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The Iliad of Homer
Translated by Alexander Pope,
with notes by the
Rev. Theodore Alois Buckley, M.A., F.S.A.
and
Flaxman's Designs.
1899
Scepticism is as much the result of knowledge, as knowledge is of scepticism. To be content with what we at present know, is, for the most part, to shut our ears against conviction; since, from the very gradual character of our education, we must continually forget, and emancipate ourselves from, knowledge previously acquired; we must set aside old notions and embrace fresh ones; and, as we learn, we must be daily unlearning something which it has cost us no small labour and anxiety to acquire.
And this difficulty attaches itself more closely to an age in which
progress has gained a strong ascendency over prejudice, and in which
persons and things are, day by day, finding their real level, in lieu
of their conventional value. The same principles which have swept away
traditional abuses, and which are making rapid havoc among the revenues
of sinecurists, and stripping the thin, tawdry veil from attractive
superstitions, are working as actively in literature as in society. The
credulity of one writer, or the partiality of another, finds as
powerful a touchstone and as wholesome a chastisement in the healthy
scepticism of a temperate class of antagonists, as the dreams of
conservatism, or the impostures of pluralist sinecures in the Church.
History and tradition, whether of ancient or comparatively recent
times, are subjected to very different handling from that which the
indulgence or credulity of former ages could allow. Mere statements are
jealously watched, and the motives of the writer form as important an
ingredient in the analysis of his history, as the facts he records.
Probability is a powerful and troublesome test; and it is by this
troublesome standard that a large portion of historical evidence is
sifted. Consistency is no less pertinacious and exacting in its
demands. In brief, to write a history, we must know more than mere
facts. Human nature, viewed under an induction of extended experience,
is the best help to the criticism of human history. Historical
characters can only be estimated by the standard which human
experience, whether actual or traditionary, has furnished. To form
correct views of individuals we must regard them as forming parts of a
great whole—we must measure them by their relation to the mass of
beings by whom they are surrounded, and, in contemplating the incidents
in their
It is unfortunate for us, that, of some of the greatest men, we know
least, and talk most. Homer, Socrates, and Shakespere "What," says Archdeacon Wilberforce, "is the natural root of loyalty as
distinguished from such mere selfish desire of personal security as is
apt to take its place in civilized times, but that consciousness of a
natural bond among the families of men which gives a fellow-feeling to
whole clans and nations, and thus enlists their affections in behalf of
those time-honoured representatives of their ancient blood, in whose
success they feel a personal interest? Hence the delight when we
recognize an act of nobility or justice in our hereditary princes "So strong is this feeling, that it regains an engrafted influence even
when history witnesses that vast convulsions have rent and weakened it
and the Celtic feeling towards the Stuarts has been rekindled in our
own days towards the grand daughter of George the Third of Hanover. "Somewhat similar may be seen in the disposition to idolize those great
lawgivers of man's race, who have given expression, in the immortal
language of song, to the deeper inspirations of our nature. The
thoughts of Homer or of Shakespere are the universal inheritance of the
human race. In this mutual ground every man meets his brother, they
have been bet forth by the providence of God to vindicate for all of us
what nature could effect, and that, in these representatives of our
race, we might recognize our common benefactors.'—sanguis meus'Doctrine of the
Incarnation, pp. 9, 10.dramatis
personae in two dramas as unlike in principles as in style. He
appears as the enunciator of opinions as different in their tone as
those of the writers who have handed them down. When we have read Plato
or Xenophon, we think we know something of Socrates; when we
have fairly read and examined both, we feel convinced that we are
something worse than ignorant.
It has been an easy, and a popular expedient, of late years, to deny
the personal or real existence of men and things whose life and
condition were too much for our belief. This system—which has often
comforted the religious sceptic, and substituted the consolations of
Strauss for those of the New Testament—has been of incalculable value
to the historical theorists of the last and present centuries. To
question the existence of Alexander the Great, would be a more
excusable act, than to believe in that of Romulus. To deny a fact
related in Herodotus, because it is inconsistent with a theory
developed from an Assyrian inscription which no two scholars read in
the same way, is more pardonable, than to believe in the good-natured
old king whom the elegant pen of Florian has idealized—Numa
Pompilius.
Scepticism has attained its culminating point with respect to Homer,
and the state of our Homeric knowledge may be described as a free
permission to believe any theory, provided we throw overboard
It is, however, unfortunate that the professed biographies of Homer are partly forgeries, partly freaks of ingenuity and imagination, in which truth is the requisite most wanting. Before taking a brief review of the Homeric theory in its present conditions, some notice must be taken of the treatise on the Life of Homer which has been attributed to Herodotus.
According to this document, the city of Cumae in Æolia, was, at an early period, the seat of frequent immigrations from various parts of Greece. Among the immigrants was Menapolus, the son of Ithagenes. Although poor, he married, and the result of the union was a girl named Critheis. The girl was left an orphan at an early age, under the guardianship of Cleanax, of Argos. It is to the indiscretion of this maiden that we "are indebted for so much happiness." Homer was the first fruit of her juvenile frailty, and received the name of Melesigenes, from having been born near the river Meles, in Boeotia, whither Critheis had been transported in order to save her reputation.
"At this time," continues our narrative, "there lived at Smyrna a man named Phemius, a teacher of literature and music, who, not being married, engaged Critheis to manage his household, and spin the flax he received as the price of his scholastic labours. So satisfactory was her performance of this task, and so modest her conduct, that he made proposals of marriage, declaring himself, as a further inducement, willing to adopt her son, who, he asserted, would become a clever man, if he were carefully brought up."
They were married; careful cultivation ripened the talents which nature
had bestowed, and Melesigenes soon surpassed his schoolfellows in every
attainment, and, when older, rivalled his preceptor in wisdom. Phemius
died, leaving him sole heir to his property, and his mother soon
followed. Melesigenes carried on his adopted father's school with great
success, exciting the admiration not only of the inhabitants of Smyrna,
but also of the strangers whom the trade carried on there, especially
in the exportation of corn, attracted to that city. Among these
visitors, one Mentes, from Leucadia, the modern Santa Maura, who
evinced a knowledge and intelligence rarely found in those times,
persuaded Melesigenes to close his school, and accompany him on his
travels. He promised not only to pay his expenses, but to furnish him
with a further stipend, urging, that, "While he was yet young, it was
fitting that he should see with his own eyes the countries and cities
which might hereafter be the subjects of his discourses." Melesigenes
consented, and set out with his patron, "examining all the curiosities
of the countries they visited, and informing himself of everything by
interrogating those whom he met." We may also suppose, that he Eikos
de min aen kai mnaemoruna panton grapherthai. Vit. Hom. in Schweigh
Herodot t. iv. p. 299, sq. Section 6. I may observe that this Life has
been paraphrased in English by my learned young friend Kenneth R. H.
Mackenzie, and appended to my prose translation of the Odyssey. The
present abridgement however, will contain all that is of use to the
reader, for the biographical value of the treatise is most
insignificant. — "The voice," observes Heeren, "was always accompanied by some
instrument. The bard was provided with a harp on which he played a
prelude, to elevate and inspire his mind, and with which he accompanied
the song when begun. His voice probably preserved a medium between
singing and recitation; the words, and not the melody were regarded by
the listeners, hence it was necessary for him to remain intelligible to
all. In countries where nothing similar is found, it is difficult to
represent such scenes to the mind; but whoever has had an opportunity
of listening to the improvisation of Italy, can easily form an idea of
Demodocus and Phemius."—I.e. both of composing and reciting verses for as Blair
observes, "The first poets sang their own verses." Sextus Empir.
adv. Mus. p. 360 ed. Fabric. Ou hamelei ge toi kai oi poiaetai
melopoioi legontai, kai ta Omaerou epae to palai pros lyran aedeto.Ancient Greece, p. 94.
But poverty soon drove him to Cumae. Having passed over the Hermaean
plain, he arrived at Neon Teichos, the New Wall, a colony of Cumae.
Here his misfortunes and poetical talent gained him the friendship of
one Tychias, an armourer. "And up to my time," continued the author,
"the inhabitants showed the place where he used to sit when giving a
recitation of his verses, and they greatly honoured the spot. Here also
a poplar grew, which they said had sprung up ever since Melesigenes
arrived". "Should it not be, since my arrival? asks
Mackenzie, observing that "poplars can hardly live so long". But
setting aside the fact that we must not expect consistency in a mere
romance, the ancients had a superstitious belief in the great age of
trees which grew near places consecrated by the presence of gods and
great men. See Cicero de Legg II I, sub init., where he speaks of the
plane tree under which Socrates used to walk and of the tree at Delos,
where Latona gave birth to Apollo. This passage is referred to by
Stephanus of Byzantium, s. v. N. T. p. 490, ed. de Pinedo. I
omit quoting any of the dull epigrams ascribed to Homer for, as Mr.
Justice Talfourd rightly observes, "The authenticity of these fragments
depends upon that of the pseudo Herodotean Life of Homer, from which
they are taken." Lit of Greece, pp. 38 in Encycl. Metrop. Cf.
Coleridge, Classic Poets, p. 317.
But poverty still drove him on, and he went by way of Larissa, as being
the most convenient road. Here, the Cumans say, he composed an epitaph
on Gordius, king of Phrygia, which has however, and with greater
probability, been attributed to Cleobulus of Lindus. It is
quoted as the work of Cleobulus, by Diogenes Laert. Vit. Cleob. p. 62,
ed. Casaub.
Arrived at Cumae, he frequented the I
trust I am justified in employing this as an equivalent for the Greek
leschai.converzationes
The greater part of the assembly seemed favourable to the poet's
demand, but one man observed that "if they were to feed Os ei
tous, Homerous doxei trephein autois, omilon pollon te kai achreoin
exousin. enteuthen de kai tounoma Homeros epekrataese to Melaesigenei
apo taes symphoraes oi gar Kumaioi tous tuphlous Homerous legousin.
Vit. Hom. Homers,
they would be encumbered with a multitude of useless people." "From
this circumstance," says the writer, "Melesigenes acquired the name of
Homer, for the Cumans call blind men Homers."l. c. p. 311. The etymology has been condemned by
recent scholars. See Welcker, Epische Cyclus, p. 127, and Mackenzie's
note, p. xiv.
At Phocoea, Homer was destined to experience another literary distress.
One Thestorides, who aimed at the reputation of poetical genius, kept
Homer in his own house, and allowed him a pittance, on condition of the
verses of the poet passing in his name. Having collected sufficient
poetry to be profitable, Thestorides, like some would-be-literary
publishers, neglected the man whose brains he had sucked, and left him.
At his departure, Homer is said to have observed: "O Thestorides, of
the many things hidden from the knowledge of man, nothing is more
unintelligible than the human heart." Thestorides,
thnetoisin anoiston poleon per, ouden aphrastoteron peletai noou
anthropoisin. Ibid. p. 315. During his stay at Phocoea, Homer is said
to have composed the Little Iliad, and the Phocoeid. See Muller's Hist.
of Lit., vi. Section 3. Welcker, l. c. pp. 132, 272, 358, sqq.,
and Mure, Gr. Lit. vol. ii. p. 284, sq.
Homer continued his career of difficulty and distress, until some Chian merchants, struck by the similarity of the verses they heard him recite, acquainted him with the fact that Thestorides was pursuing a profitable livelihood by the recital of the very same poems. This at once determined him to set out for Chios. No vessel happened then to be setting sail thither, but he found one ready to Start for Erythrae, a town of Ionia, which faces that island, and he prevailed upon the seamen to allow him to accompany them. Having embarked, he invoked a favourable wind, and prayed that he might be able to expose the imposture of Thestorides, who, by his breach of hospitality, had drawn down the wrath of Jove the Hospitable.
At Erythrae, Homer fortunately met with a person who had known him in
Phocoea, by whose assistance he at length, after some difficulty,
reached the little hamlet of Pithys. Here he met with an adventure,
which we will continue in the words of our author. "Having set out from
Pithys, Homer went on, attracted by the cries of some goats that were
pasturing. The dogs barked on his approach, and he cried out. Glaucus
(for that was the name of the goat-herd) heard his voice, ran up
quickly, called off his dogs, and drove them away from Homer. For or
some time he stood wondering how a blind man should have This is so pretty a picture of early manners and
hospitality, that it is almost a pity to find that it is obviously a
copy from the Odyssey. See the fourteenth book. In fact, whoever was
the author of this fictitious biography, he showed some tact in
identifying Homer with certain events described in his poems, and in
eliciting from them the germs of something like a personal narrative.
"The dogs, instead of eating, kept barking at the stranger, according to their usual habit. Whereupon Homer addressed Glaucus thus: O Glaucus, my friend, prythee attend to my behest. First give the dogs their supper at the doors of the hut: for so it is better, since, whilst they watch, nor thief nor wild beast will approach the fold.
Glaucus was pleased with the advice, and marvelled at its author.
Having finished supper, they banqueted Dia logon estionto. A
common metaphor. So Plato calls the parties conversing daitumones, or
estiatores. Tim. i. p. 522 A. Cf. Themist. Orat. vi. p. 168, and xvi.
p. 374, ed. Petav So diaegaemasi sophois omou kai terpnois aedio taen
Thoinaen tois hestiomenois epoiei, Choricius in Fabric. Bibl. Gr. T.
viii. P. 851. logois gar estia, Athenaeus vii p 275, A
At length they retired to rest; but on the following morning, Glaucus resolved to go to his master, and acquaint him with his meeting with Homer. Having left the goats in charge of a fellow-servant, he left Homer at home, promising to return quickly. Having arrived at Bolissus, a place near the farm, and finding his mate, he told him the whole story respecting Homer and his journey. He paid little attention to what he said, and blamed Glaucus for his stupidity in taking in and feeding maimed and enfeebled persons. However, he bade him bring the stranger to him.
Glaucus told Homer what had taken place, and bade him follow him,
assuring him that good fortune would be the result. Conversation soon
showed that the stranger was a man of much cleverness and general
knowledge, and the Chian persuaded him to remain, and to undertake the
charge of his children. It was at Bolissus, and in the house
of this Chian citizen, that Homer is said to have written the
Batrachomyomachia, or Battle of the Frogs and Mice, the Epicichlidia,
and some other minor works.
Besides the satisfaction of driving the impostor Thestorides from the
island, Homer enjoyed considerable success as a teacher. In the town of
Chios he established a school where he taught the precepts of poetry.
"To this day," says Chandler, Chandler, Travels, vol. i. p.
61, referred to in the Voyage Pittoresque dans la Grece, vol. i. P. 92,
where a view of the spot is given of which the author candidly says,—
"Je ne puis repondre d'une exactitude scrupuleuse dans la vue generale
que j'en donne, car etant alle seul pour l'examiner je perdis mon
crayon, et je fus oblige de m'en fier a ma memoire. Je ne crois
cependant pas avoir trop a me plaindre d'elle en cette occasion."
So successful was this school, that Homer realised a considerable fortune. He married, and had two daughters, one of whom died single, the other married a Chian.
The following passage betrays the same tendency to connect the personages of the poems with the history of the poet, which has already been mentioned:—
"In his poetical compositions Homer displays great gratitude towards
Mentor of Ithaca, in the Odyssey, whose name he has inserted in his
poem as the companion of Ulysses, A more probable reason for
this companionship, and for the character of Mentor itself, is given by
the allegorists, viz.: the assumption of Mentor's form by the guardian
deity of the wise Ulysses, Minerva. The classical reader may compare
Plutarch, Opp. t. ii. p. 880; Xyland. Heraclid. Pont. Alleg.
Hom. p. 531-5, of Gale's Opusc. Mythol. Dionys. Halic. de Hom. Poes. c.
15; Apul. de Deo Socrat. s. f.
His celebrity continued to increase, and many persons advised him to
visit Greece, whither his reputation had now extended. Having, it is
said, made some additions to his poems calculated to please the vanity
of the Athenians, of whose city he had hitherto made no
mention, Vit. Hom. Section 28.
In the spring he sailed for Athens, and arrived at the island of Ios,
now Ino, where he fell extremely ill, and died. It is said that his
death arose from vexation, at not having been able to unravel an enigma
proposed by some fishermen's children. The riddle is given in
Section 35. Compare Mackenzie's note, p. xxx.
Such is, in brief, the substance of the earliest life of Homer we possess, and so broad are the evidences of its historical worthlessness, that it is scarcely necessary to point them out in detail. Let us now consider some of the opinions to which a persevering, patient, and learned—but by no means consistent—series of investigations has led. In doing so, I profess to bring forward statements, not to vouch for their reasonableness or probability.
"Homer appeared. The history of this poet and his works is lost in doubtful obscurity, as is the history of many of the first minds who have done honour to humanity, because they rose amidst darkness. The majestic stream of his song, blessing and fertilizing, flows like the Nile, through many lands and nations; and, like the sources of the Nile, its fountains will ever remain concealed."
Such are the words in which one of the most judicious German critics has eloquently described the uncertainty in which the whole of the Homeric question is involved. With no less truth and feeling he proceeds:—
"It seems here of chief importance to expect no more than the nature of
things makes possible. If the period of tradition in history is the
region of twilight, we should not expect in it perfect light. The
creations of genius always seem like miracles, because they are, for
the most part, created far out of the reach of observation. If we were
in possession of all the historical testimonies, we never could wholly
explain the origin of the Iliad and the Odyssey; for their origin, in
all essential points, must have remained the secret of the poet."
Heeren's Ancient Greece, p. 96.
From this criticism, which shows as much insight into the depths of
human nature as into the minute wire-drawings of scholastic
investigation, let us pass on to the main question at issue. Was Homer
an individual? Compare Sir E. L. Bulwer's Caxtons v. i. p.
4.
Well has Landor remarked: "Some tell us there were twenty Homers; some
deny that there was ever one. It were idle and foolish to shake the
contents of a vase, in order to let them settle at last. We are
perpetually labouring to destroy our delights, our composure, our
devotion to superior power. Of all the animals on earth we least know
what is good for us. My opinion is, that what is best for us is our
admiration of good. No man living venerates Homer more than I do."
Pericles and Aspasia, Letter lxxxiv., Works, vol ii. p.
387.
But, greatly as we admire the generous enthusiasm which rests contented with the poetry on which its best impulses had been nurtured and fostered, without seeking to destroy the vividness of first impressions by minute analysis—our editorial office compels us to give some attention to the doubts and difficulties with which the Homeric question is beset, and to entreat our reader, for a brief period, to prefer his judgment to his imagination, and to condescend to dry details.
Before, however, entering into particulars respecting the question of this unity of the Homeric poems, (at least of the Iliad,) I must express my sympathy with the sentiments expressed in the following remarks:—
"We cannot but think the universal admiration of its unity by the better, the poetic age of Greece, almost conclusive testimony to its original composition. It was not till the age of the grammarians that its primitive integrity was called in question; nor is it injustice to assert, that the minute and analytical spirit of a grammarian is not the best qualification for the profound feeling, the comprehensive conception of an harmonious whole. The most exquisite anatomist may be no judge of the symmetry of the human frame: and we would take the opinion of Chantrey or Westmacott on the proportions and general beauty of a form, rather than that of Mr. Brodie or Sir Astley Cooper.
"There is some truth, though some malicious exaggeration, in the lines of Pope.—
Quarterly Review, No. lxxxvii., p. 147.
Long was the time which elapsed before any one dreamt of questioning
the unity of the authorship of the Homeric poems. The grave and
cautious Thucydides quoted without hesitation the Hymn to Apollo, Viz., the following beautiful passage, for the translation
of which I am indebted to Coleridge, Classic Poets, p. 286. Longin., de Sublim., ix. Section 26.
Othen en tae Odysseia pareikasai tis an kataduomeno ton Omaeron haelio,
oo dixa taes sphodrotaetos paramenei to megethos See Tatian, quoted in
Fabric. Bibl. Gr. v. II t. ii. Mr. Mackenzie has given three brief but
elaborate papers on the different writers on the subject, which deserve
to be consulted. See Notes and Queries, vol. v. pp. 99, 171, and 221.
His own views are moderate, and perhaps as satisfactory, on the whole,
as any of the hypotheses hitherto put forth. In fact, they consist in
an attempt to blend those hypotheses into something like consistency,
rather than in advocating any individual theory.See Thucyd. iii, 104.
At the end of the seventeenth century, doubts had begun to awaken on
the subject, and we find Bentley remarking that "Homer wrote a sequel
of songs and rhapsodies, to be sung by himself, for small comings and
good cheer, at festivals and other days of merriment. These loose songs
were not collected together, in the form of an epic poem, till about
Peisistratus' time, about five hundred years after." Letters
to Phileleuth; Lips.
Two French writers—Hedelin and Perrault—avowed a similar scepticism
on the subject; but it is in the "Scienza Nuova" of Battista Vico, that
we first meet with the germ of the theory, subsequently defended by
Wolf with so much learning and acuteness. Indeed, it is with the
Wolfian theory that we have chiefly to deal, and with the following
bold hypothesis, which we will detail in the words of Grote Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 191, sqq.
"Half a century ago, the acute and valuable Prolegomena of F. A. Wolf,
turning to account the Venetian Scholia, which had then been
"To me it appears, that the architectonic functions ascribed by Wolf to Peisistratus and his associates, in reference to the Homeric poems, are nowise admissible. But much would undoubtedly be gained towards that view of the question, if it could be shown, that, in order to controvert it, we were driven to the necessity of admitting long written poems, in the ninth century before the Christian aera. Few things, in my opinion, can be more improbable; and Mr. Payne Knight, opposed as he is to the Wolfian hypothesis, admits this no less than Wolf himself. The traces of writing in Greece, even in the seventh century before the Christian aera, are exceedingly trifling. We have no remaining inscription earlier than the fortieth Olympiad, and the early inscriptions are rude and unskilfully executed; nor can we even assure ourselves whether Archilochus, Simonides of Amorgus, Kallinus, Tyrtaeus, Xanthus, and the other early elegiac and lyric poets, committed their compositions to writing, or at what time the practice of doing so became familiar. The first positive ground which authorizes us to presume the existence of a manuscript of Homer, is in the famous ordinance of Solon, with regard to the rhapsodies at the Panathenaea: but for what length of time previously manuscripts had existed, we are unable to say.
"Those who maintain the Homeric poems to have been written from the
beginning, rest their case, not upon positive proofs, nor yet upon the
existing habits of society with regard to poetry—for they admit
generally that the Iliad and Odyssey were not read, but recited and
heard,—but upon the supposed necessity that there must have been
manuscripts to ensure the preservation of the poems—the unassisted
memory of reciters being neither sufficient nor trustworthy. But here
we only escape a smaller difficulty by running into a greater; for the
existence of trained bards, gifted with extraordinary memory, It is, indeed not easy to calculate the height to which the
memory may be cultivated. To take an ordinary case, we might refer to
that of any first rate actor, who must be prepared, at a very short
warning, to 'rhapsodize,' night after night, parts which when laid
together, would amount to an immense number of lines. But all this is
nothing to two instances of our own day. Visiting at Naples a gentleman
of the highest intellectual attainments, and who held a distinguished
rank among the men of letters in the last century, he informed us that
the day before he had passed much time in examining a man, not highly
educated, who had learned to repeat the whole Gierusalemme of Tasso,
not only to recite it consecutively, but also to repeat those stanzas
in utter defiance of the sense, either forwards or backwards, or from
the eighth line to the first, alternately the odd and even lines—in
short, whatever the passage required; the memory, which seemed to cling
to the words much more than to the sense, had it at such perfect
command, that it could produce it under any form. Our informant went on
to state that this singular being was proceeding to learn the Orlando
Furioso in the same manner. But even this instance is less wonderful
than one as to which we may appeal to any of our readers that happened
some twenty years ago to visit the town of Stirling, in Scotland. No
such person can have forgotten the poor, uneducated man Blind Jamie who
could actually repeat, after a few minutes consideration any verse
required from any part of the Bible—even the obscurest and most
unimportant enumeration of mere proper names not excepted. We do not
mention these facts as touching the more difficult part of the question
before us, but facts they are; and if we find so much difficulty in
calculating the extent to which the mere memory may be cultivated, are
we, in these days of multifarious reading, and of countless distracting
affairs, fair judges of the perfection to which the invention and the
memory combined may attain in a simpler age, and among a more single
minded people?—Quarterly Review, Heeren steers between the two opinions, observing that, "The
Dschungariade of the Calmucks is said to surpass the poems of Homer in
length, as much as it stands beneath them in merit, and yet it exists
only in the memory of a people which is not unacquainted with writing.
But the songs of a nation are probably the last things which are
committed to writing, for the very reason that they are remembered."—
l. c., p. 143, sqq.Ancient Greece. p. 100.
The loss of the digamma, that crux of critics, that quicksand
upon which even the acumen of Bentley was shipwrecked, seems to prove
beyond a doubt, that the pronunciation of the Greek language had
undergone a considerable change. Now it is certainly difficult to
suppose that the Homeric poems could have suffered by this change, had
written copies been preserved. If Chaucer's poetry, for instance, had
not been written, it could only have come down to us in a softened
form, more like the effeminate version of Dryden, than the rough,
quaint, noble original.
"At what period," continues Grote, "these poems, or indeed any other
Greek poems, first began to be written, must be matter of conjecture,
though there is ground for assurance that it was before the time of
Solon. If, in the absence of evidence, we may venture upon Vol. II p. 198, sqq.
But even Peisistratus has not been suffered to remain in possession of the credit, and we cannot help feeling the force of the following observations—
"There are several incidental circumstances which, in our opinion, throw some suspicion over the whole history of the Peisistratid compilation, at least over the theory, that the Iliad was cast into its present stately and harmonious form by the directions of the Athenian ruler. If the great poets, who flourished at the bright period of Grecian song, of which, alas! we have inherited little more than the fame, and the faint echo, if Stesichorus, Anacreon, and Simonides were employed in the noble task of compiling the Iliad and Odyssey, so much must have been done to arrange, to connect, to harmonize, that it is almost incredible, that stronger marks of Athenian manufacture should not remain. Whatever occasional anomalies may be detected, anomalies which no doubt arise out of our own ignorance of the language of the Homeric age, however the irregular use of the digamma may have perplexed our Bentleys, to whom the name of Helen is said to have caused as much disquiet and distress as the fair one herself among the heroes of her age, however Mr. Knight may have failed in reducing the Homeric language to its primitive form; however, finally, the Attic dialect may not have assumed all its more marked and distinguishing characteristics—still it is difficult to suppose that the language, particularly in the joinings and transitions, and connecting parts, should not more clearly betray the incongruity between the more ancient and modern forms of expression. It is not quite in character with such a period to imitate an antique style, in order to piece out an imperfect poem in the character of the original, as Sir Walter Scott has done in his continuation of Sir Tristram.
"If, however, not even such faint and indistinct traces of Athenian compilation are discoverable in the language of the poems, the total absence of Athenian national feeling is perhaps no less worthy of observation. In later, and it may fairly be suspected in earlier times, the Athenians were more than ordinarily jealous of the fame of their ancestors. But, amid all the traditions of the glories of early Greece embodied in the Iliad, the Athenians play a most subordinate and insignificant part. Even the few passages which relate to their ancestors, Mr. Knight suspects to be interpolations. It is possible, indeed, that in its leading outline, the Iliad may be true to historic fact, that in the great maritime expedition of western Greece against the rival and half-kindred empire of the Laomedontiadae, the chieftain of Thessaly, from his valour and the number of his forces, may have been the most important ally of the Peloponnesian sovereign; the preeminent value of the ancient poetry on the Trojan war may thus have forced the national feeling of the Athenians to yield to their taste. The songs which spoke of their own great ancestor were, no doubt, of far inferior sublimity and popularity, or, at first sight, a Theseid would have been much more likely to have emanated from an Athenian synod of compilers of
ancient song, than an Achilleid or an Olysseid. Could France have given birth to a Tasso, Tancred would have been the hero of the Jerusalem. If, however, the Homeric ballads, as they are sometimes called, which related the wrath of Achilles, with all its direful consequences, were so far superior to the rest of the poetic cycle, as to admit no rivalry,—it is still surprising, that throughout the whole poem the callida juncturashould never betray the workmanship of an Athenian hand, and that the national spirit of a race, who have at a later period not inaptly been compared to our self admiring neighbours, the French, should submit with lofty self denial to the almost total exclusion of their own ancestors—or, at least, to the questionable dignity of only having produced a leader tolerably skilled in the military tactics of his age."Quarterly Review,
l. c.,p. 131 sq.
To return to the Wolfian theory. While it is to be confessed, that
Wolf's objections to the primitive integrity of the Iliad and Odyssey
have never been wholly got over, we cannot help discovering that they
have failed to enlighten us as to any substantial point, and that the
difficulties with which the whole subject is beset, are rather
augmented than otherwise, if we admit his hypothesis. Nor is Lachmann's Betrachtungen uber die Ilias. Berol. 1841. See Grote, p.
204. Notes and Queries, vol. v. p. 221.
Grote, although not very distinct in stating his own opinions on the
subject, has done much to clearly show the incongruity of the Wolfian
theory, and of Lachmann's modifications with the character of
Peisistratus. But he has also shown, and we think with equal success,
that the two questions relative to the primitive unity of these poems,
or, supposing that impossible, the unison of these parts by
Peisistratus, and not before his time, are essentially distinct. In
short, "a man may believe the Iliad to have been put together out of
pre-existing songs, without recognising the age of Peisistratus as the
period of its first compilation." The friends or literary
employes of Peisistratus must have found an Iliad that was
already ancient, and the silence of the Alexandrine critics respecting
the Peisistratic "recension," goes far
"Moreover," he continues, "the whole tenor of the poems themselves
confirms what is here remarked. There is nothing, either in the Iliad
or Odyssey, which savours of modernism, applying that term to the age
of Peisistratus—nothing which brings to our view the alterations
brought about by two centuries, in the Greek language, the coined
money, the habits of writing and reading, the despotisms and republican
governments, the close military array, the improved construction of
ships, the Amphiktyonic convocations, the mutual frequentation of
religious festivals, the Oriental and Egyptian veins of religion, &c.,
familiar to the latter epoch. These alterations Onomakritus, and the
other literary friends of Peisistratus, could hardly have failed to
notice, even without design, had they then, for the first time,
undertaken the task of piecing together many self existent epics into
one large aggregate. Everything in the two great Homeric poems, both in
substance and in language, belongs to an age two or three centuries
earlier than Peisistratus. Indeed, even the interpolations (or those
passages which, on the best grounds, are pronounced to be such) betray
no trace of the sixth century before Christ, and may well have been
heard by Archilochus and Kallinus—in some cases even by Arktinus and
Hesiod—as genuine Homeric matter Prolegg. pp. xxxii.,
xxxvi., &c. Vol. ii. p. 214 sqq.
On the whole, I am inclined to believe, that the labours of
Peisistratus were wholly of an editorial character, although, I must
confess, that I can lay down nothing respecting the extent of his
labours. At the same time, so far from believing that the composition
or primary arrangement of these poems, in their present form, was the
work of Peisistratus, I am rather persuaded that the fine taste and
elegant mind of that Athenian "Who," says Cicero, de Orat.
iii. 34, "was more learned in that age, or whose eloquence is reported
to have been more perfected by literature than that of Peisistratus,
who is said first to have disposed the books of Homer in the order in
which we now have them?" Compare Wolf's Prolegomena, Section 33
I cannot, however, help thinking, that the story which attributes the preservation of these poems to Lycurgus, is little else than a version of the same story as that of Peisistratus, while its historical probability must be measured by that of many others relating to the Spartan Confucius.
I will conclude this sketch of the Homeric theories, with an attempt, made by an ingenious friend, to unite them into something like consistency. It is as follows:—
"No doubt the common soldiers of that age had, like the common sailors of some fifty years ago, some one qualified to 'discourse in excellent music' among them. Many of these, like those of the negroes in the United States, were extemporaneous, and allusive to events passing around them. But what was passing around them? The grand events of a spirit-stirring war; occurrences likely to impress themselves, as the mystical legends of former times had done, upon their memory; besides which, a retentive memory was deemed a virtue of the first water, and was cultivated accordingly in those ancient times. Ballads at first, and down to the beginning of the war with Troy, were merely recitations, with an intonation. Then followed a species of recitative, probably with an intoned burden. Tune next followed, as it aided the memory considerably.
"It was at this period, about four hundred years after the war, that a poet flourished of the name of Melesigenes, or Moeonides, but most probably the former. He saw that these ballads might be made of great utility to his purpose of writing a poem on the social position of Hellas, and, as a collection, he published these lays, connecting them by a tale of his own. This poem now exists, under the title of the 'Odyssea.' The author, however, did not affix his own name to the poem, which, in fact, was, great part of it, remodelled from the archaic dialect of Crete, in which tongue the ballads were found by him. He therefore called it the poem of Homeros, or the Collector; but this is rather a proof of his modesty and talent, than of his mere drudging arrangement of other people's ideas; for, as Grote has finely observed, arguing for the unity of authorship, 'a great poet might have re-cast pre-existing separate songs into one comprehensive whole; but no mere arrangers or compilers would be competent to do so.'
"While employed on the wild legend of Odysseus, he met with a ballad, recording the quarrel of Achilles and Agamemnon. His noble mind seized the hint that there presented itself, and the Achilleis
grew under his hand. Unity of design, however, caused him to publish the poem under the same pseudonyme as his former work: and the disjointed lays of the ancient bards were joined together, like those relating to the Cid, into a chronicle history, named the Iliad. Melesigenes knew that the poem was destined to be a lasting one, and so it has proved; but, first, the poems were destined to undergo many vicissitudes and corruptions, by the people who took to singing them in the streets, assemblies, and agoras. However, Solon first, and then "The first book, together with the eighth, and the books from the eleventh to the twenty-second inclusive, seems to form the primary organization of the poem, then properly an Achilleis."—Grote, vol. ii. p. 235
Peisistratus, and afterwards Aristoteles and others, revised the poems, and restored the works of Melesigenes Homeros to their original integrity in a great measure." K. R. H. Mackenzie, Notes and Queries, p. 222 sqq.
Having thus given some general notion of the strange theories which
have developed themselves respecting this most interesting subject, I
must still express my conviction as to the unity of the authorship of
the Homeric poems. To deny that many corruptions and interpolations
disfigure them, and that the intrusive hand of the poetasters may here
and there have inflicted a wound more serious than the negligence of
the copyist, would be an absurd and captious assumption, but it is to a
higher criticism that we must appeal, if we would either understand or
enjoy these poems. In maintaining the authenticity and personality of
their one author, be he Homer or Melesigenes, quocunque nomine
vocari eum jus fasque sit, I feel conscious that, while the whole
weight of historical evidence is against the hypothesis which would
assign these great works to a plurality of authors, the most powerful
internal evidence, and that which springs from the deepest and most
immediate impulse of the soul, also speaks eloquently to the contrary.
The minutiae of verbal criticism I am far from seeking to despise.
Indeed, considering the character of some of my own books, such an
attempt would be gross inconsistency. But, while I appreciate its
importance in a philological view, I am inclined to set little store on
its aesthetic value, especially in poetry. Three parts of the
emendations made upon poets are mere alterations, some of which, had
they been suggested to the author by his Maecenas or Africanus, he
would probably have adopted. Moreover, those who are most exact in
laying down rules of verbal criticism and interpretation, are often
least competent to carry out their own precepts. Grammarians are not
poets by profession, but may be so per accidens. I do not at
this moment remember two emendations on Homer, calculated to
substantially improve the poetry of a passage, although a mass of
remarks, from Herodotus down to Loewe, have given us the history of a
thousand minute points, without which our Greek knowledge would be
gloomy and jejune.
But it is not on words only that grammarians, mere grammarians, will
exercise their elaborate and often tiresome ingenuity. Binding down an
heroic or dramatic poet to the block upon which they have previously
dissected his words and sentences, they proceed to use the axe and the
pruning knife by wholesale, and inconsistent in everything but their
wish to make out a case of unlawful affiliation, they cut out book
after book, passage after passage, till the author is reduced to a
collection of fragments, or till those, who fancied they possessed the
works of some great man, find that they have been put off with a vile
counterfeit got up at second hand. If we compare the theories of
Knight, Wolf, Lachmann, and others, we shall feel better satisfied of
the utter uncertainty of criticism than of the apocryphal position of
Homer. One rejects what another considers the turning-point of his
Nor is this morbid species of sagacity by any means to be looked upon
as a literary novelty. Justus Lipsius, a scholar of no ordinary skill,
seems to revel in the imaginary discovery, that the tragedies
attributed to Seneca are by See his Epistle to Raphelingius, in Schroeder's edition, 4to., Delphis,
1728.four different authors.
I have already expressed my belief that the labours of Peisistratus were of a purely editorial character; and there seems no more reason why corrupt and imperfect editions of Homer may not have been abroad in his day, than that the poems of Valerius Flaccus and Tibullus should have given so much trouble to Poggio, Scaliger, and others. But, after all, the main fault in all the Homeric theories is, that they demand too great a sacrifice of those feelings to which poetry most powerfully appeals, and which are its most fitting judges. The ingenuity which has sought to rob us of the name and existence of Homer, does too much violence to that inward emotion, which makes our whole soul yearn with love and admiration for the blind bard of Chios. To believe the author of the Iliad a mere compiler, is to degrade the powers of human invention; to elevate analytical judgment at the expense of the most ennobling impulses of the soul; and to forget the ocean in the contemplation of a polypus. There is a catholicity, so to speak, in the very name of Homer. Our faith in the author of the Iliad may be a mistaken one, but as yet nobody has taught us a better.
While, however, I look upon the belief in Homer as one that has nature
herself for its mainspring; while I can join with old Ennius in
believing in Homer as the ghost, who, like some patron saint, hovers
round the bed of the poet, and even bestows rare gifts from that wealth
of imagination which a host of imitators could not exhaust,—still I am
far from wishing to deny that the author of these great poems found a
rich fund of tradition, a well-stocked mythical storehouse from whenceuse existing romances in the embellishment of a poem, another to
patch up the poem itself from such materials. What consistency of style
and execution can be hoped for from such an attempt? or, rather, what
bad taste and tedium will not be the infallible result?
A blending of popular legends, and a free use of the songs of other bards, are features perfectly consistent with poetical originality. In fact, the most original writer is still drawing upon outward impressions—nay, even his own thoughts are a kind of secondary agents which support and feed the impulses of imagination. But unless there be some grand pervading principle—some invisible, yet most distinctly stamped archetypus of the great whole, a poem like the Iliad can never come to the birth. Traditions the most picturesque, episodes the most pathetic, local associations teeming with the thoughts of gods and great men, may crowd in one mighty vision, or reveal themselves in more substantial forms to the mind of the poet; but, except the power to create a grand whole, to which these shall be but as details and embellishments, be present, we shall have nought but a scrap-book, a parterre filled with flowers and weeds strangling each other in their wild redundancy: we shall have a cento of rags and tatters, which will require little acuteness to detect.
Sensible as I am of the difficulty of disproving a negative, and aware as I must be of the weighty grounds there are for opposing my belief, it still seems to me that the Homeric question is one that is reserved for a higher criticism than it has often obtained. We are not by nature intended to know all things; still less, to compass the powers by which the greatest blessings of life have been placed at our disposal. Were faith no virtue, then we might indeed wonder why God willed our ignorance on any matter. But we are too well taught the contrary lesson; and it seems as though our faith should be especially tried touching the men and the events which have wrought most influence upon the condition of humanity. And there is a kind of sacredness attached to the memory of the great and the good, which seems to bid us repulse the scepticism which would allegorize their existence into a pleasing apologue, and measure the giants of intellect by an homeopathic dynameter.
Long and habitual reading of Homer appears to familiarize our thoughts even to his incongruities; or rather, if we read in a right spirit and with a heartfelt appreciation, we are too much dazzled, too deeply wrapped in admiration of the whole, to dwell upon the minute spots which mere analysis can discover. In reading an heroic poem we must transform ourselves into heroes of the time being, we in imagination must fight over the same battles, woo the same loves, burn with the same sense of injury, as an Achilles or a Hector. And if we can but attain this degree of enthusiasm (and less enthusiasm will scarcely suffice for the reading of Homer), we shall feel that the poems of Homer are not only the work of one writer, but of the greatest writer that ever touched the hearts of men by the power of song.
And it was this supposed unity of authorship which gave these poems
their powerful influence over the minds of the men of old.
"It was Homer who formed the character of the Greek nation. No poet has ever, as a poet, exercised a similar influence over his countrymen. Prophets, lawgivers, and sages have formed the character of other nations; it was reserved to a poet to form that of the Greeks. This is a feature in their character which was not wholly erased even in the period of their degeneracy. When lawgivers and sages appeared in Greece, the work of the poet had already been accomplished; and they paid homage to his superior genius. He held up before his nation the mirror, in which they were to behold the world of gods and heroes no less than of feeble mortals, and to behold them reflected with purity and truth. His poems are founded on the first feeling of human nature; on the love of children, wife, and country; on that passion which outweighs all others, the love of glory. His songs were poured forth from a breast which sympathized with all the feelings of man; and therefore they enter, and will continue to enter, every breast which cherishes the same sympathies. If it is granted to his immortal spirit, from another heaven than any of which he dreamed on earth, to look down on his race, to see the nations from the fields of Asia to the forests of Hercynia, performing pilgrimages to the fountain which his magic wand caused to flow; if it is permitted to him to view the vast assemblage of grand, of elevated, of glorious productions, which had been called into being by means of his songs; wherever his immortal spirit may reside, this alone would suffice to complete his happiness."
Ancient Greece, p. 101.
Can we contemplate that ancient monument, on which the "Apotheosis of
Homer" The best description of this monument will be found
in Vaux's "Antiquities of the British Museum," p. 198 sq. The monument
itself (Towneley Sculptures, No. 123) is well known.
As the hymns, and some other poems usually ascribed to Homer, are not
included in Pope's translation, I will content myself with a brief
account of the Battle of the Frogs and Mice, from the pen of a writer
who has done it full justice Coleridge, Classic Poets, p.
276.
"This poem," says Coleridge, "is a short mock-heroic of ancient date. The text varies in different editions, and is obviously disturbed and corrupt to a great degree; it is commonly said to have been a juvenile essay of Homer's genius; others have attributed it to the same Pigrees,
mentioned above, and whose reputation for humour seems to have invited the appropriation of any piece of ancient wit, the author of which was uncertain; so little did the Greeks, before the age of the Ptolemies, know or care about that department of criticism employed in determining the genuineness of ancient writings. As to this little poem being a youthful prolusion of Homer, it seems sufficient to say that from the beginning to the end it is a plain and palpable parody, not only of the general spirit, but of the numerous passages of the Iliad itself; and even, if no such intention to parody were discernible in it, the objection would still remain, that to suppose a work of mere burlesque to be the primary effort of poetry in a simple age, seems to reverse that order in the development of national taste, which the history of every other people in Europe, and of many in Asia, has almost ascertained to be a law of the human mind; it is in a state of society much more refined and permanent than that described in the Iliad, that any popularity would attend such a ridicule of war and the gods as is contained in this poem; and the fact of there having existed three other poems of the same kind attributed, for aught we can see, with as much reason to Homer, is a strong inducement to believe that none of them were of the Homeric age. Knight infers from the usage of the word deltos, "writing tablet," instead of diphthera, "skin," which, according to Herod. 5, 58, was the material employed by the Asiatic Greeks for that purpose, that this poem was another offspring of Attic ingenuity; and generally that the familiar mention of the cock (v. 191) is a strong argument against so ancient a date for its composition."
Having thus given a brief account of the poems comprised in Pope's design, I will now proceed to make a few remarks on his translation, and on my own purpose in the present edition.
Pope was not a Grecian. His whole education had been irregular, and his
earliest acquaintance with the poet was through the version of Ogilby.
It is not too much to say that his whole work bears the impress of a
disposition to be satisfied with the general sense, rather than to dive
deeply into the minute and delicate features of language. Hence his
whole work is to be looked upon rather as an elegant paraphrase than a
translation. There are, to be sure, certain conventional anecdotes,
which prove that Pope consulted various friends, whose classical
attainments were sounder than his own, during the undertaking; but it
is probable that these examinations were the result rather of the
contradictory versions already existing, than of a desire to make a
perfect transcript of the original. And in those days, what is called
literal translation was less cultivated than at present. If something
like the general sense could be decorated with the easy gracefulness of
a practised poet; if the charms of metrical cadence and a pleasing
fluency could be made consistent with a fair interpretation of the
poet's meaning, his words were less jealously sought for, and those
who could read so good a poem as Pope's Iliad had fair reason to be
satisfied.
It would be absurd, therefore, to test Pope's translation by our own
advancing knowledge of the original text. We must be content tomight be. But we can
still dismiss Pope's Iliad to the hands of our readers, with the
consciousness that they must have read a very great number of books
before they have read its fellow.
As to the Notes accompanying the present volume, they are drawn up
without pretension, and mainly with the view of helping the general
reader. Having some little time since translated all the works of Homer
for another publisher, I might have brought a large amount of
accumulated matter, sometimes of a critical character, to bear upon the
text. But Pope's version was no field for such a display; and my
purpose was to touch briefly on antiquarian or mythological allusions,
to notice occasionally some departures from the original, and to
give a few parallel passages from our English Homer, Milton. In the
latter task I cannot pretend to novelty, but I trust that my other
annotations, while utterly disclaiming high scholastic views, will be
found to convey as much as is wanted; at least, as far as the necessary
limits of these volumes could be expected to admit. To write a
commentary on Homer is not my present aim; but if I have made Pope's
translation a little more entertaining and instructive to a mass of
miscellaneous readers, I shall consider my wishes satisfactorily
accomplished.
THEODORE ALOIS BUCKLEY.
Christ Church.
Homer is universally allowed to have had the greatest invention of any writer whatever. The praise of judgment Virgil has justly contested with him, and others may have their pretensions as to particular excellences; but his invention remains yet unrivalled. Nor is it a wonder if he has ever been acknowledged the greatest of poets, who most excelled in that which is the very foundation of poetry. It is the invention that, in different degrees, distinguishes all great geniuses: the utmost stretch of human study, learning, and industry, which masters everything besides, can never attain to this. It furnishes art with all her materials, and without it judgment itself can at best but "steal wisely:" for art is only like a prudent steward that lives on managing the riches of nature. Whatever praises may be given to works of judgment, there is not even a single beauty in them to which the invention must not contribute: as in the most regular gardens, art can only reduce beauties of nature to more regularity, and such a figure, which the common eye may better take in, and is, therefore, more entertained with. And, perhaps, the reason why common critics are inclined to prefer a judicious and methodical genius to a great and fruitful one, is, because they find it easier for themselves to pursue their observations through a uniform and bounded walk of art, than to comprehend the vast and various extent of nature.
Our author's work is a wild paradise, where, if we cannot see all the beauties so distinctly as in an ordered garden, it is only because the number of them is infinitely greater. It is like a copious nursery, which contains the seeds and first productions of every kind, out of which those who followed him have but selected some particular plants, each according to his fancy, to cultivate and beautify. If some things are too luxuriant it is owing to the richness of the soil; and if others are not arrived to perfection or maturity, it is only because they are overrun and oppressed by those of a stronger nature.
It is to the strength of this amazing invention we are to attribute
that unequalled fire and rapture which is so forcible in Homer, that no
man of a true poetical spirit is master of himself while he reads him.
What he writes is of the most animated nature imaginable; every thing
moves, every thing lives, and is put in action. If a council be called,
or a battle fought, you are not coldly informed of what was said
"They pour along like a fire that sweeps the whole earth before it." It is, however, remarkable, that his fancy, which is everywhere vigorous, is not discovered immediately at the beginning of his poem in its fullest splendour: it grows in the progress both upon himself and others, and becomes on fire, like a chariot-wheel, by its own rapidity. Exact disposition, just thought, correct elocution, polished numbers, may have been found in a thousand; but this poetic fire, this "vivida vis animi," in a very few. Even in works where all those are imperfect or neglected, this can overpower criticism, and make us admire even while we disapprove. Nay, where this appears, though attended with absurdities, it brightens all the rubbish about it, till we see nothing but its own splendour. This fire is discerned in Virgil, but discerned as through a glass, reflected from Homer, more shining than fierce, but everywhere equal and constant: in Lucan and Statius it bursts out in sudden, short, and interrupted flashes: In Milton it glows like a furnace kept up to an uncommon ardour by the force of art: in Shakspeare it strikes before we are aware, like an accidental fire from heaven: but in Homer, and in him only, it burns everywhere clearly and everywhere irresistibly.
I shall here endeavour to show how this vast invention exerts itself in a manner superior to that of any poet through all the main constituent parts of his work: as it is the great and peculiar characteristic which distinguishes him from all other authors.
This strong and ruling faculty was like a powerful star, which, in the violence of its course, drew all things within its vortex. It seemed not enough to have taken in the whole circle of arts, and the whole compass of nature, to supply his maxims and reflections; all the inward passions and affections of mankind, to furnish his characters: and all the outward forms and images of things for his descriptions: but wanting yet an ampler sphere to expatiate in, he opened a new and boundless walk for his imagination, and created a world for himself in the invention of fable. That which Aristotle calls "the soul of poetry," was first breathed into it by Homer, I shall begin with considering him in his part, as it is naturally the first; and I speak of it both as it means the design of a poem, and as it is taken for fiction.
Fable may be divided into the probable, the allegorical, and the
marvellous. The probable fable is the recital of such actions as,
though they did not happen, yet might, in the common course of nature;
or of such as, though they did, became fables by the additional
episodes and manner of telling them. Of this sort is the main story of
an epic poem, "The return of Ulysses, the settlement of the Trojans in
Italy," or the like. That of the Iliad is the "anger of Achilles," the
most short and single subject that ever was chosen by any poet. Yet
this he has supplied with a vaster variety of incidents
To proceed to the allegorical fable—If we reflect upon those innumerable knowledges, those secrets of nature and physical philosophy which Homer is generally supposed to have wrapped up in his allegories, what a new and ample scene of wonder may this consideration afford us! How fertile will that imagination appear, which as able to clothe all the properties of elements, the qualifications of the mind, the virtues and vices, in forms and persons, and to introduce them into actions agreeable to the nature of the things they shadowed! This is a field in which no succeeding poets could dispute with Homer, and whatever commendations have been allowed them on this head, are by no means for their invention in having enlarged his circle, but for their judgment in having contracted it. For when the mode of learning changed in the following ages, and science was delivered in a plainer manner, it then became as reasonable in the more modern poets to lay it aside, as it was in Homer to make use of it. And perhaps it was no unhappy circumstance for Virgil, that there was not in his time that demand upon him of so great an invention as might be capable of furnishing all those allegorical parts of a poem.
The marvellous fable includes whatever is supernatural, and especially
the machines of the gods. If Homer was not the first who introduced the
deities (as Herodotus imagines) into the religion of
We come now to the characters of his persons; and here we shall find no author has ever drawn so many, with so visible and surprising a variety, or given us such lively and affecting impressions of them. Every one has something so singularly his own, that no painter could have distinguished them more by their features, than the poet has by their manners. Nothing can be more exact than the distinctions he has observed in the different degrees of virtues and vices. The single quality of courage is wonderfully diversified in the several characters of the Iliad. That of Achilles is furious and intractable; that of Diomede forward, yet listening to advice, and subject to command; that of Ajax is heavy and self-confiding; of Hector, active and vigilant: the courage of Agamemnon is inspirited by love of empire and ambition; that of Menelaus mixed with softness and tenderness for his people: we find in Idomeneus a plain direct soldier; in Sarpedon a gallant and generous one. Nor is this judicious and astonishing diversity to be found only in the principal quality which constitutes the main of each character, but even in the under parts of it, to which he takes care to give a tincture of that principal one. For example: the main characters of Ulysses and Nestor consist in wisdom; and they are distinct in this, that the wisdom of one is artificial and various, of the other natural, open, and regular. But they have, besides, characters of courage; and this quality also takes a different turn in each from the difference of his prudence; for one in the war depends still upon caution, the other upon experience. It would be endless to produce instances of these kinds. The characters of Virgil are far from striking us in this open manner; they lie, in a great degree, hidden and undistinguished; and, where they are marked most evidently affect us not in proportion to those of Homer. His characters of valour are much alike; even that of Turnus seems no way peculiar, but, as it is, in a superior degree; and we see nothing that differences the courage of Mnestheus from that of Sergestus, Cloanthus, or the rest, In like manner it may be remarked of Statius's heroes, that an air of impetuosity runs through them all; the same horrid and savage courage appears in his Capaneus, Tydeus, Hippomedon, &c. They have a parity of character, which makes them seem brothers of one family. I believe when the reader is led into this tract of reflection, if he will pursue it through the epic and tragic writers, he will be convinced how infinitely superior, in this point, the invention of Homer was to that of all others.
The speeches are to be considered as they flow from the characters; being perfect or defective as they agree or disagree with the manners, of those who utter them. As there is more variety of characters in the Iliad, so there is of speeches, than in any other poem. "Everything in it has manner" (as Aristotle expresses it), that is, everything is acted or spoken. It is hardly credible, in a work of such length, how small a number of lines are employed in narration. In Virgil the dramatic part is less in proportion to the narrative, and the speeches often consist of general reflections or thoughts, which might be equally just in any person's mouth upon the same occasion. As many of his persons have no apparent characters, so many of his speeches escape being applied and judged by the rule of propriety. We oftener think of the author himself when we read Virgil, than when we are engaged in Homer, all which are the effects of a colder invention, that interests us less in the action described. Homer makes us hearers, and Virgil leaves us readers.
If, in the next place, we take a view of the sentiments, the same presiding faculty is eminent in the sublimity and spirit of his thoughts. Longinus has given his opinion, that it was in this part Homer principally excelled. What were alone sufficient to prove the grandeur and excellence of his sentiments in general, is, that they have so remarkable a parity with those of the Scripture. Duport, in his Gnomologia Homerica, has collected innumerable instances of this sort. And it is with justice an excellent modern writer allows, that if Virgil has not so many thoughts that are low and vulgar, he has not so many that are sublime and noble; and that the Roman author seldom rises into very astonishing sentiments where he is not fired by the Iliad.
If we observe his descriptions, images, and similes, we shall find the invention still predominant. To what else can we ascribe that vast comprehension of images of every sort, where we see each circumstance of art, and individual of nature, summoned together by the extent and fecundity of his imagination to which all things, in their various views presented themselves in an instant, and had their impressions taken off to perfection at a heat? Nay, he not only gives us the full prospects of things, but several unexpected peculiarities and side views, unobserved by any painter but Homer. Nothing is so surprising as the descriptions of his battles, which take up no less than half the Iliad, and are supplied with so vast a variety of incidents, that no one bears a likeness to another; such different kinds of deaths, that no two heroes are wounded in the same manner, and such a profusion of noble ideas, that every battle rises above the last in greatness, horror, and confusion. It is certain there is not near that number of images and descriptions in any epic poet, though every one has assisted himself with a great quantity out of him; and it is evident of Virgil especially, that he has scarce any comparisons which are not drawn from his master.
If we descend from hence to the expression, we see the bright
imagination of Homer shining out in the most enlivened forms of it. We
acknowledge him the father of poetical diction; the first who taught
that "language of the gods" to men. His expression is like
To throw his language more out of prose, Homer seems to have affected the compound epithets. This was a sort of composition peculiarly proper to poetry, not only as it heightened the diction, but as it assisted and filled the numbers with greater sound and pomp, and likewise conduced in some measure to thicken the images. On this last consideration I cannot but attribute these also to the fruitfulness of his invention, since (as he has managed them) they are a sort of supernumerary pictures of the persons or things to which they were joined. We see the motion of Hector's plumes in the epithet Korythaiolos, the landscape of Mount Neritus in that of Einosiphyllos, and so of others, which particular images could not have been insisted upon so long as to express them in a description (though but of a single line) without diverting the reader too much from the principal action or figure. As a metaphor is a short simile, one of these epithets is a short description.
Lastly, if we consider his versification, we shall be sensible what a
share of praise is due to his invention in that also. He was not
satisfied with his language as he found it settled in any one part of
Greece, but searched through its different dialects with this
particular view, to beautify and perfect his numbers he considered
these as they had a greater mixture of vowels or consonants, and
accordingly employed them as the verse required either a greater
smoothness or strength. What he most affected was the Ionic, which has
a peculiar sweetness, from its never using contractions, and from its
custom of resolving the diphthongs into two syllables, so as to make
the words open themselves with a more spreading and sonorous fluency.
With this he mingled the Attic contractions, the broader Doric, and the
feebler Æolic, which often rejects its aspirate, or takes off its
accent, and completed this variety by altering some letters with the
licence of poetry. Thus his measures, instead of being fetters to his
sense, were always in readiness to run along with the warmth of his
rapture, and even to give a further representation of his notions, in
the correspondence of their sounds to what they signified. Out of all
these he has derived that harmony which makes us confess he had not
only the richest head, but the finest ear in the world. This is so
great a truth, that whoever will but
Thus on whatever side we contemplate Homer, what principally strikes us
is his invention. It is that which forms the character of each part of
his work; and accordingly we find it to have made his fable more
extensive and copious than any other, his manners more lively and
strongly marked, his speeches more affecting and transported, his
sentiments more warm and sublime, his images and descriptions more full
and animated, his expression more raised and daring, and his numbers
more rapid and various. I hope, in what has been said of Virgil, with
regard to any of these heads, I have no way derogated from his
character. Nothing is more absurd or endless, than the common method of
comparing eminent writers by an opposition of particular passages in
them, and forming a judgment from thence of their merit upon the whole.
We ought to have a certain knowledge of the principal character and
distinguishing excellence of each: it is in that we are to consider
him, and in proportion to his degree in that we are to admire him. No
author or man ever excelled all the world in more than one faculty; and
as Homer has done this in invention, Virgil has in judgment. Not that
we are to think that Homer wanted judgment, because Virgil had it in a
more eminent degree; or that Virgil wanted invention, because Homer
possessed a larger share of it; each of these great authors had more of
both than perhaps any man besides, and are only said to have less in
comparison with one another. Homer was the greater genius, Virgil the
better artist. In one we most admire the man, in the other the work.
Homer hurries and transports us with a commanding impetuosity; Virgil
leads us with an attractive majesty; Homer scatters with a generous
profusion;
But after all, it is with great parts, as with great virtues, they naturally border on some imperfection; and it is often hard to distinguish exactly where the virtue ends, or the fault begins. As prudence may sometimes sink to suspicion, so may a great judgment decline to coldness; and as magnanimity may run up to profusion or extravagance, so may a great invention to redundancy or wildness. If we look upon Homer in this view, we shall perceive the chief objections against him to proceed from so noble a cause as the excess of this faculty.
Among these we may reckon some of his marvellous fictions, upon which so much criticism has been spent, as surpassing all the bounds of probability. Perhaps it may be with great and superior souls, as with gigantic bodies, which, exerting themselves with unusual strength, exceed what is commonly thought the due proportion of parts, to become miracles in the whole; and, like the old heroes of that make, commit something near extravagance, amidst a series of glorious and inimitable performances. Thus Homer has his "speaking horses;" and Virgil his "myrtles distilling blood;" where the latter has not so much as contrived the easy intervention of a deity to save the probability.
It is owing to the same vast invention, that his similes have been thought too exuberant and full of circumstances. The force of this faculty is seen in nothing more, than in its inability to confine itself to that single circumstance upon which the comparison is grounded: it runs out into embellishments of additional images, which, however, are so managed as not to overpower the main one. His similes are like pictures, where the principal figure has not only its proportion given agreeable to the original, but is also set off with occasional ornaments and prospects. The same will account for his manner of heaping a number of comparisons together in one breath, when his fancy suggested to him at once so many various and correspondent images. The reader will easily extend this observation to more objections of the same kind.
If there are others which seem rather to charge him with a defect or
narrowness of genius, than an excess of it, those seeming defects will
be found upon examination to proceed wholly from the nature of the
times he lived in. Such are his grosser representations of the gods;
and the vicious and imperfect manners of his heroes; but I must here Preface to her Homer.
This consideration may further serve to answer for the constant use of
the same epithets to his gods and heroes; such as the "far-darting
Phoebus," the "blue-eyed Pallas," the "swift-footed Achilles," &c.,
which some have censured as impertinent, and tediously repeated. Those
of the gods depended upon the powers and offices then believed to
belong to them; and had contracted a weight and veneration from the
rites and solemn devotions in which they were used: they were a sort of
attributes with which it was a matter of religion to salute them on all
occasions, and which it was an irreverence to omit. As for the epithets
of great men, Mons. Boileau is of opinion, that they were in the nature
of surnames, and repeated as such; for the Greeks having no names
derived from their fathers, were obliged to add some other distinction
of each person; either naming his parents expressly, or his place of
birth, profession, or the like: as Alexander the son of Philip,
Herodotus of Halicarnassus, Diogenes the Cynic, &c. Homer, therefore,
complying with the custom of his country, used such distinctive
additions as better agreed with poetry. And, indeed, we have something
parallel to these in modern times, such as the names of Harold
Harefoot, Edmund Ironside, Edward Longshanks, Edward the Black Prince,
&c. If yet this be thought to account better for the propriety than for
the repetition, I shall add a further conjecture. Hesiod, dividing the
world into its different ages, has placed a fourth age, between the
brazen and the iron one, of "heroes distinct from other
What other cavils have been raised against Homer, are such as hardly
deserve a reply, but will yet be taken notice of as they occur in the
course of the work. Many have been occasioned by an injudicious
endeavour to exalt Virgil; which is much the same, as if one should
think to raise the superstructure by undermining the foundation: one
would imagine, by the whole course of their parallels, that these
critics never so much as heard of Homer's having written first; a
consideration which whoever compares these two poets ought to have
always in his eye. Some accuse him for the same things which they
overlook or praise in the other; as when they prefer the fable and
moral of the Æneis to those of the Iliad, for the same reasons which
might set the Odyssey above the Æneis; as that the hero is a wiser
man, and the action of the one more beneficial to his country than that
of the other; or else they blame him for not doing what he never
designed; as because Achilles is not as good and perfect a prince as
Æneas, when the very moral of his poem required a contrary character:
it is thus that Rapin judges in his comparison of Homer and Virgil.
Others select those particular passages of Homer which are not so
laboured as some that Virgil drew out of them: this is the whole
management of Scaliger in his Poetics. Others quarrel with what they
take for low and mean expressions, sometimes through a false delicacy
and refinement, oftener from an ignorance of the graces of the
original, and then triumph in the awkwardness of their own
translations: this is the conduct of Perrault in his Parallels. Lastly,
there are others, who, pretending to a fairer proceeding, distinguish
between the personal merit of Homer, and that of his work; but when
they come to assign the causes of the great reputation of the Iliad,
they found it upon the ignorance of his times, and the prejudice of
those that followed: and in pursuance of this principle, they make
those accidents (such as the contention of the cities, &c.) to be the
causes of his fame, which were in reality the consequences of his
merit. The same might as well be said of Virgil, or any great author
whose general character will infallibly raise many casual additions to
their reputation. This is the method of Mons. de la Mott; who yet
confesses upon the whole that in whatever age Homer had lived, he must
have been the greatest poet of his nation, and that he may be said in
his sense to be the master even of those who surpassed him. Hesiod. Opp. et Dier. Lib. I. vers. 155, &c.
In all these objections we see nothing that contradicts his title to
the honour of the chief invention: and as long as this (which is indeed
the characteristic of poetry itself) remains unequalled by his
followers, he still continues superior to them. A cooler judgment may
commit fewer faults, and be more approved in the eyes of one sort of
critics: but that warmth of fancy will carry the loudest and most
Having now spoken of the beauties and defects of the original, it remains to treat of the translation, with the same view to the chief characteristic. As far as that is seen in the main parts of the poem, such as the fable, manners, and sentiments, no translator can prejudice it but by wilful omissions or contractions. As it also breaks out in every particular image, description, and simile, whoever lessens or too much softens those, takes off from this chief character. It is the first grand duty of an interpreter to give his author entire and unmaimed; and for the rest, the diction and versification only are his proper province, since these must be his own, but the others he is to take as he finds them.
It should then be considered what methods may afford some equivalent in
our language for the graces of these in the Greek. It is certain no
literal translation can be just to an excellent original in a superior
language: but it is a great mistake to imagine (as many have done) that
a rash paraphrase can make amends for this general defect; which is no
less in danger to lose the spirit of an ancient, by deviating into the
modern manners of expression. If there be sometimes a darkness, there
is often a light in antiquity, which nothing better preserves than a
version almost literal. I know no liberties one ought to take, but
those which are necessary to transfusing the spirit of the original,
and supporting the poetical style of the translation: and I will
venture to say, there have not been more men misled in former times by
a servile, dull adherence to the letter, than have been deluded in ours
by a chimerical, insolent hope of raising and improving their author.
It is not to be doubted, that the fire of the poem is what a translator
should principally regard, as it is most likely to expire in his
managing: however, it is his safest way to be content with preserving
this to his utmost in the whole, without endeavouring to be more than
he finds his author is, in any particular place. It is a great secret
in writing, to know when to be plain, and when poetical and figurative;
and it is what Homer will teach us, if we will but follow modestly in
his footsteps. Where his diction is bold and lofty, let us raise ours
as high as we can; but where his is plain and humble, we ought not to
be deterred from imitating him by the fear of incurring the censure of
a mere English critic. Nothing that belongs to Homer
This pure and noble simplicity is nowhere in such perfection as in the Scripture and our author. One may affirm, with all respect to the inspired writings, that the Divine Spirit made use of no other words but what were intelligible and common to men at that time, and in that part of the world; and, as Homer is the author nearest to those, his style must of course bear a greater resemblance to the sacred books than that of any other writer. This consideration (together with what has been observed of the parity of some of his thoughts) may, methinks, induce a translator, on the one hand, to give in to several of those general phrases and manners of expression, which have attained a veneration even in our language from being used in the Old Testament; as, on the other, to avoid those which have been appropriated to the Divinity, and in a manner consigned to mystery and religion.
For a further preservation of this air of simplicity, a particular care should be taken to express with all plainness those moral sentences and proverbial speeches which are so numerous in this poet. They have something venerable, and as I may say, oracular, in that unadorned gravity and shortness with which they are delivered: a grace which would be utterly lost by endeavouring to give them what we call a more ingenious (that is, a more modern) turn in the paraphrase.
Perhaps the mixture of some Graecisms and old words after the manner of Milton, if done without too much affectation, might not have an ill effect in a version of this particular work, which most of any other seems to require a venerable, antique cast. But certainly the use of modern terms of war and government, such as "platoon, campaign, junto," or the like, (into which some of his translators have fallen) cannot be allowable; those only excepted without which it is impossible to treat the subjects in any living language.
There are two peculiarities in Homer's diction, which are a sort of
marks or moles by which every common eye distinguishes him at first
sight; those who are not his greatest admirers look upon them as
defects, and those who are, seemed pleased with them as beauties. I
speak of his compound epithets, and of his repetitions. Many of the
Some that cannot be so turned, as to preserve their full image by one or two words, may have justice done them by circumlocution; as the epithet einosiphyllos to a mountain, would appear little or ridiculous translated literally "leaf-shaking," but affords a majestic idea in the periphrasis: "the lofty mountain shakes his waving woods." Others that admit of different significations, may receive an advantage from a judicious variation, according to the occasions on which they are introduced. For example, the epithet of Apollo, hekaebolos or "far-shooting," is capable of two explications; one literal, in respect of the darts and bow, the ensigns of that god; the other allegorical, with regard to the rays of the sun; therefore, in such places where Apollo is represented as a god in person, I would use the former interpretation; and where the effects of the sun are described, I would make choice of the latter. Upon the whole, it will be necessary to avoid that perpetual repetition of the same epithets which we find in Homer, and which, though it might be accommodated (as has been already shown) to the ear of those times, is by no means so to ours: but one may wait for opportunities of placing them, where they derive an additional beauty from the occasions on which they are employed; and in doing this properly, a translator may at once show his fancy and his judgment.
As for Homer's repetitions, we may divide them into three sorts: of whole narrations and speeches, of single sentences, and of one verse or hemistitch. I hope it is not impossible to have such a regard to these, as neither to lose so known a mark of the author on the one hand, nor to offend the reader too much on the other. The repetition is not ungraceful in those speeches, where the dignity of the speaker renders it a sort of insolence to alter his words; as in the messages from gods to men, or from higher powers to inferiors in concerns of state, or where the ceremonial of religion seems to require it, in the solemn forms of prayers, oaths, or the like. In other cases, I believe the best rule is, to be guided by the nearness, or distance, at which the repetitions are placed in the original: when they follow too close, one may vary the expression; but it is a question, whether a professed translator be authorized to omit any: if they be tedious, the author is to answer for it.
It only remains to speak of the versification. Homer (as has been said)
is perpetually applying the sound to the sense, and varying it on every
new subject. This is indeed one of the most exquisite beauties of
poetry, and attainable by very few: I only know of Homer eminent for it
in the Greek, and Virgil in the Latin. I am sensible it is what may
sometimes happen by chance, when a writer is warm, and fully
Upon the whole, I must confess myself utterly incapable of doing justice to Homer. I attempt him in no other hope but that which one may entertain without much vanity, of giving a more tolerable copy of him than any entire translation in verse has yet done. We have only those of Chapman, Hobbes, and Ogilby. Chapman has taken the advantage of an immeasurable length of verse, notwithstanding which, there is scarce any paraphrase more loose and rambling than his. He has frequent interpolations of four or six lines; and I remember one in the thirteenth book of the Odyssey, ver. 312, where he has spun twenty verses out of two. He is often mistaken in so bold a manner, that one might think he deviated on purpose, if he did not in other places of his notes insist so much upon verbal trifles. He appears to have had a strong affectation of extracting new meanings out of his author; insomuch as to promise, in his rhyming preface, a poem of the mysteries he had revealed in Homer; and perhaps he endeavoured to strain the obvious sense to this end. His expression is involved in fustian; a fault for which he was remarkable in his original writings, as in the tragedy of Bussy d'Amboise, &c. In a word, the nature of the man may account for his whole performance; for he appears, from his preface and remarks, to have been of an arrogant turn, and an enthusiast in poetry. His own boast, of having finished half the Iliad in less than fifteen weeks, shows with what negligence his version was performed. But that which is to be allowed him, and which very much contributed to cover his defects, is a daring fiery spirit that animates his translation, which is something like what one might imagine Homer himself would have writ before he arrived at years of discretion.
Hobbes has given us a correct explanation of the sense in general; but for particulars and circumstances he continually lops them, and often omits the most beautiful. As for its being esteemed a close translation, I doubt not many have been led into that error by the shortness of it, which proceeds not from his following the original line by line, but from the contractions above mentioned. He sometimes omits whole similes and sentences; and is now and then guilty of mistakes, into which no writer of his learning could have fallen, but through carelessness. His poetry, as well as Ogilby's, is too mean for criticism.
It is a great loss to the poetical world that Mr. Dryden did not live
to translate the Iliad. He has left us only the first book, and a small
part of the sixth; in which if he has in some places not truly
interpreted the sense, or preserved the antiquities, it ought to be
excused on account of the haste he was obliged to write in. He seems to
have had too much regard to Chapman, whose words he sometimes copies,
and has unhappily followed him in passages where he wanders from the
original. However, had he translated the whole work, I would no more
have attempted Homer after him than Virgil: his version of whom
(notwithstanding some human errors) is the most noble and spirited
translation I know in any language. But the fate of great geniuses is
like
That which, in my opinion, ought to be the endeavour of any one who translates Homer, is above all things to keep alive that spirit and fire which makes his chief character: in particular places, where the sense can bear any doubt, to follow the strongest and most poetical, as most agreeing with that character; to copy him in all the variations of his style, and the different modulations of his numbers; to preserve, in the more active or descriptive parts, a warmth and elevation; in the more sedate or narrative, a plainness and solemnity; in the speeches, a fulness and perspicuity; in the sentences, a shortness and gravity; not to neglect even the little figures and turns on the words, nor sometimes the very cast of the periods; neither to omit nor confound any rites or customs of antiquity: perhaps too he ought to include the whole in a shorter compass than has hitherto been done by any translator who has tolerably preserved either the sense or poetry. What I would further recommend to him is, to study his author rather from his own text, than from any commentaries, how learned soever, or whatever figure they may make in the estimation of the world; to consider him attentively in comparison with Virgil above all the ancients, and with Milton above all the moderns. Next these, the Archbishop of Cambray's Telemachus may give him the truest idea of the spirit and turn of our author; and Bossu's admirable Treatise of the Epic Poem the justest notion of his design and conduct. But after all, with whatever judgment and study a man may proceed, or with whatever happiness he may perform such a work, he must hope to please but a few; those only who have at once a taste of poetry, and competent learning. For to satisfy such a want either, is not in the nature of this undertaking; since a mere modern wit can like nothing that is not modern, and a pedant nothing that is not Greek.
What I have done is submitted to the public; from whose opinions I am
prepared to learn; though I fear no judges so little as our best poets,
who are most sensible of the weight of this task. As for the worst,
whatever they shall please to say, they may give me some concern as
they are unhappy men, but none as they are malignant writers. I was
guided in this translation by judgments very different from theirs, and
by persons for whom they can have no kindness, if an old observation be
true, that the strongest antipathy in the world is that of fools to men
of wit. Mr. Addison was the first whose advice determined me to
undertake this task; who was pleased to write to me upon that occasion
in such terms as I cannot repeat without vanity. I was obliged to Sir
Richard Steele for a very early recommendation of my undertaking to the
public. Dr. Swift promoted my interest with that warmth with which he
always serves his friend. The humanity and frankness of Sir Samuel
Garth are what I never knew wanting on any occasion. I must also
acknowledge, with infinite pleasure, the many friendly offices, as well
as sincere criticisms, of Mr. Congreve, who had led me the way in
translating some parts of Homer. I must add the names of Mr. Rowe, and
Dr. Parnell, though I shall take a further opportunity of doing justice
to the last, whose good nature (to
That the Earl of Halifax was one of the first to favour me; of whom it is hard to say whether the advancement of the polite arts is more owing to his generosity or his example: that such a genius as my Lord Bolingbroke, not more distinguished in the great scenes of business, than in all the useful and entertaining parts of learning, has not refused to be the critic of these sheets, and the patron of their writer: and that the noble author of the tragedy of "Heroic Love" has continued his partiality to me, from my writing pastorals to my attempting the Iliad. I cannot deny myself the pride of confessing, that I have had the advantage not only of their advice for the conduct in general, but their correction of several particulars of this translation.
I could say a great deal of the pleasure of being distinguished by the Earl of Carnarvon; but it is almost absurd to particularize any one generous action in a person whose whole life is a continued series of them. Mr. Stanhope, the present secretary of state, will pardon my desire of having it known that he was pleased to promote this affair. The particular zeal of Mr. Harcourt (the son of the late Lord Chancellor) gave me a proof how much I am honoured in a share of his friendship. I must attribute to the same motive that of several others of my friends: to whom all acknowledgments are rendered unnecessary by the privileges of a familiar correspondence; and I am satisfied I can no way better oblige men of their turn than by my silence.
In short, I have found more patrons than ever Homer wanted. He would have thought himself happy to have met the same favour at Athens that has been shown me by its learned rival, the University of Oxford. And I can hardly envy him those pompous honours he received after death, when I reflect on the enjoyment of so many agreeable obligations, and easy friendships, which make the satisfaction of life. This distinction is the more to be acknowledged, as it is shown to one whose pen has never gratified the prejudices of particular parties, or the vanities of particular men. Whatever the success may prove, I shall never repent of an undertaking in which I have experienced the candour and friendship of so many persons of merit; and in which I hope to pass some of those years of youth that are generally lost in a circle of follies, after a manner neither wholly unuseful to others, nor disagreeable to myself.
ARGUMENT. The following argument of the Iliad, corrected in
a few particulars, is translated from Bitaube, and is, perhaps, the
neatest summary that has ever been drawn up:—"A hero, injured by his
general, and animated with a noble resentment, retires to his tent; and
for a season withdraws himself and his troops from the war. During this
interval, victory abandons the army, which for nine years has been
occupied in a great enterprise, upon the successful termination of
which the honour of their country depends. The general, at length
opening his eyes to the fault which he had committed, deputes the
principal officers of his army to the incensed hero, with commission to
make compensation for the injury, and to tender magnificent presents.
The hero, according to the proud obstinacy of his character, persists
in his animosity; the army is again defeated, and is on the verge of
entire destruction. This inexorable man has a friend; this friend weeps
before him, and asks for the hero's arms, and for permission to go to
the war in his stead. The eloquence of friendship prevails more than
the intercession of the ambassadors or the gifts of the general. He
lends his armour to his friend, but commands him not to engage with the
chief of the enemy's army, because he reserves to himself the honour of
that combat, and because he also fears for his friend's life. The
prohibition is forgotten; the friend listens to nothing but his
courage; his corpse is brought back to the hero, and the hero's arms
become the prize of the conqueror. Then the hero, given up to the most
lively despair, prepares to fight; he receives from a divinity new
armour, is reconciled with his general and, thirsting for glory and
revenge, enacts prodigies of valour, recovers the victory, slays the
enemy's chief, honours his friend with superb funeral rites, and
exercises a cruel vengeance on the body of his destroyer; but finally
appeased by the tears and prayers of the father of the slain warrior,
restores to the old man the corpse of his son, which he buries with due
solemnities.'—Coleridge, p. 177, sqq.
THE CONTENTION OF ACHILLES AND AGAMEMNON.
In the war of Troy, the Greeks having sacked some of the neighbouring towns, and taken from thence two beautiful captives, Chryseis and Briseis, allotted the first to Agamemnon, and the last to Achilles. Chryses, the father of Chryseis, and priest of Apollo, comes to the Grecian camp to ransom her; with which the action of the poem opens, in the tenth year of the siege. The priest being refused, and insolently dismissed by Agamemnon, entreats for vengeance from his god; who inflicts a pestilence on the Greeks. Achilles calls a council, and encourages Chalcas to declare the cause of it; who attributes it to the refusal of Chryseis. The king, being obliged to send back his captive, enters into a furious contest with Achilles, which Nestor pacifies; however, as he had the absolute command of the army, he seizes on Briseis in revenge. Achilles in discontent withdraws himself and his forces from the rest of the Greeks; and complaining to Thetis, she supplicates Jupiter to render them sensible of the wrong done to her son, by giving victory to the Trojans. Jupiter, granting her suit, incenses Juno: between whom the debate runs high, till they are reconciled by the address of Vulcan.
The time of two-and-twenty days is taken up in this book: nine during the plague, one in the council and quarrel of the princes, and twelve for Jupiter's stay with the Æthiopians, at whose return Thetis prefers her petition. The scene lies in the Grecian camp, then changes to Chrysa, and lastly to Olympus.
Vultures: Pope is more accurate than the poet he translates,
for Homer writes "a prey to dogs and to all kinds of birds. But
all kinds of birds are not carnivorous.
—i.e. during the whole time of their striving the will
of Jove was being gradually accomplished.
Compare Milton's "Paradise Lost" i. 6
—Latona's son: i.e. Apollo.
—King of men: Agamemnon.
—Brother kings: Menelaus and Agamemnon.
—Smintheus an epithet taken from sminthos, the Phrygian
name for a mouse, was applied to Apollo for having put an end to a
plague of mice which had harassed that territory. Strabo, however,
says, that when the Teucri were migrating from Crete, they were told by
an oracle to settle in that place, where they should not be attacked by
the original inhabitants of the land, and that, having halted for the
night, a number of field-mice came and gnawed away the leathern straps
of their baggage, and thongs of their armour. In fulfilment of the
oracle, they settled on the spot, and raised a temple to Sminthean
Apollo. Grote, "History of Greece," i. p. 68, remarks that the "worship
of Sminthean Apollo, in various parts of the Troad and its neighboring
territory, dates before the earliest period of Aeolian colonization."
—Cilla, a town of Troas near Thebe, so called from
Cillus, a sister of Hippodamia, slain by OEnomaus.
A mistake. It should be,
"If e'er I roofed thy graceful fane,"
for the custom of decorating temples with garlands was of later date.
—Bent was his bow "The Apollo of Homer, it must be borne
in mind, is a different character from the deity of the same name
in the later classical pantheon. Throughout both poems, all deaths from
unforeseen or invisible causes, the ravages of pestilence, the fate of
the young child or promising adult, cut off in the germ of infancy or
flower of youth, of the old man dropping peacefully into the grave, or
of the reckless sinner suddenly checked in his career of crime, are
ascribed to the arrows of Apollo or Diana. The oracular functions of
the god rose naturally out of the above fundamental attributes, for who
could more appropriately impart to mortals what little foreknowledge
Fate permitted of her decrees than the agent of her most awful
dispensations? The close union of the arts of prophecy and song
explains his additional office of god of music, while the arrows with
which he and his sister were armed, symbols of sudden death in every
age, no less naturally procured him that of god of archery. Of any
connection between Apollo and the Sun, whatever may have existed in the
more esoteric doctrine of the Greek sanctuaries, there is no trace in
either Iliad or Odyssey."—Mure, "History of Greek Literature," vol. i.
p. 478, sq.
It has frequently been observed, that most pestilences begin with animals, and that Homer had this fact in mind.
—Convened to council. The public assembly in the heroic
times is well characterized by Grote, vol. ii. p 92. "It is an assembly
for talk. Communication and discussion to a certain extent by the
chiefs in person, of the people as listeners and sympathizers—often
for eloquence, and sometimes for quarrel—but here its ostensible
purposes end."
Old Jacob Duport, whose "Gnomologia Homerica" is full of curious and useful things, quotes several passages of the ancients, in which reference is made to these words of Homer, in maintenance of the belief that dreams had a divine origin and an import in which men were interested.
Rather, "bright-eyed." See the German critics quoted by Arnold.
The prize given to Ajax was Tecmessa, while Ulysses received Laodice, the daughter of Cycnus.
The Myrmidons dwelt on the southern borders of Thessaly, and
took their origin from Myrmido, son of Jupiter and Eurymedusa. It is
fancifully supposed that the name was derived from myrmaex, an
ant, "because they imitated the diligence of the ants, and like
them were indefatigable, continually employed in cultivating the earth;
the change from ants to men is founded merely on the equivocation of
their name, which resembles that of the ant: they bore a further
resemblance to these little animals, in that instead of inhabiting
towns or villages, at first they commonly resided in the open fields,
having no other retreats but dens and the cavities of trees, until
Ithacus brought them together, and settled them in more secure and
comfortable habitations."—Anthon's "Lempriere."
Eustathius, after Heraclides Ponticus and others, allegorizes this apparition, as if the appearance of Minerva to Achilles, unseen by the rest, was intended to point out the sudden recollection that he would gain nothing by intemperate wrath, and that it were best to restrain his anger, and only gratify it by withdrawing his services. The same idea is rather cleverly worked out by Apuleius, "De Deo Socratis."
Compare Milton, "Paradise Lost," bk. ii:
So Proverbs v. 3, "For the lips of a strange woman drop as an honey-comb."
Salt water was chiefly used in lustrations, from its being supposed to possess certain fiery particles. Hence, if sea-water could not be obtained, salt was thrown into the fresh water to be used for the lustration. Menander, in Clem. Alex. vii. p.713, hydati perriranai, embalon alas, phakois.
The persons of heralds were held inviolable, and they were at liberty to travel whither they would without fear of molestation. Pollux, Onom. viii. p. 159. The office was generally given to old men, and they were believed to be under the especial protection of Jove and Mercury.
His mother, Thetis, the daughter of Nereus and Doris, who was courted by Neptune and Jupiter. When, however, it was known that the son to whom she would give birth must prove greater than his father, it was determined to wed her to a mortal, and Peleus, with great difficulty, succeeded in obtaining her hand, as she eluded him by assuming various forms. Her children were all destroyed by fire through her attempts to see whether they were immortal, and Achilles would have shared the same fate had not his father rescued him. She afterwards rendered him invulnerable by plunging him into the waters of the Styx, with the exception of that part of the heel by which she held him. Hygin. Fab. 54
Thebe was a city of Mysia, north of Adramyttium.
That is, defrauds me of the prize allotted me by their votes.
Quintus Calaber goes still further in his account of the service rendered to Jove by Thetis:
—To Fates averse. Of the gloomy destiny reigning throughout
the Homeric poems, and from which even the gods are not exempt,
Schlegel well observes, "This power extends also to the world of gods—
for the Grecian gods are mere powers of nature—and although
immeasurably higher than mortal man, yet, compared with infinitude,
they are on an equal footing with himself."—'Lectures on the Drama'
v. p. 67.
It has been observed that the annual procession of the sacred ship so often represented on Egyptian monuments, and the return of the deity from Ethiopia after some days' absence, serves to show the Ethiopian origin of Thebes, and of the worship of Jupiter Ammon. "I think," says Heeren, after quoting a passage from Diodorus about the holy ship, "that this procession is represented in one of the great sculptured reliefs on the temple of Karnak. The sacred ship of Ammon is on the shore with its whole equipment, and is towed along by another boat. It is therefore on its voyage. This must have been one of the most celebrated festivals, since, even according to the interpretation of antiquity, Homer alludes to it when he speaks of Jupiter's visit to the Ethiopians, and his twelve days' absence."—Long, "Egyptian Antiquities" vol. 1 p. 96. Eustathius, vol. 1 p. 98, sq. (ed. Basil) gives this interpretation, and likewise an allegorical one, which we will spare the reader.
—Atoned, i.e. reconciled. This is the proper and most
natural meaning of the word, as may be seen from Taylor's remarks in
Calmet's Dictionary, p.110, of my edition.
That is, drawing back their necks while they cut their throats. "If the sacrifice was in honour of the celestial gods, the throat was bent upwards towards heaven; but if made to the heroes, or infernal deities, it was killed with its throat toward the ground."— "Elgin Marbles," vol i. p.81.
Dryden's "Virgil," i. 293.
—Crown'd, i.e. filled to the brim. The custom of
adorning goblets with flowers was of later date.
—He spoke, &c. "When a friend inquired of Phidias what
pattern he had formed his Olympian Jupiter, he is said to have answered
by repeating the lines of the first Iliad in which the poet represents
the majesty of the god in the most sublime terms; thereby signifying
that the genius of Homer had inspired him with it. Those who beheld
this statue are said to have been so struck with it as to have asked
whether Jupiter had descended from heaven to show himself to Phidias,
or whether Phidias had been carried thither to contemplate the god."—
"Elgin Marbles," vol. xii p.124.
"Paradise Lost" ii. 351.
—A double bowl, i.e. a vessel with a cup at both ends,
something like the measures by which a halfpenny or pennyworth of
nuts is sold. See Buttmann, Lexic. p. 93 sq.
"Paradise Lost," i. 44.
The occasion on which Vulcan incurred Jove's displeasure was this—After Hercules, had taken and pillaged Troy, Juno raised a storm, which drove him to the island of Cos, having previously cast Jove into a sleep, to prevent him aiding his son. Jove, in revenge, fastened iron anvils to her feet, and hung her from the sky, and Vulcan, attempting to relieve her, was kicked down from Olympus in the manner described. The allegorists have gone mad in finding deep explanations for this amusing fiction. See Heraclides, 'Ponticus," p. 463 sq., ed Gale. The story is told by Homer himself in Book xv. The Sinthians were a race of robbers, the ancient inhabitants of Lemnos which island was ever after sacred to Vulcan.
"Paradise Lost," i. 738
It is ingeniously observed by Grote, vol i p. 463, that "The gods formed a sort of political community of their own which had its hierarchy, its distribution of ranks and duties, its contentions for power and occasional revolutions, its public meetings in the agora of Olympus, and its multitudinous banquets or festivals."
ARGUMENT.
THE TRIAL OF THE ARMY, AND CATALOGUE OF THE FORCES.
Jupiter, in pursuance of the request of Thetis, sends a deceitful vision to Agamemnon, persuading him to lead the army to battle, in order to make the Greeks sensible of their want of Achilles. The general, who is deluded with the hopes of taking Troy without his assistance, but fears the army was discouraged by his absence, and the late plague, as well as by the length of time, contrives to make trial of their disposition by a stratagem. He first communicates his design to the princes in council, that he would propose a return to the soldiers, and that they should put a stop to them if the proposal was embraced. Then he assembles the whole host, and upon moving for a return to Greece, they unanimously agree to it, and run to prepare the ships. They are detained by the management of Ulysses, who chastises the insolence of Thersites. The assembly is recalled, several speeches made on the occasion, and at length the advice of Nestor followed, which was to make a general muster of the troops, and to divide them into their several nations, before they proceeded to battle. This gives occasion to the poet to enumerate all the forces of the Greeks and Trojans, and in a large catalogue.
The time employed in this book consists not entirely of one day. The scene lies in the Grecian camp, and upon the sea-shore; towards the end it removes to Troy.
Plato, Rep. iii. p. 437, was so scandalized at this deception of Jupiter's, and at his other attacks on the character of the gods, that he would fain sentence him to an honourable banishment. (See Minucius Felix, Section 22.) Coleridge, Introd. p. 154, well observes, that the supreme father of gods and men had a full right to employ a lying spirit to work out his ultimate will. Compare "Paradise Lost," v. 646:
—Dream ought to be spelt with a capital letter, being,
I think, evidently personified as the god of dreams. See Anthon and
others.
Dyce's "Select Translations from Quintus Calaber," p.10.
—"Paradise Lost," v. 673.
This truly military sentiment has been echoed by the approving voice of many a general and statesman of antiquity. See Pliny's Panegyric on Trajan. Silius neatly translates it,
"Turpe duci totam somno consumere noctem."
—The same in habit, &c.
Dryden's Virgil, iv. 803.
It was the herald's duty to make the people sit down. "A
standing agora is a symptom of manifest terror (II. Xviii. 246)
an evening agora, to which men came elevated by wine, is also the
forerunner of mischief ('Odyssey,' iii. 138)."—Grote, ii. p. 91,
note.
This sceptre, like that of Judah (Genesis xlix. 10), is a type of the supreme and far-spread dominion of the house of the Atrides. See Thucydides i. 9. "It is traced through the hands of Hermes, he being the wealth giving god, whose blessing is most efficacious in furthering the process of acquisition."—Grote, i. p. 212. Compare Quintus Calaber (Dyce's Selections, p. 43).
Grote, i, p. 393, states the number of the Grecian forces at upwards of 100,000 men. Nichols makes a total of 135,000.
This sentiment used to be a popular one with some of the greatest tyrants, who abused it into a pretext for unlimited usurpation of power. Dion, Caligula, and Domitian were particularly fond of it, and, in an extended form, we find the maxim propounded by Creon in the Antigone of Sophocles. See some important remarks of Heeren, "Ancient Greece," ch. vi. p. 105.
It may be remarked, that the character of Thersites,
revolting and contemptible as it is, serves admirably to develop the
disposition of Ulysses in a new light, in which mere cunning is less
prominent. Of the gradual and individual development of Homer's heroes,
Schlegel well observes, "In bas-relief the figures are usually in
profile, and in the epos all are characterized in the simplest manner
in relief; they are not grouped together, but follow one another; so
Homer's heroes advance, one by one, in succession before us. It has
been remarked that the Iliad is not definitively closed, but
that we are left to suppose something both to precede and to follow it.
The bas-relief is equally without limit, and may be continued ad
infinitum, either from before or behind, on which account the
ancients preferred for it such subjects as admitted of an indefinite
extension, sacrificial processions, dances, and lines of combatants,
and hence they also exhibit bas-reliefs on curved surfaces, such as
vases, or the frieze of a rotunda, where, by the curvature, the two
ends are withdrawn from our sight, and where, while we advance, one
object appears as another disappears. Reading Homer is very much like
such a circuit; the present object alone arresting our attention, we
lose sight of what precedes, and do not concern ourselves about what is
to follow."—"Dramatic Literature," p. 75.
"There cannot be a clearer indication than this description —so graphic in the original poem—of the true character of the Homeric agora. The multitude who compose it are listening and acquiescent, not often hesitating, and never refractory to the chief. The fate which awaits a presumptuous critic, even where his virulent reproaches are substantially well-founded, is plainly set forth in the treatment of Thersites; while the unpopularity of such a character is attested even more by the excessive pains which Homer takes to heap upon him repulsive personal deformities, than by the chastisement of Odysseus he is lame, bald, crook-backed, of misshapen head, and squinting vision."—Grote, vol. i. p. 97.
According to Pausanias, both the sprig and the remains of the tree were exhibited in his time. The tragedians, Lucretius and others, adopted a different fable to account for the stoppage at Aulis, and seem to have found the sacrifice of Iphigena better suited to form the subject of a tragedy. Compare Dryden's "Æneid," vol. iii. sqq.
—Full of his god, i.e., Apollo, filled with the
prophetic spirit. "The god" would be more simple and emphatic.
Those critics who have maintained that the "Catalogue of Ships" is an interpolation, should have paid more attention to these lines, which form a most natural introduction to their enumeration.
The following observation will be useful to Homeric readers: "Particular animals were, at a later time, consecrated to particular deities. To Jupiter, Ceres, Juno, Apollo, and Bacchus victims of advanced age might be offered. An ox of five years old was considered especially acceptable to Jupiter. A black bull, a ram, or a boar pig, were offerings for Neptune. A heifer, or a sheep, for Minerva. To Ceres a sow was sacrificed, as an enemy to corn. The goat to Bacchus, because he fed on vines. Diana was propitiated with a stag; and to Venus the dove was consecrated. The infernal and evil deities were to be appeased with black victims. The most acceptable of all sacrifices was the heifer of a year old, which had never borne the yoke. It was to be perfect in every limb, healthy, and without blemish."—"Elgin Marbles," vol. i. p. 78.
—Idomeneus, son of Deucalion, was
king of Crete. Having vowed, during a tempest, on his return from Troy,
to sacrifice to Neptune the first creature that should present itself
to his eye on the Cretan shore, his son fell a victim to his rash vow.
—Tydeus' son, i.e. Diomed.
That is, Ajax, the son of Oileus, a Locrian. He must be distinguished from the other, who was king of Salamis.
A great deal of nonsense has been written to account for the
word unbid, in this line. Even Plato, "Sympos." p. 315, has
found some curious meaning in what, to us, appears to need no
explanation. Was there any heroic rule of etiquette which
prevented one brother-king visiting another without a formal
invitation?
Fresh water fowl, especially swans, were found in great numbers about the Asian Marsh, a fenny tract of country in Lydia, formed by the river Cayster, near its mouth. See Virgil, "Georgics," vol. i. 383, sq.
—Scamander, or Scamandros, was a river of Troas,
rising, according to Strabo, on the highest part of Mount Ida, in the
same hill with the Granicus and the OEdipus, and falling into the sea
at Sigaeum; everything tends to identify it with Mendere, as Wood,
Rennell, and others maintain; the Mendere is 40 miles long, 300 feet
broad, deep in the time of flood, nearly dry in the summer. Dr. Clarke
successfully combats the opinion of those who make the Scamander to
have arisen from the springs of Bounabarshy, and traces the source of
the river to the highest mountain in the chain of Ida, now Kusdaghy;
receives the Simois in its course; towards its mouth it is very muddy,
and flows through marshes. Between the Scamander and Simois, Homer's
Troy is supposed to have stood: this river, according to Homer, was
called Xanthus by the gods, Scamander by men. The waters of the
Scamander had the singular property of giving a beautiful colour to the
hair or wool of such animals as bathed in them; hence the three
goddesses, Minerva, Juno, and Venus, bathed there before they appeared
before Paris to obtain the golden apple: the name Xanthus, "yellow,"
was given to the Scamander, from the peculiar colour of its waters,
still applicable to the Mendere, the yellow colour of whose waters
attracts the attention of travellers.
It should be "his chest like Neptune." The torso of
Neptune, in the "Elgin Marbles," No. 103, (vol. ii. p. 26,) is
remarkable for its breadth and massiveness of development.
—"Paradise Lost," i. 27.
—"Gier. Lib." iv. 19.
THE CATALOGUE OF THE SHIPS. "The Catalogue is, perhaps, the
portion of the poem in favour of which a claim to separate authorship
has been most plausibly urged. Although the example of Homer has since
rendered some such formal enumeration of the forces engaged, a common
practice in epic poems descriptive of great warlike adventures, still
so minute a statistical detail can neither be considered as
imperatively required, nor perhaps such as would, in ordinary cases,
suggest itself to the mind of a poet. Yet there is scarcely any portion
of the Iliad where both historical and internal evidence are more
clearly in favour of a connection from the remotest period, with the
remainder of the work. The composition of the Catalogue, whensoever it
may have taken place, necessarily presumes its author's acquaintance
with a previously existing Iliad. It were impossible otherwise to
account for the harmony observable in the recurrence of so vast a
number of proper names, most of them historically unimportant, and not
a few altogether fictitious: or of so many geographical and
genealogical details as are condensed in these few hundred lines, and
incidentally scattered over the thousands which follow: equally
inexplicable were the pointed allusions occurring in this episode to
events narrated in the previous and subsequent text, several of which
could hardly be of traditional notoriety, but through the medium of the
Iliad."—Mure, "Language and Literature of Greece," vol. i. p. 263.
—Twice Sixty: "Thucydides observes that the Boeotian
vessels, which carried one hundred and twenty men each, were probably
meant to be the largest in the fleet, and those of Philoctetes,
carrying fifty each, the smallest. The average would be eighty-five,
and Thucydides supposes the troops to have rowed and navigated
themselves; and that very few, besides the chiefs, went as mere
passengers or landsmen. In short, we have in the Homeric descriptions
the complete picture of an Indian or African war canoe, many of
which are considerably larger than the largest scale assigned to those
of the Greeks. If the total number of the Greek ships be taken at
twelve hundred, according to Thucydides, although in point of fact
there are only eleven hundred and eighty-six in the Catalogue, the
amount of the army, upon the foregoing average, will be about a hundred
and two thousand men. The historian considers this a small force as
representing all Greece. Bryant, comparing it with the allied army at
Platae, thinks it so large as to prove the entire falsehood of the
whole story; and his reasonings and calculations are, for their
curiosity, well worth a careful perusal."—Coleridge, p. 211, sq.
The mention of Corinth is an anachronism, as that city was called Ephyre before its capture by the Dorians. But Velleius, vol. i. p. 3, well observes, that the poet would naturally speak of various towns and cities by the names by which they were known in his own time.
—"Paradise Lost," iv. 323.
—Æsetes' tomb. Monuments were often built on the
sea-coast, and of a considerable height, so as to serve as watch-towers
or land marks. See my notes to my prose translations of the "Odyssey,"
ii. p. 21, or on Eur. "Alcest." vol. i. p. 240.
—Zeleia, another name for Lycia. The inhabitants were
greatly devoted to the worship of Apollo. See Muller, "Dorians," vol.
i. p. 248.
—Barbarous tongues. "Various as were the dialects of
the Greeks—and these differences existed not only between the several
tribes, but even between neighbouring cities—they yet acknowledged in
their language that they formed but one nation were but branches of the
same family. Homer has 'men of other tongues:' and yet Homer had no
general name for the Greek nation."—Heeren, "Ancient Greece," Section
vii. p. 107, sq.
ARGUMENT.
THE DUEL OF MENELAUS AND PARIS.
The armies being ready to engage, a single combat is agreed upon between Menelaus and Paris (by the intervention of Hector) for the determination of the war. Iris is sent to call Helen to behold the fight. She leads her to the walls of Troy, where Priam sat with his counsellers observing the Grecian leaders on the plain below, to whom Helen gives an account of the chief of them. The kings on either part take the solemn oath for the conditions of the combat. The duel ensues; wherein Paris being overcome, he is snatched away in a cloud by Venus, and transported to his apartment. She then calls Helen from the walls, and brings the lovers together. Agamemnon, on the part of the Grecians, demands the restoration of Helen, and the performance of the articles.
The three-and-twentieth day still continues throughout this book. The scene is sometimes in the fields before Troy, and sometimes in Troy itself.
Lorenzo de Medici, in Roscoe's Life, Appendix.
See Cary's Dante: "Hell," canto v.
"Paradise Lost," book i. 559.
Dryden's Virgil, ii. 510.
Dysparis, i.e. unlucky, ill fated, Paris. This alludes to the evils which resulted from his having been brought up, despite the omens which attended his birth.
The following scene, in which Homer has contrived to introduce so brilliant a sketch of the Grecian warriors, has been imitated by Euripides, who in his "Phoenissae" represents Antigone surveying the opposing champions from a high tower, while the paedagogus describes their insignia and details their histories.
—No wonder, &c. Zeuxis, the celebrated artist, is said
to have appended these lines to his picture of Helen, as a motto. Valer
Max. iii. 7.
The early epic was largely occupied with the exploits and sufferings of women, or heroines, the wives and daughters of the Grecian heroes. A nation of courageous, hardy, indefatigable women, dwelling apart from men, permitting only a short temporary intercourse, for the purpose of renovating their numbers, burning out their right breast with a view of enabling themselves to draw the bow freely; this was at once a general type, stimulating to the fancy of the poet, and a theme eminently popular with his hearers. We find these warlike females constantly reappearing in the ancient poems, and universally accepted as past realities in the Iliad. When Priam wishes to illustrate emphatically the most numerous host in which he ever found himself included, he tells us that it was assembled in Phrygia, on the banks of the Sangarius, for the purpose of resisting the formidable Amazons. When Bellerophon is to be employed in a deadly and perilous undertaking, by those who prudently wished to procure his death, he is despatched against the Amazons.—Grote, vol. i p. 289.
—Antenor, like Æneas, had always been favourable to
the restoration of Helen. Liv 1. 2.
Merrick's "Tryphiodorus," 148, 99.
Duport, "Gnomol. Homer," p. 20, well observes that this
comparison may also be sarcastically applied to the frigid style
of oratory. It, of course, here merely denotes the ready fluency of
Ulysses.
—Her brothers' doom. They perished in combat with
Lynceus and Idas, whilst besieging Sparta. See Hygin. Poet Astr. 32,
22. Virgil and others, however, make them share immortality by turns.
Idreus was the arm-bearer and charioteer of king Priam, slain during this war. Cf. Æn, vi. 487.
—Scaea's gates, rather Scaean gates,
i.e. the left-hand gates.
This was customary in all sacrifices. Hence we find Iras descending to cut off the hair of Dido, before which she could not expire.
—Nor pierced.
Dryden's Virgil, ii. 742.
Reveal'd the queen.
Dryden's Virgil, i. 556.
—Cranae's isle, i.e. Athens. See the "Schol." and
Alberti's "Hesychius," vol. ii. p. 338. This name was derived from one
of its early kings, Cranaus.
ARGUMENT.
THE BREACH OF THE TRUCE, AND THE FIRST BATTLE.
The gods deliberate in council concerning the Trojan war: they agree upon the continuation of it, and Jupiter sends down Minerva to break the truce. She persuades Pandarus to aim an arrow at Menelaus, who is wounded, but cured by Machaon. In the meantime some of the Trojan troops attack the Greeks. Agamemnon is distinguished in all the parts of a good general; he reviews the troops, and exhorts the leaders, some by praises and others by reproof. Nestor is particularly celebrated for his military discipline. The battle joins, and great numbers are slain on both sides.
The same day continues through this as through the last book (as it does also through the two following, and almost to the end of the seventh book). The scene is wholly in the field before Troy.
—The martial maid. In the original, "Minerva
Alalcomeneis," i.e. the defender, so called from her temple at
Alalcomene in Boeotia.
"Anything for a quiet life!"
—Argos. The worship of Juno at Argos was very
celebrated in ancient times, and she was regarded as the patron deity
of that city. Apul. Met., vi. p. 453; Servius on Virg. Æn., i. 28.
—A wife and sister.
Dryden's "Virgil," i. 70.
So Apuleius, l. c. speaks of her as "Jovis germana et conjux,
and so Horace, Od. iii. 3, 64, "conjuge me Jovis et sorore."
—"Paradise Lost," iv. 555.
—Æsepus' flood. A river of Mysia, rising from Mount
Cotyius, in the southern part of the chain of Ida.
—Zelia, a town of Troas, at the foot of Ida.
—Podaleirius and Machaon are the leeches of the
Grecian army, highly prized and consulted by all the wounded chiefs.
Their medical renown was further prolonged in the subsequent poem of
Arktinus, the Iliou Persis, wherein the one was represented as
unrivalled in surgical operations, the other as sagacious in detecting
and appreciating morbid symptoms. It was Podaleirius who first noticed
the glaring eyes and disturbed deportment which preceded the suicide of
Ajax.
"Galen appears uncertain whether Asklepius (as well as Dionysus) was originally a god, or whether he was first a man and then became afterwards a god; but Apollodorus professed to fix the exact date of his apotheosis. Throughout all the historical ages the descendants of Asklepius were numerous and widely diffused. The many families or gentes, called Asklepiads, who devoted themselves to the study and practice of medicine, and who principally dwelt near the temples of Asklepius, whither sick and suffering men came to obtain relief—all recognized the god not merely as the object of their common worship, but also as their actual progenitor."—Grote vol. i. p. 248.
"Orlando Furioso," book 1.
—Well might I wish.
Dryden's Virgil, viii. 742.
—Sthenelus, a son of Capaneus, one of the Epigoni. He
was one of the suitors of Helen, and is said to have been one of those
who entered Troy inside the wooden horse.
—Forwarn'd the horrors. The same portent has already
been mentioned. To this day, modern nations are not wholly free from
this superstition.
—Sevenfold city, Boeotian Thebes, which had seven gates.
—As when the winds.
Dryden's Virgil, vii. 736.
—"Paradise Lost," iv. 986.
The Abantes seem to have been of Thracian origin.
I may, once for all, remark that Homer is most anatomically correct as to the parts of the body in which a wound would be immediately mortal.
—Ænus, a fountain almost proverbial for its coldness.
ARGUMENT.
THE ACTS OF DIOMED.
Diomed, assisted by Pallas, performs wonders in this day's battle. Pandarus wounds him with an arrow, but the goddess cures him, enables him to discern gods from mortals, and prohibits him from contending with any of the former, excepting Venus. Æneas joins Pandarus to oppose him; Pandarus is killed, and Æneas in great danger but for the assistance of Venus; who, as she is removing her son from the fight, is wounded on the hand by Diomed. Apollo seconds her in his rescue, and at length carries off Æneas to Troy, where he is healed in the temple of Pergamus. Mars rallies the Trojans, and assists Hector to make a stand. In the meantime Æneas is restored to the field, and they overthrow several of the Greeks; among the rest Tlepolemus is slain by Sarpedon. Juno and Minerva descend to resist Mars; the latter incites Diomed to go against that god; he wounds him, and sends him groaning to heaven.
The first battle continues through this book. The scene is the same as in the former.
Compare Tasso, Gier. Lib., xx. 7:
Dryden's Virgil ii. 408.
—From mortal mists.
"Paradise Lost," xi. 411.
—The race of those.
Dryden's Virgil, vii. 386, sqq.
The belief in the existence of men of larger stature in earlier times, is by no means confined to Homer.
—Such stream, i.e. the ichor, or blood of the
gods.
"Paradise Lost," vi. 339.
This was during the wars with the Titans.
—Amphitryon's son, Hercules, born to Jove by Alcmena,
the wife of Amphitryon.
—Ægiale daughter of Adrastus. The Cyclic poets (See
Anthon's Lempriere, s. v.) assert Venus incited her to
infidelity, in revenge for the wound she had received from her
husband.
—Pherae, a town of Pelasgiotis, in Thessaly.
—Tlepolemus, son of Hercules and Astyochia. Having left
his native country, Argos, in consequence of the accidental murder
of Liscymnius, he was commanded by an oracle to retire to Rhodes. Here
he was chosen king, and accompanied the Trojan expedition. After his
death, certain games were instituted at Rhodes in his honour, the
victors being rewarded with crowns of poplar.
These heroes' names have since passed into a kind of
proverb, designating the oi polloi or mob.
—Spontaneous open.
—"Paradise Lost," v. 250.
—"Paradise Lost," vi, 2.
—Far as a shepherd. "With what majesty and pomp does
Homer exalt his deities! He here measures the leap of the horses by the
extent of the world. And who is there, that, considering the exceeding
greatness of the space would not with reason cry out that 'If the
steeds of the deity were to take a second leap, the world would want
room for it'?"—Longinus, Section 8.
"No trumpets, or any other instruments of sound, are used in the Homeric action itself; but the trumpet was known, and is introduced for the purpose of illustration as employed in war. Hence arose the value of a loud voice in a commander; Stentor was an indispensable officer... In the early Saracen campaigns frequent mention is made of the service rendered by men of uncommonly strong voices; the battle of Honain was restored by the shouts and menaces of Abbas, the uncle of Mohammed," &c.—Coleridge, p. 213.
Merrick's "Tryphiodorus," vi. 761, sq.
—Paeon seems to have been to the gods, what Podaleirius and
Machaon were to the Grecian heroes.
ARGUMENT.
THE EPISODES OF GLAUCUS AND DIOMED, AND OF HECTOR AND ANDROMACHE.
The gods having left the field, the Grecians prevail. Helenus, the chief augur of Troy, commands Hector to return to the city, in order to appoint a solemn procession of the queen and the Trojan matrons to the temple of Minerva, to entreat her to remove Diomed from the fight. The battle relaxing during the absence of Hector, Glaucus and Diomed have an interview between the two armies; where, coming to the knowledge, of the friendship and hospitality passed between their ancestors, they make exchange of their arms. Hector, having performed the orders of Helenus, prevails upon Paris to return to the battle, and, taking a tender leave of his wife Andromache, hastens again to the field.
The scene is first in the field of battle, between the rivers Simois and Scamander, and then changes to Troy.
—Arisbe, a colony of the Mitylenaeans in Troas.