon steadfastly upon it,
  that you shall not be able to reach your country, unless you trample
  first upon the corpse of her that brought you into life.  For it will be
  ill in me to wait and loiter in the world till the day come wherein I
  shall see a child of mine, either led in triumph by his own countrymen,
  or triumphing over them.  Did I require you to save your country by
  ruining the Volscians, then, I confess, my son, the case would be hard
  for you to solve.  It is base to bring destitution on our fellow-
  citizens; it is unjust to betray those who have placed their confidence
  in us.  But, as it is, we do but desire a deliverance equally expedient
  for them and us; only more glorious and honorable on the Volscian side,
  who, as superior in arms, will be thought freely to bestow the two
  greatest of blessings, peace and friendship, even when they themselves
  receive the same.  If we obtain these, the common thanks will be chiefly
  due to you as the principal cause; but if they be not granted, you alone
  must expect to bear the blame from both nations.  The chance of all war
  is uncertain, yet thus much is certain in the present, that you, by
  conquering Rome, will only get the reputation of having undone your
  country; but if the Volscians happen to be defeated under your conduct,
  then the world will say, that, to satisfy a revengeful humor, you
  brought misery on your friends and patrons."

  Marcius listened to his mother while she spoke, without answering her a
  word; and Volumnia, seeing him stand mute also for a long time after she
  had ceased, resumed:  "O my son," said she, "what is the meaning of this
  silence?  Is it a duty to postpone everything to a sense of injuries,
  and wrong to gratify a mother in a request like this?  Is it the
  characteristic of a great man to remember wrongs that have been done
  him, and not the part of a great and good man to remember benefits such
  as those that children receive from parents, and to requite them with
  honor and respect?  You, methinks, who are so relentless in the
  punishment of the ungrateful, should not be more careless than others to
  be grateful yourself.  You have punished your country already; you have
  not yet paid your debt to me.  Nature and religion, surely, unattended
  by any constraint, should have won your consent to petitions so worthy
  and so just as these; but if it must be so, I will even use my last
  resource."  Having said this, she threw herself down at his feet, as did
  also his wife and children; upon which Marcius, crying out, "O mother!
  what is it you have done to me?" raised her up from the ground, and
  pressing her right hand with more than ordinary vehemence, "You have
  gained a victory," said he, "fortunate enough for the Romans, but
  destructive to your son; whom you, though none else, have defeated."
  After which, and a little private conference with his mother and his
  wife, he sent them back again to Rome, as they desired of him.

  The next morning, he broke up his camp, and led the Volscians homeward,
  variously affected with what he had done; some of them complaining of
  him and condemning his act, others, who were inclined to a peaceful
  conclusion, unfavorable to neither.  A third party, while much disliking
  his proceedings, yet could not look upon Marcius as a treacherous
  person, but thought it pardonable in him to be thus shaken and driven to
  surrender at last, under such compulsion.  None, however, opposed his
  commands; they all obediently followed him, though rather from
  admiration of his virtue, than any regard they now had to his authority.
  The Roman people, meantime, more effectually manifested how much fear
  and danger they had been in while the war lasted, by their deportment
  after they were freed from it.  Those that guarded the walls had no
  sooner given notice that the Volscians were dislodged and drawn off, but
  they set open all their temples in a moment, and began to crown
  themselves with garlands and prepare for sacrifice, as they were wont to
  do upon tidings brought of any signal victory.  But the joy and
  transport of the whole city was chiefly remarkable in the honors and
  marks of affection paid to the women, as well by the senate as the
  people in general; every one declaring that they were, beyond all
  question, the instruments of the public safety.  And the senate having
  passed a decree that whatsoever they would ask in the way of any favor
  or honor should be allowed and done for them by the magistrates, they
  demanded simply that a temple might be erected to Female Fortune, the
  expense of which they offered to defray out of their own contributions,
  if the city would be at the cost of sacrifices, and other matters
  pertaining to the due honor of the gods, out of the common treasury.
  The senate, much commending their public spirit, caused the temple to be
  built and a statue set up in it at the public charge; they, however,
  made up a sum among themselves, for a second image of Fortune, which
  the Romans say uttered, as it was putting up, words to this effect,
  "Blessed of the gods, O women, is your gift."

  These words they profess were repeated a second time, expecting our
  belief for what seems pretty nearly an impossibility.  It may be
  possible enough, that statues may seem to sweat, and to run with tears,
  and to stand with certain dewy drops of a sanguine color; for timber and
  stones are frequently known to contract a kind of scurf and rottenness,
  productive of moisture; and various tints may form on the surfaces, both
  from within and from the action of the air outside; and by these signs
  it is not absurd to imagine that the deity may forewarn us.  It may
  happen, also, that images and statues may sometimes make a noise not
  unlike that of a moan or groan, through a rupture or violent internal
  separation of the parts; but that an articulate voice, and such express
  words, and language so clear and exact and elaborate, should proceed
  from inanimate things, is, in my judgment, a thing utterly out of
  possibility.  For it was never known that either the soul of man, or the
  deity himself, uttered vocal sounds and language, alone, without an
  organized body and members fitted for speech.  But where history seems
  in a manner to force our assent by the concurrence of numerous and
  credible witnesses, we are to conclude that an impression distinct from
  sensation affects the imaginative part of our nature, and then carries
  away the judgment, so as to believe it to be a sensation:  just as in
  sleep we fancy we see and hear, without really doing either.  Persons,
  however, whose strong feelings of reverence to the deity, and tenderness
  for religion, will not allow them to deny or invalidate anything of
  this kind, have certainly a strong argument for their faith, in the
  wonderful and transcendent character of the divine power; which admits
  no manner of comparison with ours, either in its nature or its action,
  the modes or the strength of its operations.  It is no contradiction to
  reason that it should do things that we cannot do, and effect what for
  us is impracticable:  differing from us in all respects, in its acts yet
  more than in other points we may well believe it to be unlike us and
  remote from us.  Knowledge of divine things for the most part, as
  Heraclitus says, is lost to us by incredulity.

  When Marcius came back to Antium, Tullus, who thoroughly hated and
  greatly feared him, proceeded at once to contrive how he might
  immediately dispatch him; as, if he escaped now, he was never likely to
  give him such another advantage.  Having, therefore, got together and
  suborned several partisans against him, he required Marcius to resign
  his charge, and give the Volscians all account of his administration.
  He, apprehending the danger of a private condition, while Tullus held
  the office of general and exercised the greatest power among his fellow-
  citizens, made answer, that he was ready to lay down his commission,
  whenever those from whose common authority he had received it, should
  think fit to recall it; and that in the meantime he was ready to give
  the Antiates satisfaction, as to all particulars of his conduct, if they
  were desirous of it.

  An assembly was called, and popular speakers, as had been concerted,
  came forward to exasperate and incense the multitude; but when Marcius
  stood up to answer, the more unruly and tumultuous part of the people
  became quiet on a sudden, and out of reverence allowed him to speak
  without the least disturbance; while all the better people, and such as
  were satisfied with a peace, made it evident by their whole behavior,
  that they would give him a favorable hearing, and judge and pronounce
  according to equity.

  Tullus, therefore, began to dread the issue of the defense he was going
  to make for himself; for he was an admirable speaker, and the former
  services he had done the Volscians had procured and still preserved for
  him greater kindness than could be outweighed by any blame for his late
  conduct.  Indeed, the very accusation itself was a proof and testimony
  of the greatness of his merits, since people could never have complained
  or thought themselves wronged, because Rome was not brought into their
  power, but that by his means they had come so near to taking it.  For
  these reasons, the conspirators judged it prudent not to make any
  further delays, nor to test the general feeling; but the boldest of
  their faction, crying out that they ought not to listen to a traitor,
  nor allow him still to retain office and play the tyrant among them,
  fell upon Marcius in a body, and slew him there, none of those that were
  present offering to defend him.  But it quickly appeared that the action
  was in nowise approved by the majority of the Volscians, who hurried out
  of their several cities to show respect to his corpse; to which they
  gave honorable interment, adorning his sepulchre with arms and trophies,
  as the monument of a noble hero and a famous general.  When the Romans
  heard tidings of his death, they gave no other signification either of
  honor or of anger towards him, but simply granted the request of the
  women, that they might put themselves into mourning and bewail him for
  ten months, as the usage was upon the loss of a father or a son or a
  brother; that being the period fixed for the longest lamentation by the
  laws of Numa Pompilius, as is more amply told in the account of him.

  Marcius was no sooner deceased, but the Volscians felt the need of his
  assistance.  They quarreled first with the Aequians, their confederates
  and their friends, about the appointment of the general of their joint
  forces, and carried their dispute to the length of bloodshed and
  slaughter; and were then defeated by the Romans in a pitched battle,
  where not only Tullus lost his life, but the principal flower of their
  whole army was cut in pieces; so that they were forced to submit and
  accept of peace upon very dishonorable terms, becoming subjects of Rome,
  and pledging themselves to submission.





COMPARISON OF ALCIBIADES WITH CORIOLANUS

  Having described all their actions that seem to deserve commemoration,
  their military ones, we may say, incline the balance very decidedly upon
  neither side.  They both, in pretty equal measure, displayed on numerous
  occasions the daring and courage of the soldier, and the skill and
  foresight of the general; unless, indeed, the fact that Alcibiades was
  victorious and successful in many contests both by sea and land, ought
  to gain him the title of a more complete commander.  That so long as
  they remained and held command in their respective countries, they
  eminently sustained, and when they were driven into exile, yet more
  eminently damaged the fortunes of those countries, is common to both.
  All the sober citizens felt disgust at the petulance, the low flattery,
  and base seductions which Alcibiades, in his public life, allowed
  himself to employ with the view of winning the people's favor; and the
  ungraciousness, pride, and oligarchical haughtiness which Marcius, on
  the other hand, displayed in his, were the abhorrence of the Roman
  populace.  Neither of these courses can be called commendable; but a man
  who ingratiates himself by indulgence and flattery, is hardly so
  censurable as one who, to avoid the appearance of flattering, insults.
  To seek power by servility to the people is a disgrace, but to maintain
  it by terror, violence, and oppression, is not a disgrace only, but an
  injustice.

  Marcius, according to our common conceptions of his character, was
  undoubtedly simple and straightforward; Alcibiades, unscrupulous as a
  public man, and false.  He is more especially blamed for the
  dishonorable and treacherous way in which, as Thucydides relates, he
  imposed upon the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, and disturbed the
  continuance of the peace.  Yet this policy, which engaged the city again
  in war, nevertheless placed it in a powerful and formidable position, by
  the accession, which Alcibiades obtained for it, of the alliance of
  Argos and Mantinea.  And Coriolanus also, Dionysius relates, used unfair
  means to excite war between the Romans and the Volscians, in the false
  report which he spread about the visitors at the Games; and the motive
  of this action seems to make it the worse of the two; since it was not
  done, like the other, out of ordinary political jealousy, strife, and
  competition.  Simply to gratify anger, from which, as Ion says, no one
  ever yet got any return, he threw whole districts of Italy into
  confusion, and sacrificed to his passion against his country numerous
  innocent cities.  It is true, indeed, that Alcibiades also, by his
  resentment, was the occasion of great disasters to his country, but he
  relented as soon as he found their feelings to be changed; and after he
  was driven out a second time, so far from taking pleasure in the errors
  and inadvertencies of their commanders, or being indifferent to the
  danger they were thus incurring, he did the very thing that Aristides is
  so highly commended for doing to Themistocles: he came to the generals
  who were his enemies, and pointed out to them what they ought to do.
  Coriolanus, on the other hand, first of all attacked the whole body of
  his countrymen, though only one portion of them had done him any wrong,
  while the other, the better and nobler portion, had actually suffered,
  as well as sympathized, with him.  And, secondly, by the obduracy with
  which he resisted numerous embassies and supplications, addressed in
  propitiation of his single anger and offense, he showed that it had been
  to destroy and overthrow, not to recover and regain his country, that he
  had excited bitter and implacable hostilities against it.  There is,
  indeed, one distinction that may be drawn.  Alcibiades, it may be said,
  was not safe among the Spartans, and had the inducements at once of fear
  and of hatred to lead him again to Athens; whereas Marcius could not
  honorably have left the Volscians, when they were behaving so well to
  him: he, in the command of their forces and the enjoyment of their
  entire confidence, was in a very different position from Alcibiades,
  whom the Lacedaemonians did not so much wish to adopt into their
  service, as to use, and then abandon.  Driven about from house to house
  in the city, and from general to general in the camp, the latter had no
  resort but to place himself in the hands of Tisaphernes; unless, indeed,
  we are to suppose that his object in courting favor with him was to
  avert the entire destruction of his native city, whither he wished
  himself to return.

  As regards money, Alcibiades, we are told, was often guilty of procuring
  it by accepting bribes, and spent it in in luxury and dissipation.
  Coriolanus declined to receive it, even when pressed upon him by his
  commanders as all honor; and one great reason for the odium he incurred
  with the populace in the discussions about their debts was, that he
  trampled upon the poor, not for money's sake, but out of pride and
  insolence.

  Antipater, in a letter written upon the death of Aristotle the
  philosopher, observes, "Amongst his other gifts he had that of
  persuasiveness;" and the absence of this in the character of Marcius
  made all his great actions and noble qualities unacceptable to those
  whom they benefited: pride, and self-will, the consort, as Plato calls
  it, of solitude, made him insufferable.  With the skill which Alcibiades
  on the contrary, possessed to treat every one in the way most agreeable
  to him, we cannot wonder that all his successes were attended with the
  most exuberant favor and honor; his very errors, at times, being
  accompanied by something of grace and felicity.  And so, in spite of
  great and frequent hurt that he had done the city, he was repeatedly
  appointed to office and command; while Coriolanus stood in vain for a
  place which his great services had made his due.  The one, in spite of
  the harm he occasioned, could not make himself hated, nor the other,
  with all the admiration he attracted, succeed in being beloved by his
  countrymen.

  Coriolanus, moreover, it should be said, did not as a general obtain any
  successes for his country, but only for his enemies against his country.
  Alcibiades was often of service to Athens, both as a soldier and as a
  commander.  So long as he was personally present, he had the perfect
  mastery of his political adversaries; calumny only succeeded in his
  absence.  Coriolanus was condemned in person at Rome; and in like manner
  killed by the Volscians, not indeed with any right or justice, yet not
  without some pretext occasioned by his own acts; since, after rejecting
  all conditions of peace in public, in private he yielded to the
  solicitations of the women, and, without establishing peace, threw up
  the favorable chances of war.  He ought, before retiring, to have
  obtained the consent of those who had placed their trust in him; if
  indeed he considered their claims on him to be the strongest.  Or, if we
  say that he did not care about the Volscians, but merely had prosecuted
  the war, which he now abandoned, for the satisfaction of his own
  resentment, then the noble thing would have been, not to spare his
  country for his mother's sake, but his mother in and with his country;
  since both his mother and his wife were part and parcel of that
  endangered country.  After harshly repelling public supplications, the
  entreaties of ambassadors, and the prayers of priests, to concede all as
  a private favor to his mother was less an honor to her than a dishonor
  to the city which thus escaped, in spite, it would seem, of its own
  demerits, through the intercession of a single woman.  Such a grace
  could, indeed, seem merely invidious, ungracious, and unreasonable in
  the eyes of both parties; he retreated without listening to the
  persuasions of his opponents, or asking the consent of his friends.  The
  origin of all lay in his unsociable, supercilious, and self-willed
  disposition, which, in all cases, is offensive to most people; and when
  combined with a passion for distinction passes into absolute savageness
  and mercilessness.  Men decline to ask favors of the people, professing
  not to need any honors from them; and then are indignant if they do not
  obtain them.  Metellus, Aristides, and Epaminondas certainly did not beg
  favors of the multitude; but that was because they, in real truth, did
  not value the gifts which a popular body can either confer or refuse;
  and when they were more than once driven into exile, rejected at
  elections, and condemned in courts of justice, they showed no resentment
  at the ill-humor of their fellow-citizens, but were willing and
  contented to return and be reconciled when the feeling altered and they
  were wished for.  He who least likes courting favor, ought also least to
  think of resenting neglect: to feel wounded at being refused a
  distinction can only arise from an overweening appetite to have it.

  Alcibiades never professed to deny that it was pleasant to him to be
  honored, and distasteful to him to be overlooked; and, accordingly, he
  always tried to place himself upon good terms with all that he met;
  Coriolanus's pride forbade him to pay attentions to those who could have
  promoted his advancement, and yet his love of distinction made him feel
  hurt and angry when he was disregarded.  Such are the faulty parts of
  his character, which in all other respects was a noble one.  For his
  temperance, continence, and probity, he might claim to be compared with
  the best and purest of the Greeks; not in any sort or kind with
  Alcibiades, the least scrupulous and most entirely careless of human
  beings in all these points.





TIMOLEON

  It was for the sake of others that I first commenced writing
  biographies; but I find myself proceeding and attaching myself to it
  for my own; the virtues of these great men serving me as a sort of
  looking-glass, in which I may see how to adjust and adorn my own
  life.  Indeed, it can be compared to nothing but daily living and
  associating together; we receive, as it were, in our inquiry, and
  entertain each successive guest, view

  Their stature and their qualities,

  and select from their actions all that is noblest and worthiest to
  know.

  Ah, and what greater pleasure could one have?

  or, what more effective means to one's moral improvement? Democritus
  tells us we ought to pray that of the phantasms appearing in the
  circumambient air, such may present themselves to us as are
  propitious, and that we may rather meet with those that are agreeable
  to our natures and are good, than the evil and unfortunate; which is
  simply introducing into philosophy a doctrine untrue in itself, and
  leading to endless superstitions.  My method, on the contrary, is, by
  the study of history, and by the familiarity acquired in writing, to
  habituate my memory to receive and retain images of the best and
  worthiest characters.  I thus am enabled to free myself from any
  ignoble, base, or vicious impressions, contracted from the contagion
  of ill company that I may be unavoidably engaged in, by the remedy of
  turning my thoughts in a happy and calm temper to view these noble
  examples.  Of this kind are those of Timoleon the Corinthian, and
  Paulus Aemilius, to write whose lives is my present business; men
  equally famous, not only for their virtues, but success; insomuch
  that they have left it doubtful whether they owe their greatest
  achievements to good fortune, or their own prudence and conduct.

  The affairs of the Syracusans, before Timoleon was sent into Sicily,
  were in this posture:  after Dion had driven out Dionysius the
  tyrant, he was slain by treachery, and those that had assisted him in
  delivering Syracuse were divided among themselves; and thus the city,
  by a continual change of governors, and a train of mischiefs that
  succeeded each other, became almost abandoned; while of the rest of
  Sicily, part was now utterly depopulated and desolate through long
  continuance of war, and most of the cities that had been left
  standing were in the hands of barbarians and soldiers out of
  employment, that were ready to embrace every turn of government.
  Such being the state of things, Dionysius takes the opportunity, and
  in the tenth year of his banishment, by the help of some mercenary
  troops he had got together, forces out Nysaeus, then master of
  Syracuse, recovers all afresh, and is again settled in his dominion;
  and as at first he had been strangely deprived of the greatest and
  most absolute power that ever was, by a very small party, so now in a
  yet stranger manner; when in exile and of mean condition, he became
  the sovereign of those who had ejected him.  All, therefore, that
  remained in Syracuse, had to serve under a tyrant, who at the best
  was of an ungentle nature, and exasperated now to a degree of
  savageness by the late misfortunes and calamities he had suffered.
  The better and more distinguished citizens, having timely retired
  thence to Hicetes, ruler of the Leontines, put themselves under his
  protection, and chose him for their general in the war; not that he
  was much preferable to any open and avowed tyrant; but they had no
  other sanctuary at present, and it gave them some ground of
  confidence, that he was of a Syracusan family, and had forces able to
  encounter those of Dionysius.

  In the meantime, the Carthaginians appeared before Sicily with a
  great navy, watching when and where they might make a descent upon
  the island; and terror at this fleet made the Sicilians incline to
  send an embassy into Greece to demand succors from the Corinthians,
  whom they confided in rather than others, not only upon the account
  of their near kindred, and the great benefits they had often received
  by trusting them, but because Corinth had ever shown herself attached
  to freedom and averse from tyranny, and had engaged in many noble
  wars, not for empire or aggrandizement, but for the sole liberty of
  the Greeks.  But Hicetes, who made it the business of his command not
  so much to deliver the Syracusans from other tyrants, as to enslave
  them to himself, had already entered into some secret conferences
  with those of Carthage, while in public he commended the design of
  his Syracusan clients, and dispatched ambassadors from himself,
  together with theirs, into Peloponnesus; not that he really desired
  any relief to come from there, but, in case the Corinthians, as was
  likely enough, on account of the troubles of Greece and occupation at
  home, should refuse their assistance, hoping then he should be able
  with less difficulty to dispose and incline things for the
  Carthaginian interest, and so make use of these foreign pretenders,
  as instruments and auxiliaries for himself, either against the
  Syracusans or Dionysius, as occasion served.  This was discovered a
  while after.

  The ambassadors being arrived, and their request known, the
  Corinthians, who had always a great concern for all their colonies
  and plantations, but especially for Syracuse, since by good fortune
  there was nothing to molest them in their own country, where they
  were enjoying peace and leisure at that time, readily and with one
  accord passed a vote for their assistance.  And when they were
  deliberating about the choice of a captain for the expedition, and
  the magistrates were urging the claims of various aspirants for
  reputation, one of the crowd stood up and named Timoleon, son of
  Timodemus, who had long absented himself from public business, and
  had neither any thoughts of, nor the least pretension to, an
  employment of that nature.  Some god or other, it might rather seem,
  had put it in the man's heart to mention him; such favor and
  good-will on the part of Fortune seemed at once to be shown in his
  election, and to accompany all his following actions, as though it
  were on purpose to commend his worth, and add grace and ornament to
  his personal virtues.  As regards his parentage, both Timodemus his
  father, and his mother Demariste, were of high rank in the city; and
  as for himself, he was noted for his love of his country, and his
  gentleness of temper, except in his extreme hatred to tyrants and
  wicked men.  His natural abilities for war were so happily tempered,
  that while a rare prudence might be seen in all the enterprises of
  his younger years, an equal courage showed itself in the last
  exploits of his declining age.  He had an elder brother, whose name
  was Timophanes, who was every way unlike him, being indiscreet and
  rash, and infected by the suggestions of some friends and foreign
  soldiers, whom he kept always about him, with a passion for absolute
  power.  He seemed to have a certain force and vehemence in all
  military service, and even to delight in dangers, and thus he took
  much with the people, and was advanced to the highest charges, as a
  vigorous and effective warrior; in the obtaining of which offices and
  promotions, Timoleon much assisted him, helping to conceal or at
  least to extenuate his errors, embellishing by his praise whatever
  was commendable in him, and setting off his good qualities to the
  best advantage.

  It happened once in the battle fought by the Corinthians against the
  forces of Argos and Cleonae, that Timoleon served among the infantry,
  when Timophanes, commanding their cavalry, was brought into extreme
  danger; as his horse being wounded fell forward, and threw him
  headlong amidst the enemies, while part of his companions dispersed
  at once in a panic, and the small number that remained, bearing up
  against a great multitude, had much ado to maintain any resistance.
  As soon, therefore, as Timoleon was aware of the accident, he ran
  hastily in to his brother's rescue, and covering the fallen
  Timophanes with his buckler, after having received abundance of
  darts, and several strokes by the sword upon his body and his armor,
  he at length with much difficulty obliged the enemies to retire, and
  brought off his brother alive and safe.  But when the Corinthians, for
  fear of losing their city a second time, as they had once before, by
  admitting their allies, made a decree to maintain four hundred
  mercenaries for its security, and gave Timophanes the command over
  them, he, abandoning all regard to honor and equity, at once
  proceeded to put into execution his plans for making himself
  absolute, and bringing the place under his own power; and having cut
  off many principal citizens, uncondemned and without trial, who were
  most likely to hinder his design, he declared himself tyrant of
  Corinth; a procedure that infinitely afflicted Timoleon, to whom the
  wickedness of such a brother appeared to be his own reproach and
  calamity.  He undertook to persuade him by reasoning, that, desisting
  from that wild and unhappy ambition, he would bethink himself how he
  should make the Corinthians some amends, and find out an expedient to
  remedy and correct the evils he had done them.  When his single
  admonition was rejected and contemned by him, he makes a second
  attempt, taking with him Aeschylus his kinsman, brother to the wife
  of Timophanes, and a certain diviner, that was his friend, whom
  Theopompus in his history calls Satyrus, but Ephorus and Timaeus
  mention in theirs by the name of Orthagoras.  After a few days, then,
  he returns to his brother with this company, all three of them
  surrounding and earnestly importuning him upon the same subject, that
  now at length he would listen to reason, and be of another mind.  But
  when Timophanes began first to laugh at the men's simplicity, and
  presently broke out into rage and indignation against them, Timoleon
  stepped aside from him and stood weeping with his face covered, while
  the other two, drawing out their swords, dispatched him in a moment.

  On the rumor of this act being soon scattered about, the better and
  more generous of the Corinthians highly applauded Timoleon for the
  hatred of wrong and the greatness of soul that had made him, though
  of a gentle disposition and full of love and kindness for his family,
  think the obligations to his country stronger than the ties of
  consanguinity, and prefer that which is good and just before gain and
  interest and his own particular advantage.  For the same brother, who
  with so much bravery had been saved by him when he fought valiantly
  in the cause of Corinth, he had now as nobly sacrificed for enslaving
  her afterward by a base and treacherous usurpation.  But then, on the
  other side, those that knew not how to live in a democracy, and had
  been used to make their humble court to the men of power, though they
  openly professed to rejoice at the death of the tyrant, nevertheless,
  secretly reviling Timoleon, as one that had committed an impious and
  abominable act, drove him into melancholy and dejection.  And when he
  came to understand how heavily his mother took it, and that she
  likewise uttered the saddest complaints and most terrible
  imprecations against him, he went to satisfy and comfort her as to
  what had happened; and finding that she would not endure so much as
  to look upon him, but caused her doors to be shut, that he might have
  no admission into her presence, with grief at this he grew so
  disordered in his mind and so disconsolate, that he determined to put
  an end to his perplexity with his life, by abstaining from all manner
  of sustenance.  But through the care and diligence of his friends,
  who were very instant with him, and added force to their entreaties,
  he came to resolve and promise at last, that he would endure living,
  provided it might be in solitude, and remote from company; so that,
  quitting all civil transactions and commerce with the world, for a
  long while after his first retirement he never came into Corinth, but
  wandered up and down the fields, full of anxious and tormenting
  thoughts, and spent his time in desert places, at the farthest
  distance from society and human intercourse.  So true it is that the
  minds of men are easily shaken and carried off from their own
  sentiments through the casual commendation or reproof of others,
  unless the judgments that we make, and the purposes we conceive, be
  confirmed by reason and philosophy, and thus obtain strength and
  steadiness.  An action must not only be just and laudable in its own
  nature, but it must proceed likewise from solid motives and a lasting
  principle, that so we may fully and constantly approve the thing, and
  be perfectly satisfied in what we do; for otherwise, after having put
  our resolution into practice, we shall out of pure weakness come to
  be troubled at the performance, when the grace and goodliness, which
  rendered it before so amiable and pleasing to us, begin to decay and
  wear out of our fancy; like greedy people, who, seizing on the more
  delicious morsels of any dish with a keen appetite, are presently
  disgusted when they grow full, and find themselves oppressed and
  uneasy now by what they before so greedily desired.  For a succeeding
  dislike spoils the best of actions, and repentance makes that which
  was never so well done, become base and faulty; whereas the choice
  that is founded upon knowledge and wise reasoning, does not change by
  disappointment, or suffer us to repent, though it happen perchance to
  be less prosperous in the issue.  And thus Phocion, of Athens, having
  always vigorously opposed the measures of Leosthenes, when success
  appeared to attend them, and he saw his countrymen rejoicing and
  offering sacrifice in honor of their victory, "I should have been as
  glad," said he to them, "that I myself had been the author of what
  Leosthenes has achieved for you, as I am that I gave you my own
  counsel against it."  A more vehement reply is recorded to have been
  made by Aristides the Locrian, one of Plato's companions, to
  Dionysius the elder, who demanded one of his daughters in marriage:
  "I had rather," said he to him, "see the virgin in her grave, than in
  the palace of a tyrant."  And when Dionysius, enraged at the affront,
  made his sons be put to death a while after, and then again
  insultingly asked, whether he were still in the same mind as to the
  disposal of his daughters, his answer was, "I cannot but grieve at
  the cruelty of your deeds, but am not sorry for the freedom of my own
  words."  Such expressions as these may belong perhaps to a more
  sublime and accomplished virtue.

  The grief, however, of Timoleon at what had been done, whether it
  arose from commiseration of his brother's fate, or the reverence he
  bore his mother, so shattered and broke his spirits, that for the
  space of almost twenty years, he had not offered to concern himself
  in any honorable or public action.  When, therefore, he was pitched
  upon for a general, and joyfully accepted as such by the suffrages of
  the people, Teleclides, who was at that time the most powerful and
  distinguished man in Corinth, began to exhort him that he would act
  now like a man of worth and gallantry:  "For," said he, "if you do
  bravely in this service, we shall believe that you delivered us from
  a tyrant; but if otherwise, that you killed your brother."  While he
  was yet preparing to set sail, and enlisting soldiers to embark with
  him, there came letters to the Corinthians from Hicetes, plainly
  disclosing his revolt and treachery.  For his ambassadors were no
  sooner gone for Corinth, but he openly joined the Carthaginians,
  negotiating that they might assist him to throw out Dionysius, and
  become master of Syracuse in his room.  And fearing he might be
  disappointed of his aim, if troops and a commander should come from
  Corinth before this were effected, he sent a letter of advice
  thither, in all haste, to prevent their setting out, telling them
  they need not be at any cost and trouble upon his account, or run the
  hazard of a Sicilian voyage, especially since the Carthaginians,
  alliance with whom against Dionysius the slowness of their motions
  had compelled him to embrace, would dispute their passage, and lay in
  wait to attack them with a numerous fleet.  This letter being
  publicly read, if any had been cold and indifferent before as to the
  expedition in hand, the indignation they now conceived against
  Hicetes so exasperated and inflamed them all, that they willingly
  contributed to supply Timoleon, and endeavored, with one accord, to
  hasten his departure.

  When the vessels were equipped, and his soldiers every way provided
  for, the female priests of Proserpina had a dream or vision, wherein
  she and her mother Ceres appeared to them in a traveling garb, and
  were heard to say that they were going to sail with Timoleon into
  Sicily; whereupon the Corinthians, having built a sacred galley,
  devoted it to them, and called it the galley of the goddesses.
  Timoleon went in person to Delphi, where he sacrificed to Apollo,
  and, descending into the place of prophecy, was surprised with the
  following marvelous occurrence.  A riband with crowns and figures of
  victory embroidered upon it, slipped off from among the gifts that
  were there consecrated and hung up in the temple, and fell directly
  down upon his head; so that Apollo seemed already to crown him with
  success, and send him thence to conquer and triumph.  He put to sea
  only with seven ships of Corinth, two of Corcyra, and a tenth which
  was furnished by the Leucadians; and when he was now entered into the
  deep by night, and carried with a prosperous gale, the heaven seemed
  all on a sudden to break open, and a bright spreading flame to issue
  forth from it, and hover over the ship he was in; and, having formed
  itself into a torch, not unlike those that are used in the mysteries,
  it began to steer the same course, and run along in their company,
  guiding them by its light to that quarter of Italy where they
  designed to go ashore.  The soothsayers affirmed, that this
  apparition agreed with the dream of the holy women, since the
  goddesses were now visibly joining in the expedition, and sending
  this light from heaven before them:  Sicily being thought sacred to
  Proserpina, as poets feign that the rape was committed there, and
  that the island was given her in dowry when she married Pluto.

  These early demonstrations of divine favor greatly encouraged his
  whole army; so that, making all the speed they were able, by a voyage
  across the open sea, they were soon passing along the coast of Italy.
  But the tidings that came from Sicily much perplexed Timoleon, and
  disheartened his soldiers.  For Hicetes, having already beaten
  Dionysius out of the field, and reduced most of the quarters of
  Syracuse itself, now hemmed him in and besieged him in the citadel
  and what is called the Island, whither he was fled for his last
  refuge; while the Carthaginians, by agreement, were to make it their
  business to hinder Timoleon from landing in any port of Sicily; so
  that he and his party being driven back, they might with ease and at
  their own leisure divide the island among themselves.  In pursuance
  of which design, the Carthaginians sent away twenty of their galleys
  to Rhegium, having aboard them certain ambassadors from Hicetes to
  Timoleon, who carried instructions suitable to these proceedings,
  specious amusements and plausible stories, to color and conceal
  dishonest purposes.  They had order to propose and demand that
  Timoleon himself, if he liked the offer, should come to advise with
  Hicetes, and partake of all his conquests, but that he might send
  back his ships and forces to Corinth, since the war was in a manner
  finished, and the Carthaginians had blocked up the passage,
  determined to oppose them if they should try to force their way
  towards the shore.  When, therefore, the Corinthians met with these
  envoys at Rhegium, and received their message, and saw the Phoenician
  vessels riding at anchor in the bay, they became keenly sensible of
  the abuse that was put upon them, and felt a general indignation
  against Hicetes, and great apprehensions for the Siceliots, whom they
  now plainly perceived to be as it were a prize and recompense to
  Hicetes on one side for his perfidy, and to the Carthaginians on the
  other for the sovereign power they secured to him.  For it seemed
  utterly impossible to force and overbear the Carthaginian ships that
  lay before them and were double their number, as also to vanquish the
  victorious troops which Hicetes had with him in Syracuse, to take the
  lead of which very troops they had undertaken their voyage.

  The case being thus, Timoleon, after some conference with the envoys
  of Hicetes and the Carthaginian captains, told them he should readily
  submit to their proposals (to what purpose would it be to refuse
  compliance?):  he was desirous only, before his return to Corinth,
  that what had passed between them in private might be solemnly
  declared before the people of Rhegium, a Greek city, and a common
  friend to the parties; this, he said, would very much conduce to his
  own security and discharge; and they likewise would more strictly
  observe articles of agreement, on behalf of the Syracusans, which
  they had obliged themselves to in the presence of so many witnesses.
  The design of all which was, only to divert their attention, while he
  got an opportunity of slipping away from their fleet:  a contrivance
  that all the principal Rhegians were privy and assisting to, who had
  a great desire that the affairs of Sicily should fall into Corinthian
  hands, and dreaded the consequences of having barbarian neighbors.
  An assembly was therefore called, and the gates shut, that the
  citizens might have no liberty to turn to other business; and a
  succession of speakers came forward, addressing the people at great
  length, to the same effect, without bringing the subject to any
  conclusion, making way each for another and purposely spinning out
  the time, till the Corinthian galleys should get clear of the haven;
  the Carthaginian commanders being detained there without any
  suspicion, as also Timoleon still remained present, and gave signs as
  if he were just preparing to make an oration.  But upon secret notice
  that the rest of the galleys were already gone on, and that his alone
  remained waiting for him, by the help and concealment of those
  Rhegians that were about the hustings and favored his departure, he
  made shift to slip away through the crowd, and, running down to the
  port, set sail with all speed; and having reached his other vessels,
  they came all safe to Tauromenium in Sicily, whither they had been
  formerly invited, and where they were now kindly received by
  Andromachus, then ruler of the city.  This man was father of Timaeus
  the historian, and incomparably the best of all those that bore sway
  in Sicily at that time, governing his citizens according to law and
  justice, and openly professing an aversion and enmity to all tyrants;
  upon which account he gave Timoleon leave to muster up his troops
  there, and to make that city the seat of war, persuading the
  inhabitants to join their arms with the Corinthian forces, and assist
  them in the design of delivering Sicily.

  But the Carthaginians who were left in Rhegium perceiving, when the
  assembly was dissolved, that Timoleon had given them the go by, were
  not a little vexed to see themselves outwitted, much to the amusement
  of the Rhegians, who could not but smile to find Phoenicians complain
  of being cheated.  However, they dispatched a messenger aboard one of
  their galleys to Tauromenium, who, after much blustering in the
  insolent barbaric way, and many menaces to Andromachus if he did not
  forthwith send the Corinthians off, stretched out his hand with the
  inside upward, and then turning it down again, threatened he would
  handle their city even so, and turn it topsy-turvy in as little time,
  and with as much ease.  Andromachus, laughing at the man's
  confidence, made no other reply, but, imitating his gesture, bid him
  hasten his own departure, unless he had a mind to see that kind of
  dexterity practiced first upon the galley which brought him thither.

  Hicetes, informed that Timoleon had made good his passage, was in
  great fear of what might follow, and sent to desire the Carthaginians
  that a large number of galleys might be ordered to attend and secure
  the coast.  And now it was that the Syracusans began wholly to
  despair of safety, seeing the Carthaginians possessed of their haven,
  Hicetes master of the town, and Dionysius supreme in the citadel;
  while Timoleon had as yet but a slender hold of Sicily, as it were by
  the fringe or border of it, in the small city of the Tauromenians,
  with a feeble hope and a poor company; having but a thousand soldiers
  at the most, and no more provisions, either of corn or money, than
  were just necessary for the maintenance and the pay of that
  inconsiderable number.  Nor did the other towns of Sicily confide in
  him, overpowered as they were with violence and outrage, and
  embittered against all that should offer to lead armies, by the
  treacherous conduct chiefly of Callippus, an Athenian, and Pharax, a
  Lacedaemonian captain, both of whom, after giving out that the design
  of their coming was to introduce liberty and depose tyrants, so
  tyrannized themselves, that the reign of former oppressors seemed to
  be a golden age in comparison, and the Sicilians began to consider
  those more happy who had expired in servitude, than any that had
  lived to see such a dismal freedom.

  Looking, therefore, for no better usage from the Corinthian general,
  but imagining that it was only the same old course of things once
  more, specious presences and false professions to allure them by fair
  hopes and kind promises into the obedience of a new master, they all,
  with one accord, unless it were the people of Adranum, suspected the
  exhortations, and rejected the overtures that were made them in his
  name.  These were inhabitants of a small city, consecrated to
  Adranus, a certain god that was in high veneration throughout Sicily,
  and, as it happened, they were then at variance among themselves,
  insomuch that one party called in Hicetes and the Carthaginians to
  assist them, while the other sent proposals to Timoleon.  It so fell
  out that these auxiliaries, striving which should be soonest, both
  arrived at Adranum about the same time; Hicetes bringing with him at
  least five thousand fighting men, while all the force Timoleon could
  make did not exceed twelve hundred.  With these he marched out of
  Tauromenium, which was about three hundred and forty furlongs distant
  from that city.  The first day he moved but slowly, and took up his
  quarters betimes after a short journey; but the day following he
  quickened his pace, and, having passed through much difficult ground,
  towards evening received advice that Hicetes was just approaching
  Adranum, and pitching his camp before it; upon which intelligence,
  his captains and other officers caused the vanguard to halt, that the
  army being refreshed, and having reposed a while, might engage the
  enemy with better heart.  But Timoleon, coming up in haste, desired
  them not to stop for that reason, but rather use all possible
  diligence to surprise the enemy, whom probably they would now find in
  disorder, as having lately ended their march, and being taken up at
  present in erecting tents and preparing supper; which he had no
  sooner said, but laying hold of his buckler and putting himself in
  the front, he led them on as it were to certain victory.  The
  braveness of such a leader made them all follow him with like courage
  and assurance.  They were now within less than thirty furlongs of
  Adranum, which they quickly traversed, and immediately fell in upon
  the enemy, who were seized with confusion, and began to retire at
  their first approaches; one consequence of which was that amidst so
  little opposition, and so early and general a flight, there were not
  many more than three hundred slain, and about twice the number made
  prisoners.  Their camp and baggage, however, was all taken.  The
  fortune of this onset soon induced the Adranitans to unlock their
  gates, and embrace the interest of Timoleon, to whom they recounted,
  with a mixture of affright and admiration, how, at the very minute of
  the encounter, the doors of their temple flew open of their own
  accord, that the javelin also, which their god held in his hand, was
  observed to tremble at the point, and that drops of sweat had been
  seen running down his face:  prodigies that not only presaged the
  victory then obtained, but were an omen, it seems, of all his future
  exploits, to which this first happy action gave the occasion.

  For now the neighboring cities and potentates sent deputies, one upon
  another, to seek his friendship and make offer of their service.
  Among the rest, Mamercus, the tyrant of Catana, an experienced
  warrior and a wealthy prince, made proposals of alliance with him,
  and, what was of greater importance still, Dionysius himself being
  now grown desperate, and wellnigh forced to surrender, despising
  Hicetes who had been thus shamefully baffled, and admiring the valor
  of Timoleon, found means to advertise him and his Corinthians that he
  should be content to deliver up himself and the citadel into their
  hands.  Timoleon, gladly embracing this unlooked for advantage, sends
  away Euclides and Telemachus, two Corinthian captains, with four
  hundred men, for the seizure and custody of the castle, with
  directions to enter not all at once, or in open view, that being
  impracticable so long as the enemy kept guard, but by stealth, and in
  small companies.  And so they took possession of the fortress, and
  the palace of Dionysius, with all the stores and ammunition he had
  prepared and laid up to maintain the war.  They found a good number
  of horses, every variety of engines, a multitude of darts, and
  weapons to arm seventy thousand men (a magazine that had been formed
  from ancient time), besides two thousand soldiers that were then with
  him, whom he gave up with the rest for Timoleon's service.  Dionysius
  himself, putting his treasure aboard, and taking a few friends,
  sailed away unobserved by Hicetes, and being brought to the camp of
  Timoleon, there first appeared in the humble dress of a private
  person, and was shortly after sent to Corinth with a single ship and
  a small sum of money.  Born and educated in the most splendid court
  and the most absolute monarchy that ever was, which he held and kept
  up for the space of ten years succeeding his father's death, he had,
  after Dion's expedition, spent twelve other years in a continual
  agitation of wars and contests, and great variety of fortune, during
  which time all the mischiefs he had committed in his former reign
  were more than repaid by the ills he himself then suffered; since he
  lived to see the deaths of his sons in the prime and vigor of their
  age, and the rape of his daughters in the flower of their virginity,
  and the wicked abuse of his sister and his wife, who, after being
  first exposed to all the lawless insults of the soldiery, was then
  murdered with her children, and cast into the sea; the particulars of
  which are more exactly given in the life of Dion.

  Upon the news of his landing at Corinth, there was hardly a man in
  Greece who had not the curiosity to come and view the late formidable
  tyrant, and say some words to him; part, rejoicing at his disasters,
  were led thither out of mere spite and hatred, that they might have
  the pleasure of trampling, as it were, on the ruins of his broken
  fortune; but others, letting their attention and their sympathy turn
  rather to the changes and revolutions of his life, could not but see
  in them a proof of the strength and potency with which divine and
  unseen causes operate amidst the weakness of human and visible
  things.  For neither art nor nature did in that age produce anything
  comparable to this work and wonder of fortune, which showed the very
  same man, that was not long before supreme monarch of Sicily,
  loitering about perhaps in the fish-market, or sitting in a
  perfumer's shop, drinking the diluted wine of taverns, or squabbling
  in the street with common women, or pretending to instruct the
  singing women of the theater, and seriously disputing with them about
  the measure and harmony of pieces of music that were performed there.
  Such behavior on his part was variously criticized.  He was thought
  by many to act thus out of pure compliance with his own natural
  indolent and vicious inclinations; while finer judges were of
  opinion, that in all this he was playing a politic part, with a
  design to be contemned among them, and that the Corinthians might not
  feel any apprehension or suspicion of his being uneasy under his
  reverse of fortune, or solicitous to retrieve it; to avoid which
  dangers, he purposely and against his true nature affected an
  appearance of folly and want of spirit in his private life and
  amusements.

  However it be, there are sayings and repartees of his left still upon
  record, which seem to show that he not ignobly accommodated himself
  to his present circumstances; as may appear in part from the
  ingenuousness of the avowal he made on coming to Leucadia, which, as
  well as Syracuse, was a Corinthian colony, where he told the
  inhabitants, that he found himself not unlike boys who have been in
  fault, who can talk cheerfully with their brothers, but are ashamed
  to see their father; so, likewise, he, he said, could gladly reside
  with them in that island, whereas he felt a certain awe upon his
  mind, which made him averse to the sight of Corinth, that was a
  common mother to them both.  The thing is further evident from the
  reply he once made to a stranger in Corinth, who deriding him in a
  rude and scornful manner about the conferences he used to have with
  philosophers, whose company had been one of his pleasures while yet a
  monarch, and demanding, in fine, what he was the better now for all
  those wise and learned discourses of Plato, "Do you think," said he,
  "I have made no profit of his philosophy, when you see me bear my
  change of fortune as I do?"  And when Aristoxenus the musician, and
  several others, desired to know how Plato offended him, and what had
  been the ground of his displeasure with him, he made answer, that, of
  the many evils attaching to the condition of sovereignty, the one
  greatest infelicity was that none of those who were accounted friends
  would venture to speak freely, or tell the plain truth; and that by
  means of such he had been deprived of Plato's kindness.  At another
  time, when one of those pleasant companions that are desirous to pass
  for wits, in mockery to Dionysius, as if he were still the tyrant,
  shook out the folds of his cloak, as he was entering into the room
  where he was, to show there were no concealed weapons about him,
  Dionysius, by way of retort, observed, that he would prefer he would
  do so on leaving the room, as a security that he was carrying nothing
  off with him.  And when Philip of Macedon, at a drinking party, began
  to speak in banter about the verses and tragedies which his father,
  Dionysius the elder, had left behind him, and pretended to wonder how
  he could get any time from his other business to compose such
  elaborate and ingenious pieces, he replied, very much to the purpose,
  "It was at those leisurable hours, which such as you and I, and those
  we call happy men, bestow upon our cups."  Plato had not the
  opportunity to see Dionysius at Corinth, being already dead before he
  came thither; but Diogenes of Sinope, at their first meeting in the
  street there, saluted him with the ambiguous expression, "O
  Dionysius, how little you deserve your present life!"  Upon which
  Dionysius stopped and replied, "I thank you, Diogenes, for your
  condolence."  "Condole with you!" replied Diogenes; "do you not
  suppose that, on the contrary, I am indignant that such a slave as
  you, who, if you had your due, should have been let alone to grow
  old, and die in the state of tyranny, as your father did before you,
  should now enjoy the ease of private persons, and be here to sport
  and frolic it in our society?"  So that when I compare those sad
  stories of Philistus, touching the daughters of Leptines, where he
  makes pitiful moan on their behalf, as fallen from all the blessings
  and advantages of powerful greatness to the miseries of a humble
  life, they seem to me like the lamentations of a woman who has lost
  her box of ointment, her purple dresses, and her golden trinkets.
  Such anecdotes will not, I conceive, be thought either foreign to my
  purpose of writing Lives, or unprofitable in themselves, by such
  readers as are not in too much haste, or busied and taken up with
  other concerns.

  But if the misfortune of Dionysius appear strange and extraordinary,
  we shall have no less reason to wonder at the good fortune of
  Timoleon, who, within fifty days after his landing in Sicily, both
  recovered the citadel of Syracuse, and sent Dionysius an exile into
  Peloponnesus.  This lucky beginning so animated the Corinthians, that
  they ordered him a supply of two thousand foot and two hundred horse,
  who, reaching Thurii, intended to cross over thence into Sicily; but
  finding the whole sea beset with Carthaginian ships, which made their
  passage impracticable, they were constrained to stop there, and watch
  their opportunity:  which time, however, was employed in a noble
  action.  For the Thurians, going out to war against their Bruttian
  enemies, left their city in charge with these Corinthian strangers,
  who defended it as carefully as if it had been their own country, and
  faithfully resigned it up again.

  Hicetes, in the interim, continued still to besiege the castle of
  Syracuse, and hindered all provisions from coming in by sea to
  relieve the Corinthians that were in it.  He had engaged also, and
  dispatched towards Adranum, two unknown foreigners to assassinate
  Timoleon, who at no time kept any standing guard about his person,
  and was then altogether secure, diverting himself, without any
  apprehension, among the citizens of the place, it being a festival in
  honor of their gods.  The two men that were sent, having casually
  heard that Timoleon was about to sacrifice, came directly into the
  temple with poniards under their cloaks, and pressing in among the
  crowd, by little and little got up close to the altar; but, as they
  were just looking for a sign from each other to begin the attempt, a
  third person struck one of them over the head with a sword, upon
  whose sudden fall, neither he that gave the blow, nor the partisan of
  him that received it, kept their stations any longer; but the one,
  making way with his bloody sword, put no stop to his flight, till he
  gained the top of a certain lofty precipice, while the other, laying
  hold of the altar, besought Timoleon to spare his life, and he would
  reveal to him the whole conspiracy.  His pardon being granted, he
  confessed that both himself and his dead companion were sent thither
  purposely to slay him.  While this discovery was made, he that killed
  the other conspirator had been fetched down from his sanctuary of the
  rock, loudly and often protesting, as he came along, that there was
  no injustice in the fact, as he had only taken righteous vengeance
  for his father's blood, whom this man had murdered before in the city
  of Leontini; the truth of which was attested by several there
  present, who could not choose but wonder too at the strange dexterity
  of fortune's operations, the facility with which she makes one event
  the spring and motion to something wholly different, uniting every
  scattered accident and lose particular and remote action, and
  interweaving them together to serve her purposes; so that things that
  in themselves seem to have no connection or interdependence
  whatsoever, become in her hands, so to say, the end and the beginning
  of each other.  The Corinthians, satisfied as to the innocence of
  this seasonable feat, honored and rewarded the author with a present
  of ten pounds in their money, since he had, as it were, lent the use
  of his just resentment to the tutelar genius that seemed to be
  protecting Timoleon, and had not preexpended this anger, so long ago
  conceived, but had reserved and deferred, under fortune's guidance,
  for his preservation, the revenge of a private quarrel.

  But this fortunate escape had effects and consequences beyond the
  present, as it inspired the highest hopes and future expectations of
  Timoleon, making people reverence and protect him as a sacred person
  sent by heaven to avenge and redeem Sicily.  Hicetes, having missed
  his aim in this enterprise, and perceiving, also, that many went off
  and sided with Timoleon, began to chide himself for his foolish
  modesty, that, when so considerable a force of the Carthaginians lay
  ready to be commanded by him, he had employed them hitherto by
  degrees and in small numbers, introducing their reinforcements by
  stealth and clandestinely, as if he had been ashamed of the action.
  Therefore, now laying aside his former nicety, he calls in Mago,
  their admiral, with his whole navy, who presently set sail, and
  seized upon the port with a formidable fleet of at least a hundred
  and fifty vessels, landing there sixty thousand foot which were all
  lodged within the city of Syracuse; so that, in all men's opinion,
  the time anciently talked of and long expected, wherein Sicily should
  be subjugated by barbarians, was now come to its fatal period.  For
  in all their preceding wars and many desperate conflicts with Sicily,
  the Carthaginians had never been able, before this, to take Syracuse;
  whereas Hicetes now receiving them, and putting the city into their
  hands, you might see it become now as it were a camp of barbarians.
  By this means, the Corinthian soldiers that kept the castle found
  themselves brought into great danger and hardship; as, besides that
  their provision grew scarce, and they began to be in want, because
  the havens were strictly guarded and blocked up, the enemy exercised
  them still with skirmishes and combats about their walls, and they
  were not only obliged to be continually in arms, but to divide and
  prepare themselves for assaults and encounters of every kind, and to
  repel every variety of the means of offense employed by a besieging
  army.

  Timoleon made shift to relieve them in these straits, sending corn
  from Catana by small fishing-boats and little skiffs, which commonly
  gained a passage through the Carthaginian galleys in times of storm,
  stealing up when the blockading ships were driven apart and dispersed
  by the stress of weather; which Mago and Hicetes observing, they
  agreed to fall upon Catana, from whence these supplies were brought
  in to the besieged, and accordingly put off from Syracuse, taking
  with them the best soldiers in their whole army.  Upon this, Neon the
  Corinthian, who was captain of those that kept the citadel, taking
  notice that the enemies who stayed there behind were very negligent
  and careless in keeping guard, made a sudden sally upon them as they
  lay scattered, and, killing some and putting others to flight, he
  took and possessed himself of that quarter which they call Acradina,
  and was thought to be the strongest and most impregnable part of
  Syracuse, a city made up and compacted as it were, of several towns
  put together.  Having thus stored himself with corn and money, he did
  not abandon the place, nor retire again into the castle, but
  fortifying the precincts of Acradina, and joining it by works to the
  citadel, he undertook the defense of both.  Mago and Hicetes were now
  come near to Catana, when a horseman, dispatched from Syracuse,
  brought them tidings that Acradina was taken; upon which they
  returned, in all haste, with great disorder and confusion, having
  neither been able to reduce the city they went against, nor to
  preserve that they were masters of.

  These successes, indeed, were such as might leave foresight and
  courage a pretence still of disputing it with fortune, which
  contributed most to the result.  But the next following event can
  scarcely be ascribed to anything but pure felicity.  The Corinthian
  soldiers who stayed at Thurii, partly for fear of the Carthaginian
  galleys which lay in wait for them under the command of Hanno, and
  partly because of tempestuous weather which had lasted for many days,
  and rendered the sea dangerous, took a resolution to march by land
  over the Bruttian territories, and, what with persuasion and force
  together, made good their passage through those barbarians to the
  city of Rhegium, the sea being still rough and raging as before.  But
  Hanno, not expecting the Corinthians would venture out, and supposing
  it would be useless to wait there any longer, bethought himself, as
  he imagined, of a most ingenious and clever stratagem apt to delude
  and ensnare the enemy; in pursuance of which he commanded the seamen
  to crown themselves with garlands, and, adorning his galleys with
  bucklers both of the Greek and Carthaginian make, he sailed away for
  Syracuse in this triumphant equipage, and using all his oars as he
  passed under the castle with much shouting and laughter, cried out,
  on purpose to dishearten the besieged, that he was come from
  vanquishing and taking the Corinthian succors, which he fell upon at
  sea as they were passing over into Sicily.  While he was thus biding
  and playing his tricks before Syracuse, the Corinthians, now come as
  far as Rhegium, observing the coast clear, and that the wind was laid
  as it were by miracle, to afford them in all appearance a quiet and
  smooth passage, went immediately aboard on such little barks and
  fishing-boats as were then at hand, and got over to Sicily with such
  complete safety and in such an extraordinary calm, that they drew
  their horses by the reins, swimming along by them as the vessels went
  across.

  When they were all landed, Timoleon came to receive them, and by
  their means at once obtained possession of Messena, from whence he
  marched in good order to Syracuse, trusting more to his late
  prosperous achievements than his present strength, as the whole army
  he had then with him did not exceed the number of four thousand;
  Mago, however, was troubled and fearful at the first notice of his
  coming, and grew more apprehensive and jealous still upon the
  following occasion.  The marshes about Syracuse, that receive a great
  deal of fresh water, as well from springs as from lakes and rivers
  discharging themselves into the sea, breed abundance of eels, which
  may be always taken there in great quantities by any that will fish
  for them.  The mercenary soldiers that served on both sides, were
  wont to follow the sport together at their vacant hours, and upon any
  cessation of arms, who being all Greeks, and having no cause of
  private enmity to each other, as they would venture bravely in fight,
  so in times of truce used to meet and converse amicably together.
  And at this present time, while engaged about this common business of
  fishing, they fell into talk together; and some expressing their
  admiration of the neighboring sea, and others telling how much they
  were taken with the convenience and commodiousness of the buildings
  and public works, one of the Corinthian party took occasion to demand
  of the others:  "And is it possible that you who are Grecians born,
  should be so forward to reduce a city of this greatness, and enjoying
  so many rare advantages, into the state of barbarism; and lend your
  assistance to plant Carthaginians, that are the worst and bloodiest
  of men, so much the nearer to us? whereas you should rather wish
  there were many more Sicilies to lie between them and Greece.  Have
  you so little sense as to believe, that they come hither with an
  army, from the Pillars of Hercules and the Atlantic Sea, to hazard
  themselves for the establishment of Hicetes? who, if he had had the
  consideration which becomes a general, would never have thrown out
  his ancestors and founders to bring in the enemies of his country in
  the room of them, when he might have enjoyed all suitable honor and
  command, with consent of Timoleon and the rest of Corinth."  The
  Greeks that were in pay with Hicetes, noising these discourses about
  their camp, gave Mago some ground to suspect, as indeed he had long
  sought for a pretence to be gone, that there was treachery contrived
  against him; so that, although Hicetes entreated him to tarry, and
  made it appear how much stronger they were than the enemy, yet,
  conceiving they came far more short of Timoleon in respect of courage
  and fortune, than they surpassed him in number, he presently went
  aboard, and set sail for Africa, letting Sicily escape out of his
  hands with dishonor to himself, and for such uncertain causes, that
  no human reason could give an account of his departure.

  The day after he went away, Timoleon came up before the city, in
  array for a battle.  But when he and his company heard of this sudden
  flight, and saw the docks all empty, they could not forbear laughing
  at the cowardice of Mago, and in mockery caused proclamation to be
  made through the city, that a reward would be given to any one who
  could bring them tidings whither the Carthaginian fleet had conveyed
  itself from them.  However, Hicetes resolving to fight it out alone,
  and not quitting his hold of the city, but sticking close to the
  quarters he was in possession of, places that were well fortified and
  not easy to be attacked, Timoleon divided his forces into three
  parts, and fell himself upon the side where the river Anapus ran,
  which was most strong and difficult of access; and he commanded those
  that were led by Isias, a Corinthian captain, to make their assault
  from the post of Acradina, while Dinarchus and Demaretus, that
  brought him the last supply from Corinth, were, with a third
  division, to attempt the quarter called Epipolae.  A considerable
  impression being made from every side at once, the soldiers of
  Hicetes were beaten off and put to flight; and this, — that the city
  came to be taken by storm, and fall suddenly into their hands, upon
  the defeat and rout of the enemy, — we must in all justice ascribe
  to the valor of the assailants, and the wise conduct of their
  general; but that not so much as a man of the Corinthians was either
  slain or wounded in the action, this the good fortune of Timoleon
  seems to challenge for her own work, as though, in a sort of rivalry
  with his own personal exertions, she made it her aim to exceed and
  obscure his actions by her favors, that those who heard him commended
  for his noble deeds might rather admire the happiness, than the merit
  of them.  For the fame of what was done not only passed through all
  Sicily, and filled Italy with wonder, but even Greece itself, after a
  few days, came to ring with the greatness of his exploit; insomuch
  that those of Corinth, who had as yet no certainty that their
  auxiliaries were landed on the island, had tidings brought them at
  the same time that they were safe and were conquerors.  In so
  prosperous a course did affairs run, and such was the speed and
  celerity of execution with which fortune, as with a new ornament, set
  off the native lustres of the performance.

  Timoleon, being master of the citadel, avoided the error which Dion
  had been guilty of.  He spared not the place for the beauty and
  sumptuousness of its fabric, and, keeping clear of those suspicions
  which occasioned first the unpopularity and afterwards the fall of
  Dion, made a public crier give notice, that all the Syracusans who
  were willing to have a hand in the work, should bring pick-axes and
  mattocks, and other instruments, and help him to demolish the
  fortifications of the tyrants.  When they all came up with one
  accord, looking upon that order and that day as the surest foundation
  of their liberty, they not only pulled down the castle, but
  overturned the palaces and monuments adjoining, and whatever else
  might preserve any memory of former tyrants.  Having soon leveled and
  cleared the place, he there presently erected courts for
  administration of justice, gratifying the citizens by this means, and
  building popular government on the fall and ruin of tyranny.  But
  since he had recovered a city destitute of inhabitants, some of
  them dead in civil wars and insurrections, and others being fled to
  escape tyrants, so that through solitude and want of people the great
  marketplace of Syracuse was overgrown with such quantity of rank
  herbage that it became a pasture for their horses, the grooms lying
  along in the grass as they fed by them; while also other towns, very
  few excepted, were become full of stags and wild boars, so that those
  who had nothing else to do went frequently a hunting, and found game
  in the suburbs and about the walls; and not one of those who had
  possessed themselves of castles, or made garrisons in the country,
  could be persuaded to quit their present abode, or would accept an
  invitation to return back into the city, so much did they all dread
  and abhor the very name of assemblies and forms of government and
  public speaking, that had produced the greater part of those usurpers
  who had successively assumed a dominion over them, — Timoleon,
  therefore, with the Syracusans that remained, considering this vast
  desolation, and how little hope there was to have it otherwise
  supplied, thought good to write to the Corinthians, requesting that
  they would send a colony out of Greece to repeople Syracuse.  For
  else the land about it would lie unimproved; and besides this, they
  expected to be involved in a greater war from Africa, having news
  brought them that Mago had killed himself, and that the
  Carthaginians, out of rage for his ill conduct in the late
  expedition, had caused his body to be nailed upon a cross, and that
  they were raising a mighty force, with design to make their descent
  upon Sicily the next summer.

  These letters from Timoleon being delivered at Corinth, and the
  ambassadors of Syracuse beseeching them at the same time, that they
  would take upon them the care of their poor city, and once again
  become the founders of it, the Corinthians were not tempted by any
  feeling of cupidity to lay hold of the advantage.  Nor did they seize
  and appropriate the city to themselves, but going about first to the
  games that are kept as sacred in Greece, and to the most numerously
  attended religious assemblages, they made publication by heralds,
  that the Corinthians, having destroyed the usurpation at Syracuse and
  driven out the tyrant, did thereby invite the Syracusan exiles, and
  any other Siceliots, to return and inhabit the city, with full
  enjoyment of freedom under their own laws, the land being divided
  among them in just and equal proportions.  And after this, sending
  messengers into Asia and the several islands where they understood
  that most of the scattered fugitives were then residing, they bade
  them all repair to Corinth, engaging that the Corinthians would
  afford them vessels and commanders, and a safe convoy, at their own
  charges, to Syracuse.  Such generous proposals, being thus spread
  about, gained them the just and honorable recompense of general
  praise and benediction, for delivering the country from oppressors,
  and saving it from barbarians, and restoring it at length to the
  rightful owners of the place.  These, when they were assembled at
  Corinth, and found how insufficient their company was, besought the
  Corinthians that they might have a supplement of other persons, as
  well out of their city as the rest of Greece, to go with them as
  joint-colonists; and so raising themselves to the number of ten
  thousand, they sailed together to Syracuse.  By this time great
  multitudes, also, from Italy and Sicily, had flocked in to Timoleon,
  so that, as Athanis reports, their entire body amounted now to sixty
  thousand men.  Among these he divided the whole territory, and sold
  the houses for a thousand talents; by which method, he both left it
  in the power of the old Syracusans to redeem their own, and made it a
  means also for raising a stock for the community, which had been so
  much impoverished of late, and was so unable to defray other
  expenses, and especially those of a war, that they exposed their very
  statues to sale, a regular process being observed, and sentence of
  auction passed upon each of them by majority of votes, as if they had
  been so many criminals taking their trial:  in the course of which it
  is said that while condemnation was pronounced upon all other
  statues, that of the ancient usurper Gelo was exempted, out of
  admiration and honor and for the sake of the victory he gained over
  the Carthaginian forces at the river Himera.

  Syracuse being thus happily revived, and replenished again by the
  general concourse of inhabitants from all parts, Timoleon was
  desirous now to rescue other cities from the like bondage, and wholly
  and once for all to extirpate arbitrary government out of Sicily.
  And for this purpose, marching into the territories of those that
  used it, he compelled Hicetes first to renounce the Carthaginian
  interest, and, demolishing the fortresses which were held by him, to
  live henceforth among the Leontinians as a private person.  Leptines,
  also, the tyrant of Apollonia and divers other little towns, after
  some resistance made, seeing the danger he was in of being taken by
  force, surrendered himself; upon which Timoleon spared his life, and
  sent him away to Corinth, counting it a glorious thing that the
  mother city should expose to the view of other Greeks these Sicilian
  tyrants, living now in an exiled and a low condition.  After this he
  returned to Syracuse, that he might have leisure to attend to the
  establishment of the new constitution, and assist Cephalus and
  Dionysius, who were sent from Corinth to make laws, in determining
  the most important points of it.  In the meanwhile, desirous that his
  hired soldiers should not want action, but might rather enrich
  themselves by some plunder from the enemy, he dispatched Dinarchus
  and Demaretus with a portion of them into the part of the island
  belonging to the Carthaginians, where they obliged several cities to
  revolt from the barbarians, and not only lived in great abundance
  themselves, but raised money from their spoil to carry on the war.

  Meantime, the Carthaginians landed at the promontory of Lilybaeum,
  bringing with them an army of seventy thousand men on board two
  hundred galleys, besides a thousand other vessels laden with engines
  of battery, chariots, corn, and other military stores, as if they did
  not intend to manage the war by piecemeal and in parts as heretofore,
  but to drive the Greeks altogether and at once out of all Sicily.
  And indeed it was a force sufficient to overpower the Siceliots, even
  though they had been at perfect union among themselves, and had never
  been enfeebled by intestine quarrels.  Hearing that part of their
  subject territory was suffering devastation, they forthwith made
  toward the Corinthians with great fury, having Asdrubal and Hamilcar
  for their generals; the report of whose numbers and strength coming
  suddenly to Syracuse, the citizens were so terrified, that hardly
  three thousand, among so many myriads of them, had the courage to
  take up arms and join Timoleon.  The foreigners, serving for pay,
  were not above four thousand in all, and about a thousand of these
  grew fainthearted by the way, and forsook Timoleon in his march
  towards the enemy, looking on him as frantic and distracted,
  destitute of the sense which might have been expected from his time
  of life, thus to venture out against an army of seventy thousand men,
  with no more than five thousand foot and a thousand horse; and, when
  he should have kept those forces to defend the city, choosing rather
  to remove them eight days' journey from Syracuse, so that if they
  were beaten from the field, they would have no retreat, nor any
  burial if they fell upon it.  Timoleon, however, reckoned it some
  kind of advantage, that these had thus discovered themselves before
  the battle, and, encouraging the rest, led them with all speed to the
  river Crimesus, where it was told him the Carthaginians were drawn
  together.

  As he was marching up an ascent, from the top of which they expected
  to have a view of the army and of the strength of the enemy, there
  met him by chance a train of mules loaded with parsley; which his
  soldiers conceived to be an ominous occurrence or ill-boding token,
  because this is the herb with which we not unfrequently adorn the
  sepulchres of the dead; and there is a proverb derived from the
  custom, used of one who is dangerously sick, that he has need of
  nothing but parsley.  So, to ease their minds, and free them from
  any superstitious thoughts or forebodings of evil, Timoleon halted,
  and concluded an address, suitable to the occasion, by saying, that a
  garland of triumph was here luckily brought them, and had fallen into
  their hands of its own accord, as an anticipation of victory:  the
  same with which the Corinthians crown the victors in the Isthmian
  games, accounting chaplets of parsley the sacred wreath proper to
  their country; parsley being at that time still the emblem of victory
  at the Isthmian, as it is now at the Nemean sports; and it is not so
  very long ago that the pine first began to be used in its place.

  Timoleon, therefore, having thus bespoke his soldiers, took part of
  the parsley, and with it made himself a chaplet first, his captains
  and their companies all following the example of their leader.  The
  soothsayers then, observing also two eagles on the wing towards them,
  one of which bore a snake struck through with her talons, and the
  other, as she flew, uttered a loud cry indicating boldness and
  assurance, at once showed them to the soldiers, who with one consent
  fell to supplicate the gods, and call them in to their assistance.
  It was now about the beginning of summer, and conclusion of the month
  called Thargelion, not far from the solstice; and the river sending
  up a thick mist, all the adjacent plain was at first darkened with
  the fog, so that for a while they could discern nothing from the
  enemy's camp; only a confused buzz and undistinguished mixture of
  voices came up to the hill from the distant motions and clamors of so
  vast a multitude.  When the Corinthians had mounted, and stood on the
  top, and had laid down their bucklers to take breath and repose
  themselves, the sun coming round and drawing up the vapors from
  below, the gross foggy air that was now gathered and condensed above
  formed in a cloud upon the mountains; and, all the under places being
  clear and open, the river Crimesus appeared to them again, and they
  could descry the enemies passing over it, first with their formidable
  four horse chariots of war, and then ten thousand footmen bearing
  white shields, whom they guessed to be all Carthaginians, from the
  splendor of their arms, and the slowness and order of their march.  And
  when now the troops of various other nations, flowing in behind them,
  began to throng for passage in a tumultuous and unruly manner,
  Timoleon, perceiving that the river gave them opportunity to single
  off whatever number of their enemies they had a mind to engage at
  once, and bidding his soldiers observe how their forces were divided
  into two separate bodies by the intervention of the stream, some
  being already over, and others still to ford it, gave Demaretus
  command to fall in upon the Carthaginians with his horse, and disturb
  their ranks before they should be drawn up into form of battle; and
  coming down into the plain himself, forming his right and left wing
  of other Sicilians, intermingling only a few strangers in each, he
  placed the natives of Syracuse in the middle, with the stoutest
  mercenaries he had about his own person; and, waiting a little to
  observe the action of his horse, when he saw they were not only
  hindered from grappling with the Carthaginians by the armed chariots
  that ran to and fro before the army, but forced continually to wheel
  about to escape having their ranks broken, and so to repeat their
  charges anew, he took his buckler in his hand, and crying out to the
  foot that they should follow him with courage and confidence, he
  seemed to speak with a more than human accent, and a voice stronger
  than ordinary; whether it were that he naturally raised it so high in
  the vehemence and ardor of his mind to assault the enemy, or else, as
  many then thought, some god or other spoke with him.  When his
  soldiers quickly gave an echo to it, all besought him to lead them on
  without any further delay, he made a sign to the horse, tha